The Silver Knight, a Lithuania Timeline

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It became worst and worst everyday for France the only solution would be to ask for a peace now seen they are still in advantage.
But would both Germania accept ? and how Lithuania would react ? And if they get an harsh peace they myth of Stabbed in the Back could happen.
Argh i fear that France will enormously suffer. Lithuania will surely exploded shame i loved this empire :'(

But Great timeline that keep me out of breath. you make good work.
 
Wouldn't it be Edward XI Plantagenet? I mean, the Yorkists and Lancastrians both considered themselves Plantagenets.

Anyways, I had personally thought it would be glorious Britannia joining the fray. Though can someone remind me of the situation in Ireland ITTL? Also, if they aren't rejecting industrialisation why are their weapons still that outdated? Surely they're going to be hounding after France and keeping relatively up-to-date there even if they do so at the cost of civilian industry?

And such destruction of the uncouth elements of my Anglish speech bring warmth to mine own heart.
 
Wouldn't it be Edward XI Plantagenet? I mean, the Yorkists and Lancastrians both considered themselves Plantagenets.

Anyways, I had personally thought it would be glorious Britannia joining the fray. Though can someone remind me of the situation in Ireland ITTL? Also, if they aren't rejecting industrialisation why are their weapons still that outdated? Surely they're going to be hounding after France and keeping relatively up-to-date there even if they do so at the cost of civilian industry?

And such destruction of the uncouth elements of my Anglish speech bring warmth to mine own heart.
...Ah, thank you, yes it would be Plantagenet then.

The situation in Scotland and Ireland is briefly explained in the special chapter about Britannia here. As for the obsolescence, well, the Puritans may not be completely rejecting modern technology, but they are still distrusting of it. The fact that Britannia has been a closed-off nation hostile to foreign investment during most of it's existence (and it still is in most aspects) doesn't help, either.
 
I've been playing a lot of Civ 5 recently, so I decided to make this:

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Lithuania (Albertas Jogaila)

Unique Ability: Furor Sarmaticus (All mounted units may move after attacking and pillage at no movement cost. Gain +1 Culture from military buildings)

Unique Unit: Light Cavalry (Replaces Lancer. -15% Production cost, -3 Defense Strength, +2 Movement, when compared to Lancer)

Unique Building: Outpost (Replaces Armory. Along with standard bonuses, it decreases the Culture cost of acquiring new tiles in the city by 25%)
 
Chapter 72: Armageddon, pt. 4
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Part 72: Armageddon, pt. 4 (May-Nov 1914)
If in 1911, it looked like this war was going to be a field day for the Entente Cordiale, then in 1914, the tides seemed to have turned. One major member of the Entente had already sued for peace and collapsed into a brutal civil war, and outside of a few assorted minors, the only two nations left in the alliance were France and Lithuania, and they were not doing too well. One was nearing an economic, political and military collapse, the other was besieged from all sides, but while the French were sticking to their guts and hoping to fight until the end, sweet or bitter, the Lithuanian morale was wavering. Even the ethnic Lithuanians, who didn't really have separatist aspirations to boot, were losing hope in the possibility of winning the war. The people hoped for the Emperor to show his wisdom and save the Empire before it is completely dismantled, but those hopes were not doing too well, either... That's not even talking about the Ruthenians and Russians, the former accepted the Grand Duchy of the Krajina with open arms and the latter, though disappointed with the Ruthenian nationalist creation that was the Krajina, were arming to take the fight to the surface.

While this was taking place, the Baltic-Adriatic Coalition saw an opportunity to break the stalemate that has been the Western Front for the last three years. French defenses in the Netherlands were getting weak, and with Britannia's entrance into the war, fresh British reserves and arriving Visegradian reinforcements bolstered the German troops enough that a real breakthrough no longer seemed infeasible. The assembled force of Germans, Hungarians, Bohemians, Poles, Brits and a small detachment of Swedes was sometimes affectionately called the Six-Nation Army, and it faced two French armies and one Dutch army in a series of battles for the control of Holland, the heartland of the Netherlands, and their main strategic objective being a foothold on the left bank of the Rhine. While the "Six-Nation Army" faced a number of problems, especially regarding language barriers and the problems with centralized command, they faced opponents that were arguably even more disorganized. The morale of the Dutch were high, they were fighting on home soil, but the French troops were mostly fresh recruits, as the experienced regulars were drawn away and sent to the meatgrinder that was the Mainz perimeter. What followed were some of the longest battles in the history of the Western Front, some taking up to four months to complete, mostly due to many mistakes being made by both sides, but in the end, the Coalition stood victorious. By November, German armies were landing on the Zeeland archipelago and drawing closer to the temporary capital of Antwerpen. A foothold on the left bank of the Rhine had been acquired. Spain also committed to a number of offensives around this time, which were moderately successful in that they allowed the nation to retake most of Roussillon and some of French Basque Country, but they came at a high cost, both in men and equipment.

