Threads from "An Old English Tapestry"

'Edulfings entry' "Encyclopædia of National Biography"
Extracts on ‘The Edulfings’ from Winifred Holme (ed.), The Encyclopædia of National Biography, Sixth Edition (Winchester: King Alfred College Press, 1979.)
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This article is about the main branch of the family which holds the earldom of Bamburgh. For various collateral branches see articles on the Allerdales, the Bulmers, the Lumleys and the Swintons.

The Edulfings take their name from Eadwulf, the first high reeve and ealdorman of Bamburgh during the time of the great Alfred. This makes the Edulfings the second family of the Commonwealth – although the Edulfings prefer to be known as Idings which would make them the first family. Unfortunately for the Edulfings, the various pedigrees peddling descent from Oessa (grandfather of Ida ‘the Flamebearer fl.547-59) cannot be substantiated. Indeed one could argue that their descent back to Eadwulf is tenuous. However this is neither the time nor place for that discussion.

The Edulfings have held a near monopoly on the Bamburgh title but their hereditary claims are always tempered by the fact that appointments and titles are the gift and prerogative of the crown. Said prerogative has been exercised on more than one occasion against the Edulfings and other earlish families. The Edulfings, unlike those other earlish families, have a tenacity that is remarkable. Such is their power and prestige that outsider earls have to come to some understanding. Often this involves violence, namely the murder of members of the family and associated kin; or the other earlish families – such as the Dunbar’s (Dunkeld) and Huntington’s (Siward) – emphasize their kinship even though it is through female descent.
<snip>…
The tenure of Oswulf II (fl.1065-90) was characterised by the rebuilding of trust with the crown – understandable given the murder of at least three family members in the previous fifty years at court (or under safe conduct). Dating from Oswulf II’s tenure is also …
<snip>…
The tenures of Ligulf I (fl.1095-1110) and Uhtred II (fl.1110-36) saw continuing close relations with the crown which resulted in Uhtred II marrying one of the many natural daughters of King Edward IV ‘the Able’.
…<snip>…
Eadwulf VI ‘the Pious’ (1111-66) was a somewhat impetuous man full of self-loathing – especially his descent from a (regal) bastard – and upon assuming the powers of earl immediately built a convent at Hulne and deposited his own sister, two natural sisters, four natural cousins, and later a natural daughter inside. The saying “he built a prison and called it a nunnery” stems …
<snip>…
It is said that Waltheof II (1139-92) became known as ‘the Bloody’ from the revenge he wreaked upon the Scots following the death of his brother and for which he was rewarded with the earldom of Northumbria, the first person to hold it in over one hundred years. However it is believed he first earned the epithet by murdering his uncle…


Abbreviations used on family tree: fl. = floruit (flourished) d. = died m. = murdered
 

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"The Great Chronicle" 1098/99
Extract from Merefin Swanton (ed.), The Great Chronicle Vol. 20: St Wærburh’s Recension, (Grantbridge: Grantbridge University Press, 2010).

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1098(cont): And here the remains of St Milburga[1] were discovered the week following Michaelmas; the relics were translated to the priory church of Wenlock by Bishop Blæcman on the saints feast day[2].

1099: Here in this year on 17 February Sigferth of St Ethelreda’s passed away and the monks chose Æthelric[3].

And in this year the lustrum synod convened on the Feast of St Wulfilda[4]. Gregory confirmed Urban’s recognition of the church in England[5]. Gregory also restated the Church's rejection of hereditary claims to a prebend and the prohibition of any women in a clerical household unless they were relatives. This caused much consternation amongst many of the clergy. And Gregory and the council filled the empty Welsh seats; Gwasdwyn was set in place at Bangor[6], and Caradoc, a holy and religious man, was set in place at St Asaph[7]. A little earlier the ætheling Æthelred[8] and Wigod[9] of Mercia and Owain[10] the kings thegn travelled into Roose and […][11]

Also in this year, on the Feast of St Martin the sea overflowed the shore and did so much damage as no-one remembered it ever before; and there was a new moon on the same day[12].

Here Rythmarch[13] bishop in Menevia departed on 22 December and Wilfrid[14] succeeded to that seat.

Jerusalem liberated[15].

Paschal succeeds to St Peter’s[16].

And here at Christmas, the celebrator of English saints Joscelin[17], arrived at St Wærburh’s. This surprised us greatly for he was not expected until after March – an agitated Abbot Earnwig had told us as much when he returned from Clifton Hoo by way of Wenlock; although the agitation stemmed more from our daughter house having translated their saintly relics before us and the fact that it was no longer our daughter house but an independent abbey rather than Brother Joscelin being absent for the translation. Abbot Earnwig was somewhat consoled that our shrine was to be a more elaborate resting place and that the translation ceremony was to be a much larger affair[18]. The good abbot consigned our brother monk to the care of Wulf[19] and me.


[1] A Mercian princess said to be the founding abbess of a double monastery at Wenlock c.690. She died in 727.

[2] The double monastery had at some point in time given way to a church with secular clerks. Earnwig I (d.1115), Abbot of Chester 1090-1114 had been invited c.1095 to set up a dependent house by two of the canons at Wenlock. The relics of St Milburga had been discovered during repairs of the ruined church of the Holy Trinity. Blæcman (d.1125), a monk previously of Westminster had succeeded to the bishopric of Lichfield in 1097. The translation ceremony took place immediately after the consecration of the new abbey church of St Milburga’s on 23 February 1099.

[3] Sigferth, Abbot of Ely 1074-99 was succeeded by the provost of the abbey, Æthelric (d.1118).

[4] The Feast of St Wulfilda is on 9 September and is the opening day of the general assembly which convenes every five years at Clifton Hoo.

[5] Pope Urban II (c.1035-99) made a quid pro quo agreement with Edgar II on mutual recognition. Once Edgar had arrived in the Holy Land, Urban was to receive the English church back into the fold including those bishops ordained by Antipope Clement III (c.1029-1100). Cardinal deacon Gregorio Papareschi (d.1143), once an adherent of Antipope Clement III, was an astute choice as papal legate for he continued his mission even after learning of Urban’s death on 29 July.

[6] Bangor had been vacant since the death of Bishop Revedun in 1092. Gwasdwyn (d.1115) had been a priest of Lannelli in Deheubarth.

[7] It is unknown how long St Asaph had been vacant. Caradawg I (d.1118) had been a monk at the abbey of Caerwent in Wentshire.

[8] Æthelred (1074-1103).

[9] Wigod (d.1136) was the third and youngest son of Earl Morcar (d.1105) of Mercia.

[10] Owain ab Edwin ap Gronwy (d.1105) was the Lord of Engelfield.

[11] Missing. Presumably the expedition into Rhos (and Rhufoniog) is connected with the fact that one of its ‘leading men’, Hywel ab Ithel (d.1117), took ship for Ireland.

[12] The Feast of St Martin is 11 November. However Æthelwold in History of Not So Recent Events states the event occurred on 3 November. Adding to the confusion, the new moon that month happened on 15 November.

[13] Rhygyfarch (1056-99), bishop of St Davids.

[14] Griffri (d.1114), archdeacon of Cardigan.

[15] The forces of the First Crusade took Jerusalem on 20 January. Interpolation.

[16] Paschal II (c.1050-1118) became Pope on 13 August. Interpolation.

[17] Goscelin (d.1107), formerly a monk of St Bertin’s at St Omer in Flanders, is famous for the many lives of English saints that he wrote. Goscelin was resident at Sherborne for many years where, besides being part of Bishop Hermann’s retinue, he was also chaplain to the nunnery at Wilton. Upon the death of his ‘patron’ in 1078, he became an itinerant hagiographer before settling at Canterbury (St Augustine’s) c.1092.

[18] Goscelin was known for visiting the places associated with saints when writing their lives. Thus he was at Wenlock to write a life of St Milburga however he was expected to miss the translation of St Wærburh on her feast day of 3 February 1100. The Candlemas Witan was held in Chester that year hence Abbot Earnwig’s consolation that the translation of St Wærburh was to be a larger affair. King Alfred College Press and Oxford University Press are collaborating on a forthcoming collection of Goscelin’s hagiographies which will include the Vita et translatio S. Wærburga.

[19] Wulfward I (c.1067-1132) was the sacristan and later abbot of Chester.
 