The success of the Six-Nation Army reinvigorated the debate on intervention in the Great European War in Italy, which had been fanned during the last two years. The Italian Confederation may have been proclaimed "eternally neutral" in the 19th century, but both the Entente and the Coalition paid little attention to that fact and hoped to sway the republic into their side. If Italy joined either side, it would certainly have tipped the scales - after the beginning of the conflict, it mobilized under the idea of "armed neutrality" to keep it's independence secure, and by 1914, it boasted a strong and professional army, backed by one of the strongest lines of mountain fortifications across the whole planet. Red-wing politicians in the Italian Convention campaigned for a strike against France in order to acquire the Aosta Valley, Savoy and beyond, as well as give Italy a seat at the peace table, while the Republican Democrats, a pro-French party, pointed at Tyrol and Dalmatia and pushed their country to attack the Coalition. However, despite this shaking from both sides, the consensus in Italy remained strong - our nation is neutral and must remain that way, joining either side would not only be a hassle, but also cost thousands of deaths for little gain, and unless we are attacked, we must keep up our current stance.

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German troops resting in Zeeland

Fortune followed the Coalition not just on the West, but also on the Eastern Front. Advancing Visegradian troops were quick to note that the morale among Lithuanian soldiers had fallen to a new low. Many of them, sometimes even entire units, would desert and surrender on contact, while the condition of the enemies remaining in the fight was very poor. This was the perfect situation for a major breakthrough, perhaps even a rush to Vilnius to knock Lithuania out of the fight completely, but the General Staff decided against blind attacks. Lithuania may be weak, but it was not yet defeated, and Visegradian advances in Ruthenia had created a massive salient that the enemy could exploit if it was extended further. In addition, the condition of the army of the United Kingdom was nothing to write home about, either, the three years had taken their toll. Instead, the Visegradians moved to strengthen their positions and advance only to take strategically important objectives. They reached the Dnieper and crossed it along it's mouth, while in the north, a number of offensives helped strengthen the perimeter around Kiev, enough for the Council of the Krajina to move there in August.

The Legion of Archangel Michael was officially disbanded in July of 1914 and most of it's leadership, including General Alexei Krutov, who was reported to have joined the Russian underground organizations in Lithuania along with followers, were declared persona non grata by the Visegradian government. The role of the Legion was replaced by the Army of the Grand Duchy of the Krajina, a regular military of Visegrad's new puppet state. It saw it's baptism in fire in the Battle of Poltava, where 6 000 Krajina soldiers attacked superior Lithuanian positions on the left bank of the Dnieper. Despite initial successes, the Ruthenian military was defeated and the front was pushed back - though, at the same time, they brought 600 deserters from the Lithuanian army, wishing to serve for the new nation.

The General Staff was right to think that Lithuania was weakened, because it not only faced massive foreign, but also domestic problems. The economic collapse of the Empire was in full swing ever since last year, and it was followed by a rapid deterioration of social order. The establishment of the Grand Duchy of the Krajina strengthened ethnic strife across the nation. On one side, Ruthenian and Russian nationalists received a major boost to their cause, the myth of the Empire's invincibility was broken and independence finally appeared like something achievable. On the other side, radical Lithuanian nationalists blamed the "fifth column" that were the Russians and Ruthenians for the nation's defeats and sought revenge. Bread riots, strikes and demonstrations were now joined by open insurgencies and street fighting. Not just ethnic opposition was weakening the empire, either - many citizens of the nation were simply tired of war and put the blame on the Emperor and his government, which was fertile ground for the spread of Republican and Unitarian movements.