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Random Page 3 "History of English Diplomacy"
Extract from Erik Hood, History of English Diplomacy, (Stamford: Stamford University Press, 1967).
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The Duchy of Flanders

The Duchy[1] of Flanders was central to English strategic engagement with continental Europe from the mid-twelfth century onwards. Yet relations between the two had not always been cordial. From the zenith of Baldwin II marrying the great Alfred’s daughter Ælfthryth, by the time of Edward III it is safe to say Anglo-Flemish relations had reached their nadir.
The ‘Confessor’, in response to arequest from the Roman Emperor Heinrich III, had set up a naval blockade of Flanders in 1049 in the emperor’s dispute with his ‘vassal’ Baldwin V[2]. Once that dispute was settled Baldwin V offered refuge to various English exiles – Earl Godwine in 1051-2, Hereward ‘the Outlaw’ from 1062-72 and Earl Tostig in 1065-6. Changes in rulers did littleto alter this pattern, for example, Wigot of Wallingford was given refuge by Baldwin VI in 1068-9 after being exiled by Edgar II. Relations were further complicated by the fact that many Flemings[3] had joined William II of Normandy’s invasion in 1066 and later with England and Flanders being on opposing sides for much of the investiture controversy 1073-1250.
Despite this bad blood cross-channel contact continued, mainly through trade which increased exponentially. The demand by the cloth towns of Flanders for the high-quality raw wool produced by the English was insatiable[4]. London had been the home to a small community of Flemish merchants since Æthelred II’s time[5] and the wealth generated by the wool trade from 1075 onwards saw not only an increase in their numbers but a spread in their locations – Ipswich in 1076, Norwich in 1078, (Bishop’s) Lynn in 1081, Kendal in 1081, York in 1086, Lincoln in 1090 and Gloucester in 1091[6]. This was reciprocated with the establishment of small English trading posts at Bruges in 1080, St Omer in 1081, Lille in 1089 and Arras in 1095.
A smaller avenue of cross-channel contact was through the church. Foulcard, a monk from St Omer had become abbot of Thorney and there was a constant trickle of monks from St Omer or Arras or Ghent to English monasteries and of Canterbury or Winchester monks to Flemish monasteries[7]. It must be noted that a high proportion of this ecclesiastical contact was also concerned with the wool trade, for example, the establishment of the Cuthbertine monastery at Koksijde in 1107 had more to do with sheep rearing than any other reason.
In 1080, Edmund Haroldson married Adela, Robert I’s daughter. Although Edgar II had not sanctioned the marriage of his senior ambassador, he rapidly gave it his blessing much to the consternation of Archbishop Wulfstan I of Canterbury and, if the archbishop’s letter is taken at face value, Magnus, Edmund’s younger brother[8]. Wulfstan (and Magnus) reminded Edgar II of the recent past, specifically Tostig’s marriage to Judith, Baldwin V’s sister. The marriage eventually gave rise to the legend that Edmund and Adela led the rapprochement of the English church and the papacy following the Council of Clermont by asking Adela’s brother Robert II to arrange a meeting between Pope Urban II and Edgar II[9]. Demonstrably false the legend nonetheless was a useful fiction in building closer relations between England and Flanders. A much more important series of marriages took place in 1111.

[1] Historically a county until 1178, duchy is used throughout for reasons of simplification.

[2] See entry under that year in Earle (ed.), Two Great Chronicles Parallel.

[3] Some have argued that Baldwin V as co-regent of France should have prevented William II’s invasion which perhaps overstates the power wielded by Baldwin. No doubt that he was constrained by familial ties but his actions seem to suggest that he believed (correctly) that the invasion was doomed to failure. And while contemporary Flemish chroniclers condemned the act of aggression, the fact remains that many Flemings fought (and died) in William II’s adventure.

[4] Exact figures do not exist. If estate memoranda from two of the Earl of Essex’s Suffolk manors are any indication, between 1070 and 1090, the number of sheep raised increased between three and four-fold – Clare from 60 to 320 and Thaxted from 200 to 480; that is from 260lbs to 800lbs of wool – all of it bound for Ipswich. However, one needs to be cautious in further generalizing as data from two manors is hardly representative of the entire country. See Edith Fleming, “Some thoughts on the East Anglian economy 1100-1500”, English Historical Review, (vol. 56, no. 1, 1952).

[5] See the Billingsgate toll in David Tewdor (ed.), The English Legal Tradition, Vol. 1, (Grantbridge: Grantbridge University Press, 1900)

[6] Charters issued by Edwin II dated c.1167 guaranteeing the merchants trading privileges are extant for London and Ipswich. These charters confirm privileges granted Tempore Regis Eadgari and note the existence of a headquarters/lodgings in both cities. See Tewdor (ed.), The English Legal Tradition: Miscellaneous Documents. The Flemish communities in the other locations seem to be seasonal except those in Kendal, Lincoln and Hereford (1082) which were not purely commercial in nature.

[7] Galbert van Brugge, a clerk and notary in Bruges, was inspired by a copy of The Great Chronicle to produce something similar – his Kronyk (c.1125-29) was the first literary work in the Flemish vernacular. Galbert was also the first to advance the argument that Flanders was the real victor of William II of Normandy’s failed invasion.

[8] See Wulfstan’s letter to Edgar in Braddock (ed.), Epistolae Ecclesia Anglicana, Vol. 2. Edgar’s reply, if there was one, has not survived. That Edgar never raised Edmund to the rank of earl may suggest he disapproved of the marriage.

[9] E. A. Frigmann, Edmund ‘the Grim’, (Oxford: Woodstock Press, 1877). The rapprochement was made through the efforts of Bishops Ælfgar II of Norwich and Osgood I of Rochester and Abbot Lambert of St Omer and Bishop Lambert I of Arras. Edgar and Urban never met.
 
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Excellent! I sympathise with your formatting problems. If there were ever a dead trees version of this I'd happily buy it in hardback. :)
 
"The Great Chronicle" 1100
Extract from Merefin Swanton (ed.), The Great Chronicle Vol. 20: St Wærburh’s Recension, (Grantbridge: Grantbridge University Press, 2010).

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1100: Joscelin spent the first twelve days of Christmas closeted with Wulf learning about St. Wærburh and the week following trying to convince the good abbot, Wulf and me that goose feathers should be sold to the faithful as proof of having made the pilgrimage to St. Wærburh’s shrine[1]. As the Feast of the Presentation approached, Joscelin sought my company and I spent hours answering his questions about Aldwin, Stephen and the Cuthbertines. More strangely I also spent hours telling him of my time as a soldier and companion of the king.

Two days before the feast he asked if I knew Alnoth[2]? I answered only by reputation and that we had both fought in the army of the king at Carlisle. Joscelin looked disappointed until I mentioned that I knew ‘Wild’ Eadric[3], his father, better. “Is it true about the succubus?” he cried. I laughed and said, “You mean the story about his fairy bride?” “Yes, the succubus!” I laughed again and explained that Eadric liked to tell that story to explain his wife’s extraordinary beauty. “I’m surprised that story is still being told.” “People believe it. Leofa believes it.” I felt a chill run down my spine, “You mean Leofa the provost?” “Yes, the abbot. There was a falling out over some land not long after I got to St. Milburga’s. And those two priests[4]…” I knew from his time here as a monk that Leofa was an unscrupulous man. “I fear mischief…” Sweet Jesus, the æthelings and the better men of the kingdom were due in the city the next day. “…but I may have misunderstood.”

And it seemed as if Joscelin had misunderstood for both the witan and the translation ceremony passed without incident. Joscelin left for Canterbury not long after Whitsunday; but a story reappeared which had it that on that day at a certain village in Berkshire blood was seen to well up from the ground. “As many said who must have seen it,” said Abbot Earnwig on his return from Gloucester[5].

The good abbot’s return from the witan was quickly followed by the news that Edgar, my king, had died in the Holy Land[6].

Her Eadgar Cyng of þa Engliscan, did send his soul into God’s keeping,
ring-giver and leader of warriors, thirty four years a noble ruler,
proud Edward’s son, ruler of heroes, ruled Welsh and Scots, Angles and Saxons,
And in his time, the whole land, from one sea to the other,
was rich in men and wealth, so no man was in want or need,
Death took him in the Holy Land, He now fights alongside the angels.