The Imperial government placed the blame for the brewing collapse of the nation not on themselves, but on the deficiencies of the Saugumas, and in September, Vincentas Jonas Čepukas ordered the Emperor to sack Radimir Krashensky, the Grand Marshal and thus the commander of the nation's law enforcement, replacing him with Simonas Petkevičius, Duke of Pasvalys, a reactionary nobleman from Aukštaitija. This proved to be a severely unpopular move and the first of two fatal mistakes made by the Council of Lords - Krashensky was held in high regard by the Slavic community and seen by many as their representative in the highest echelons of the government, and his removal brought that illusion crashing down like a deflated balloon. The second blunder arrived from military affairs, and that was the Pinsk Offensive. Once the fall of 1914 begun, the government of Lithuania determined that public morale could be kept afloat if they receive news of successes on the battlefield, and thus they hastily approved an offensive through the Pripyat to weaken Visegradian supply lines to Kiev and thus force them to abandon the city. This idea was staunchly opposed by Field Hetman Silvestras Žukauskas, and the disadvantages were obvious - for one, Lithuanians would be attacking through the largest swamp in Europe. Sure, some of it had been drained, but the terrible terrain and infrastructure could not be understated, and instead, the Field Hetman proposed an attack in East Prussia, which Visegrad had neglected ever since the success of Operation Egerfogo. However, Grand Hetman Jogaila Aukštaitis, who had considerably more clout throughout the Lithuanian government than Žukauskas, pushed the idea through, hoping to liberate Kiev on prestige value alone, and betting on the idea that the Visegradian defenses were weak in the region and thus an attack there would take them by surprise. It did not.

Much like Žukauskas predicted, the Pinsk Offensive turned out to be a crushing defeat, one of the worst in the entire war. The Lithuanian generals were attacking with poorly equipped and demoralized troops, their attacks through the marshes were so slow that Visegrad had enough time to bring sufficient reinforcements via rail, and tactical blunders during the offensive doomed any success it could have possibly had anyway. 80 000 Lithuanian soldiers died, 30 000 were taken prisoner and 45 000 more defected to the Army of the Krajina, while Visegrad only lost 34 000 men. Instead of cheering on to the victorious Imperial Army, the Lithuanians were greeted with news about one of their worst defeats in the entire war.

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Lithuanian prisoners of war, taken in the Pinsk Offensive, escorted through the Ruthenian countryside

The last straws were broken.

The people were angry.

Heads will soon roll.

And now we come to October.

Lithuanian garrisons across Russia report mass outbreaks of violence and anti-Lithuanian resistance. After years of preparation, entire towns are being liberated by mass armed militias, flying the blue banner. Not just in the countryside, but also in large cities like Tver, Ryazan, Nizhny Novgorod, the undermanned and underfunded Imperial soldiers stand no chance. These militiamen may not be organized under a single authority, yet, but they have one goal in mind...

The greatest horror of the Empire of Lithuania has risen, because now, if not only has to fight the Great European War, but also, the Russian War of Independence.

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The world in November 1st, 1914
 
Lithuanian garrisons across Russia report mass outbreaks of violence and anti-Lithuanian resistance. After years of preparation, entire towns are being liberated by mass armed militias, flying the blue banner. Not just in the countryside, but also in large cities like Tver, Ryazan, Nizhny Novgorod, the undermanned and underfunded Imperial soldiers stand no chance. These militiamen may not be organized under a single authority, yet, but they have one goal in mind...

The greatest horror of the Empire of Lithuania has risen, because now, if not only has to fight the Great European War, but also, the Russian War of Independence.

And like the Turks, the Empire the Lithuaians have built has imPLODED.
 
I am imagining football fans chanting about a Six Nations Army in this timeline...
And even it could not hold back a Revolution in October ;-)
 
I am imagining football fans chanting about a Six Nations Army in this timeline...
And even it could not hold back a Revolution in October ;-)
Long time no see! The Russian War of Independence starting in October was a coincidence, I swear :p (although, the OTL October Revolution started in November, sooo...)
 
Chapter 73: An Empire Divided
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Part 73: An Empire Divided (Nov 1914 - Apr 1915)
The Army of Russian Liberation, which initiated the uprising, was headed by General Alexei Krutov, and this man's life was interesting enough to warrant an explanation. Born in the Tver' region to a family of moderately well off farmers in 1875, Krutov was conscripted into the Lithuanian army in 1894, but after the four years of service as a conscript, he decided to stay in the army, now as a professional soldier. Despite breaking the code of conduct numerous times, especially for participating in Russian literature and cultural circles, his talent as a commander was noticed very quickly. One of the many things Krutov is famous for is having served for three different countries in the same war - as a lieutenant in the Imperial Lithuanian Army, then, after being captured as a prisoner of war in 1912, as the leader of the Legion of Archangel Michael in the Visegradian Army, where he also was given the rank of "General", and finally as the supreme commander of the Army of Russian Liberation. Krutov saw himself as above the normal pettiness of politics and first and foremost identified himself as a Russian nationalist. To him, "Russia" was not just a geographical term for eastern Lithuania nor a small region around Tver', but it represented the union of all East Slavs into one powerful entity, stretching from Galicia to the eastern steppes, which would be strong enough to protect the Russian nation and grant it power on the world stage.