Despite my grief I made the arduous journey to Winchester with Abbot Earnwig for the coronation. Once there we learnt more messages had been received from the Holy Land and that the king and his men had been killed through treachery. Grief and anger marred Edmund’s fair features as Archbishop Ælmær placed the crown upon his head[7]. The celebrations were a sombre affair and the Lammas Witan was filled with talk of making the Normans pay but no plans were laid. If King Edmund and his brothers desired revenge events soon conspired against that desire.

Not long after the good abbot and me returned to Chester rumours abounded that Alnoth had taken to the forests. A Cuthbertine from Alberbury[8] confirmed that Bishop Blæcman had excommunicated Alnoth and the shire moot had declared him wolfshead. I didn’t know the Cuthbertine that well but started to tell him the fairy bride tale was one born of a drink but was interrupted, “Abbot Leofa reported that the grave of the thegn’s mother was empty proving she was a demon!” My face must have reflected my shock for the young monk continued, “It gets worse brother, Alnoth’s kin, including the Lord of Broomfield[9], have joined him. There are fears of a Welsh attack so I ride for Preston to summon reinforcements.”
[10]


[1] Abbot Earnwig forbade the practice but after his retirement in 1114, Wulfgeat (c.1048-1117) introduced the custom of selling feathers from a ‘resurrected’ goose, which was so successful that Wulfward who originally agreed with Earnwig, had on his election as abbot in 1018 retained the custom.

[2] Ælfnoth of Wenlock (d.1117) was one of the greater thegns of Shropshire, who with his kin were, after Earl Morcar I (d.1105) of Mercia, the major lay benefactors of Wenlock.

[3] Eadric of Wenlock (d.1088) earned his epithet ‘the Wild’ from his fighting style. His wife Godda (d.1071) was no demon and died in childbirth. Æthelwold has more detail in History of Not So Recent Events.

[4] Leofa (d.1103), formerly the cellarer at Chester was successively the first provost 1096-99 then the first abbot 1099-1103 of Wenlock. The two priests were Godcild (d.1103) and Orderic (d.1119).

[5] The Whitsun Witan in Gloucester and the ‘welling’ of blood at Finchampstead were both on 26 May. See entry under the year 1098. The same phenomenon is reported in 1103.

[6] King Edgar II (1052-1100) was killed in a battle on the road between Jaffa and Jerusalem on 3 February.

[7] The coronation of the atheling Edmund (1069-1110) took place in Winchester on 1 August.

[8] A Cuthbertine priory in Shropshire. Halston, a grange of that priory was a gift of Eadric ‘the Wild’ and his cousin Siward (d.1097).

[9] Goronwy ‘Sais’ ap Tudor (d.1105) had married Æflnoth of Wenlock’s sister, Edith.

[10] The information in the Chester recension is essentially the same as found in any other version of The Great Chronicle, just written up differently. For example, the Gloucester recension reads:
Here in this year the relics of St Wærburh were translated with great ceremony. Here at Pentecost at a certain village in Berkshire blood was seen to well up from the earth, as many said who must have seen it. And in this year King Edgar was killed through treachery in the Holy Land.
Here King Edgar of the English, did send his soul into God’s keeping, / the ring-giver and leader of warriors, thirty four years a noble ruler, / proud Edward’s son, ruler of heroes, ruled Welsh and Scots, Angles and Saxons, / In his time, the whole land, from one sea to the other, / was rich in men and wealth, so no man was in want or need, / Death took him in the Holy Land, He now fights on the side of the angels.
Here the new church at St Peter’s [at Gloucester abbey] was consecrated [on 15 July] by the bishops of Worcester, Hereford and Wells. And here in this year Æthelmær of Canterbury consecrated Edmund king with great ceremony.
See Merefin Swanton and Audrey Barrow (eds.), The Great Chronicle Vol. 12: St Peter’s Recension, (Grantbridge: Grantbridge University Press, 2006).
 
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Does English experience in TTL's crusades spur (no pun intended, honest) greater development of cavalry in th English army?

On a totally unrelated note, maybe modern English ITTL sounds a bit like this.

https://anglish.fandom.com/wiki/Main_leaf

Thank you for the question. (And a bigger thank you for your continued interest.)

Cavalry: At this point in the timeline - say 1102 AD - there are very few English 'crusaders' left to transmit the English experience. Edgar II's army was a mounted army but not a cavalry army... Unfortunately one of the main proponents of cavalry, Harold of Hereford, was killed in battle along with Edgar and most of the English crusaders in March 1100.
However, while English cavalry forces will never be large, I do envisage them playing a decisive role in a few battles.

Anglish: Interesting link you provided. No doubt there will be a lot of similarity but loan words still have a place ITTL's vocabulary. I'm still grappling with this aspect - for example, to use the topic of your question, I suspect I should have been writing here (or maybe heer).
 
Random Page 4 "History of English Diplomacy"
Extract from Erik Hood, History of English Diplomacy, (Stamford: Stamford University Press, 1967).
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Kingdom of Denmark (2)


Discussion in the previous chapter concluded with Sweyn II’s death at the Battle of Riccall in August 1070. For the next fifty years relations between the two kingdoms was defined by the attitude taken to that battle. Whilst the English maintained a consistent policy, the Danish lurched between one extreme to the other depending on which member of the House of Estridsen held the throne.

Saint Harald III was a survivor of that battle and as Sweyn II’s oldest surviving son he ascended the throne in November. Harald III has a reputation of being somewhat of an Anglophile. This view stems from the assistance provided to the two Gytha’s[1] – respectively the mother and daughter of Harold II Godwineson – and the request for English monks[2]. Yet Harald III never renounced the Danish claim to the English throne and these two isolated acts must be seen in the context of contemporary Danish politics. No offensive actions were undertaken for the duration of his reign because he was beholden to his nobles; a conciliatory policy was the only option. The request for monks was a continuation of his father’s policy of trying to limit German influence in the Danish church.

Before the monks set sail for Denmark word was received of the death of Harald III in 1077. His assassin was also his successor in the form of the next oldest surviving son of Sweyn II. Bengt had a strong desire for revenge and was intent on pursuing a more belligerent policy. Although he backed Jarl Erik Hakonson’s ill-fated 1082 raid on the English south coast[3], Bengt’s desire for revenge ultimately proved unsuccessful due to the recalcitrance of his nobles. Of Bengt’s successor, his brother Oluf I, there is little to add beyond the fact that both England and Denmark supported Antipope Clement III[4].

The Danish struggle to break away from the influence of the archbishop of Bremen was given impetus upon the accession of Erik I ‘the Good’ who invited English Benedictine monks establish two abbeys. The first was Evesham’s daughter house at Odense in 1096 and the second, Canterbury (Christ Church)’s daughter cell at Ribe in 1097. The latter caused some ill feeling when it was dedicated to Saint Ælfheah but the incorporation of Harald III upon the latter’s canonisation in 1101 prevented any unpleasantness[5].

The advent of the First Crusade almost saw English and Danish fighting side by side for the first time since the reign of Cnut I. The rumoured joint expedition never materialised due to the impatience (and aversion of serving under an English king) of the Danish leader Sweyn. The feeling of Christian brotherhood that was associated with the First Crusade probably accounts for coronation gift sent by Erik I ‘the Good’ to Edmund III[6] – Erik I had lost his brother and Edmund III his father – for Erik I never renounced the Danish claim to the English crown. And while Erik I was on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, his brothers Ubbe and Niels launched an attack on East Anglia which failed miserably and effectively ended any Danish pretense to England[7]. A situation that was acknowledged with the death of the last Estridsen, Sweyn III in 1113, and the accession of Erik I’s son, Cnut IV.

[1] See entry under the year 1073 in Earle (ed.), Two Great Chronicles Parallel.
[2] Holberg (ed.), Danmarks Riges Krønike.
[3] See entry under that year in Earle (ed.), Two Great Chronicles Parallel.
[4] See Ælfgar Reód’s letter to Wulfstan in Braddock (ed.), Epistolae Ecclesia Anglicana, Vol. 2.
[5] Holberg (ed.), Danmarks Riges Krønike. Indeed the ‘Life of Harald’ written by Thorold, the English provost of Ribe, was crucial to securing the canonisation of Denmark’s royal saint.
[6] Two Norwegian hawks according to Æthelwold in his History of Not So Recent Events.
[7] See entry under the year 1103 in Earle (ed.), Two Great Chronicles Parallel.
 