Krutov led a vast popular Russian militia, which, while poorly equipped and wildly dispersed, held the advantages of surprise, high morale and especially Russian spirit. Russia, one and indivisible, has endured harsh times, and it's people will shed as much blood as necessary to achieve and protect the freedom they sought so much.

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Alexei Krutov, Supreme Commander of the Army of Russian Liberation

Throughout the winter of 1914 to 1915, the Russians seized most of the mainland, capturing many major cities and towns and only facing off against token resistance - undermanned and demoralized enemy garrisons, as well as some nearby units. However, Krutov was well aware that this was only calm before the storm - as soon as the Empire organizes a response, the real struggle will begin, and thus the Russian army's moves have to lay down the preparations for said war. December was marked by a major concentrated Russian offensive to the east with the goal being to acquire a land bridge with the Volga, a power friendly to their cause, and thus acquire a window to the rest of the world for bringing in supplies, ammunition and foreign volunteers. Krutov also hoped for a Lithuanian-Volgak war, which would not only strengthen his rebellion's position, but also create a sense of camaraderie between the Russians and the Volgaks that could be built up to a Greater Russian union after the victory - the man's thoughts went far to the future. The offensive itself was a success and the Russian rebellion acquired a land bridge not far from Vostovsk, the capital of Volga-Russia, but the Volgaks themselves were hesitant to attack so soon. Chairman Vladimir Ulyanov personally believed that the rebellion was going to go just as well as the last Russian attempt at resistance, and having Volga enter would only mean that his nation will get dragged down alongside them. While the Volgaks generously helped Krutov's army with supplies, leftover equipment and a small legion of volunteers - the "Cossack Legion" - but a full entrance into the war was currently not even discussed.

The beginning of 1915 saw two more large scale offensives executed by the Army of Russian Liberation. The Northeast Campaign was enacted to take the few scattered Lithuanian settlements and forts in the northern tundra and thus place the region under Russian control - some had already rebelled and aligned themselves with Krutov's rebellion, but others had to be taken. Meanwhile, about 25 000 Russians advanced to the west, their goal here being to take northern Ruthenia and potentially force the Empire to surrender. Unlike the first two offensives, however, this one was unsuccessful - the Russians were delayed and eventually stopped by Jewish and Lithuanian militias, who were later boosted by Imperial military detachments, and the front line eventually stabilized around Smolensk. Still, despite that failure, the Russian rebellion now controlled much of the former Empire - almost all of the Russian heartland was in their control, defectors from some garrisons overpowered their former comrades and took over a number of forts and cities of their own, and, even worse for Lithuania, it inspired follow-up uprisings by other ethnicities.

On February 12th, representatives from the territories controlled by the rebellion gathered in Tver' to the Second All-Russian Council, recognizing itself as the successor to the original All-Russian Council, called up during the Great Russian Revolt of the 16th century. The Council presided in the abandoned palace of the governor of the Tver region and it's chairman was the Russian linguist and professor Ivan Basanovich - and on February 16th, 1915, he was the first of all 159 delegates to sign the prepared Declaration of the Russian State. The declaration declared the primary goals of the uprising - destruction of Lithuanian control over the Russian nation and the establishment of a free liberal Russian Democracy, modeled after the successful republics in Europe and North Vespucia. Provisional insignia and basic government structures were also formed, but while Basanovich and the Council were the official head of state, in reality, most of the executive power outside of the capital was vested by Alexei Krutov, due to this being a state of emergency like no other.

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Flag of the Russian Democracy, adopted by the Second All-Russian Council. The coat of arms in the center is the symbol of Archangel Michael.

Russia was not even the only pain in the heads of the Lithuanian government at this time. One of the first regions after the Russians to take up arms and rise up was Circassia - taken over by the Lithuanians in a baseless land grab in the 19th century, it retained a strong independent identity, resisted all attempts to be converted to Orthodoxy and constantly sought for a path to liberty. This path opened up in 1914 with the brewing collapse of the Empire, and a vast popular revolt defeated most of the light garrisons and stationed units within weeks. Unlike the Russians, the Circassians knew that they had no chance to acquire foreign help, but it did not stop them from resisting a number of Lithuanian expeditions which tried to recapture the area and all suffered the same fate - bogged down and destroyed in the Caucasus. A popular rebellion also took place in Ingria, cutting off the Karelian Isthmus. The Tatars in Crimea, cut off from the rest of the Empire by the Visegradian advance, overthrew the local Lithuanian authorities and declared the restoration of their monarchy of old - of course, adapted to the modern day. In Lithuania Propria, the Imperial government remained firmly in control, but despite that, Estonian and Latgalian partisans took the fight to the forests, fighting for the liberty of their homelands.