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Nice to see a TL with some realism injected (nobles limiting the ability of kings to pursue the policies they want) - there are too many TLs which fall into the trap of 'I want, I get' for kings.
I should have said (typed) this earlier: your use of ITTL references in the footnotes is very clever - they give a sense of a much bigger world (in the sense of 'more developed').
[pedantry] I think you mean 'Anglophile' here: 'Harald III has a reputation of being somewhat of an Anglophone.' [/pedantry]
 
Nice to see a TL with some realism injected (nobles limiting the ability of kings to pursue the policies they want) - there are too many TLs which fall into the trap of 'I want, I get' for kings.
I should have said (typed) this earlier: your use of ITTL references in the footnotes is very clever - they give a sense of a much bigger world (in the sense of 'more developed').
[pedantry] I think you mean 'Anglophile' here: 'Harald III has a reputation of being somewhat of an Anglophone.' [/pedantry]

Thank you for commenting.
And your pedantry is welcome. Someone's got to spot my errors as my proofreader is doing a lousy job :rolleyes:. Fixed.
Cheers.:)
 
"The Great Chronicle" 1101
Extract from Merefin Swanton (ed.), The Great Chronicle Vol. 20: St Wærburh’s Recension, (Grantbridge: Grantbridge University Press, 2010).

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1101: In this year Edmund the king wore his crown and held his court in Westminster for Christmas[1]; then in Hereford for Easter; then in Chester for the Pentecost; then in Winchester for Christmas.

Here passed away Eastmure, abbot of Wentchester, who was abbot for twenty-seven years less five weeks[2]; the monks could not agree upon a successor and sent to Herewald The monks of SS Stephen and Tathan were divided; the Welsh monks did not want an English abbot and the English monks did not want a Welsh abbot. They sent to Bishop Herewald[3] who, upon the advice of Bishop Æthelred[4], summoned the learned Walcher who was a German and he was consecrated on St Osburh’s day[5].

And here at Easter, Osmer[6] succeeded to the bishopric at Rochester.

Here at Pentecost, Edward[7] plead for his cousin at the witena gemot but Bishop Blæcman affirmed Alnoth’s excommunication and King Edmund supported his sheriff Goodliffe[8], and the bishop. And Edward took his men and went to join his cousin in the woods.

And the Lammas Witan was cancelled due to the fire at Gloucester. Here Eadmund, king in Scotland, passed away on 3 August in Edwinsburh and is buried there. And Ethelred became king his brother became king in Scotland as was his right but Duncan his half-brother raised a raiding land-army and came to St. Johnstown; there a great slaughter was made and Duncan held the place of slaughter. Ethelred, with Alexander his brother and Cathroe[9] the bishop retreated fled to Edwinsburh […][10]

and it was then Cadduugaun[11] of the North Welsh turned from harrying the South Welsh and struck at Hereford on the Feast of Saint Edmund. The burh held firmly against them; and there was killed Edward[12], Earl Ralph’s brother and Osbern[13] the sheriff.


[1] Christmas 1100.

[2] The scribe is mistaken in ascribing an abbotship of twenty-seven years. Eastmær (d.30 January 1101), formerly a monk of Gloucester became the second provost of Caerwent in early 1074 following the slaughter there in 1073. When that daughter house of Gloucester became independent in 1092 Eastmær became its first abbot.

[3] Herewald (d.1103) of Llandaff.

[4] Æthelred I (d.1109) of Worcester.

[5] Walcher (d.1135), a monk originally from Lotharingia who settled in England in 1091. This important scholar was resident at Westminster until he became the abbot of Caerwent on 30 March.

[6] Osmær (d.1128), a former chaplain of Edgar II and the younger brother of Osgood I (d.1100), the previous bishop of Rochester who died in the Holy Land.

[7] Edward (d.1114), one of the greater thegns, and formerly sheriff, of Shropshire, was Ælnoth of Wenlock’s third cousin. Edward was also a fourth cousin of the king, Edmund III.

[8] Godleof (d.1103) was the brother of the Wenlock priest Godcild and had succeeded Edward as sheriff of Shropshire in early 1100.

[9] Cathroe (d.1106), bishop of St Andrews.

[10] The lower part of the page in the manuscript has been torn off removing approximately seven lines from the folio recto but, seemingly, none from the folio verso. Due to the uniqueness of this recension one cannot reconstruct the contents. But a reasonable speculation based on other recensions suggest Wulfgeat wrote about Edmund III leading an English army into Scotland, relieving the siege at Edwinsburh and the inconclusive November battle at Lithgow before shifting back to events in Wales. Both the Winchester (St Swithins) and Dunholm recensions of The Great Chronicle have the most extensive entries on the Scottish events.

[11] Cadwgan ap Bleddyn (d.1111), Prince of Gwynedd and Powys.

[12] Edward of Hereford (c.1083-20 November 1101) was the second son of Earl Harold I. His brother, Earl Ralph II (c.1082-1139) was on campaign in Scotland with the king.

[13] Osbern fitzRichard (d.20 November 1101) was a long-term sheriff of Herefordshire.
 
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Nice to have another update to end the week with. The happenings in Scotland seem a bit reminiscent of OTL Macbeth / Malcolm III - I guess that was the intention? (If not, well done to your subconscious ;) .) Colour me intrigued anyway...
 
Nice to have another update to end the week with. The happenings in Scotland seem a bit reminiscent of OTL Macbeth / Malcolm III - I guess that was the intention? (If not, well done to your subconscious ;) .) Colour me intrigued anyway...

Thank you - I have no idea how my subconscious maybe influencing what I write. IF TTL happenings re the successions to Malcolm III are reminiscent of the OTL Macbeth/Malcolm III struggle then I guess it's because the OTL successions to Malcolm III were... that is bloody internecine warfare aided and abetted by the English/Normans.
 
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Dragon_banner.jpg


This is the Dragon Banner of Wessex/England as depicted in the Bayeux Tapestry.

1581876038140.png


This is a modern representation of the Dragon Banner. I think it is fairly accurate lineal descendant of the banner carried by the English at Hastings. Yet I have seen it argued - admittedly in a very old post by @Thande in a very old thread - that it would be incorrect to use this modern Dragon Banner as an English flag because
That's a wyvern not a dragon though. Wessex used a wyvern, England as a whole used a dragon.
Yet wyvern only came to be used to distinguish between two-legged (wyvern) and four-legged (dragon) beasts with the advent of modern heraldry. That is after the Norman Conquest. In a TL with no Norman conquest, would such a distinction be made? Thoughts?

@Thande , @The Professor , @FriendlyGhost
 
I tend to the view that some distinctions in heraldry and vexillology come about because of very good reasons which will probably be repeated in most TLs (for example something like the rule of tincture) whereas others come about for essentially random reasons which can be safely ignored in an ATL (for example the different symbols for cadency markings). The wyvern/dragon difference, in my opinion, falls into the latter group. Most wyvern flags/banners morphed over the years into dragon flags/banners - including most (all?) the Welsh representations. Also, dragons are described in various myths with varying numbers of legs (four, two or zero) and so, since myths are malleable based on the beliefs/location/history/politics/etc of people telling them, there's no reason why an ATL with a PoD prior to the OTL wyvern/dragon difference arising needs to keep this distinction or, conversely, to discard it. This is, in my opinion, something that's entirely within the author's gift.
 
I tend to the view that some distinctions in heraldry and vexillology come about because of very good reasons which will probably be repeated in most TLs (for example something like the rule of tincture) whereas others come about for essentially random reasons which can be safely ignored in an ATL (for example the different symbols for cadency markings). The wyvern/dragon difference, in my opinion, falls into the latter group. Most wyvern flags/banners morphed over the years into dragon flags/banners - including most (all?) the Welsh representations. Also, dragons are described in various myths with varying numbers of legs (four, two or zero) and so, since myths are malleable based on the beliefs/location/history/politics/etc of people telling them, there's no reason why an ATL with a PoD prior to the OTL wyvern/dragon difference arising needs to keep this distinction or, conversely, to discard it. This is, in my opinion, something that's entirely within the author's gift.
I completely agree with this.
 
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