And what of that Great European War that was happening at the same time? Well, what do you expect...

The Visegradian Army kept pushing, only to see that they hardly have any opposition left. The civil war embroiled the Lithuanian army just as much as it did the countryside, many Russian units and soldiers deserted and fled the battlefield, either surrendering to Visegrad or trying their best to flee home. In some places, where the units were not nationally integrated, all-Russian units managed to overpower their Lithuanian counterparts and pretty much opened up parts of the front to enemy advances. If Visegrad wanted, they could have easily used this to their advantage and already begun preparing for a military parade in Vilnius - however, the General Staff accurately guessed that they shouldn't overdo it. An offensive powerful enough to reach the Empire's heartland would only rally it's population behind a common enemy and force them to fight until the bitter end, which is the opposite of what Visegrad sought to do. They did not have the resources for a prolonged war on the Eastern Front, and it was in their interest to force Lithuania to the peace table - thus, it's high command resolved to smaller-scale, not back-breaking, but still impactful offensives throughout the winter of 1914 to 1915. Visegrad captured the rest of East Prussia and continued pushing into Ruthenia, even meeting up with advancing Russian rebels on the way. This "psychological warfare" was successful - both the people and the government of Lithuania realized that the war with Visegrad is unwinnable, and that front must be closed before they have even a chance at restoring order in Russia.

Knowing about the situation in Lithuania, Eugene Franchet d'Esperey, the Director of the Estates-General of France, wrote a personal letter to Emperor Žygimantas, pretty much demanding that under no circumstance does Lithuania dare to ask for peace. d'Esperey knew that without Lithuania diverting the majority of Visegradian and Swedish attention, France's chances of winning this war will be pretty much null. After all, they would have to fight almost all of Europe alone, and there's no way France could manage that. However, the Director's words fell on deaf ears - a secret vote in the Council of Lords in February of 1915 determined that suing for peace with the Coalition was the only viable option. It was a tough blow to Lithuanian pride - only a few years ago, they thought of their western neighbors as weak and decadent compared to their Imperial splendor, and yet now, they were pretty much begging for the pain to end... And much like Valančiūnas predicted, Visegrad was not going to let them off easily.

Really should have asked for peace earlier...

Regret, regret!

Lithuanian, Visegradian, German and Swedish delegations met on the 1st of March and ironed out the Treaty of Kiev. In exchange for a 10 year peace between Lithuania and the Baltic-Adriatic Coalition, the Empire was forced to give a number of border territories to Visegrad and Sweden, recognize the Grand Duchy of the Krajina, give up all claims and control on Wallachia-Moldavia and agree to a series of war reparation payments to be given after the war is done. Lithuania was forced to leave the Entente Cordiale, and all combat in the Eastern and Northern Fronts came to a stop. News of the Treaty of Kiev reached French and Dutch ears almost immediately, and they were understandably angry. No, "angry" is a huge understatement. Absolutely livid may be more accurate. Both of their eastern allies betrayed them and left them to fight the Coalition alone... How could they dare to stab France in the back!

As per the Treaty of Kiev, Lithuanian troops were moved out of territories they had occupied during the Great European War. In Visegrad, this return to civilian authority went smoothly - Lithuania only held some border territories and parts of Krajina, which were more or less delighted to see the Visegradians and Ruthenians arrive, but in Sweden, something else took place. The Swedish troops arrived to a bitter, poor Finland, which had been more or less abandoned by the Swedes after the success of the Lithuanian offensives. The Finns ran a successful resistance movement against the Lithuanian occupation, but now that the occupant has left and the original occupier had returned, they were not going to stop. The next years would be marked by a long Finnish War of Independence, which, due to the unstable political situation back in the Swedish heartland, was a pain to the Kingdom.

But where did the Lithuanian soldiers return to? That's right.

The Lithuanian army may be demoralized and poorly equipped...

The Lithuanian population may be sick and tired of any war...

The Unitarian and Republican movements may be arming...

But... god dammit... the Empire did not wish to collapse this year.

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The Empire of Lithuania in May 1st, 1915
The next chapter may or may not be the last in this "story arc".
 
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