Part 70: Armageddon, Pt. 2 (May-Oct 1913)
The time was ripe.
The people were angry.
And they were angry towards the Monarchy.
All that was needed was a trigger.
At the beginning of June, 5000 workers in Konstantinyye rose up for a labor strike, protesting against the recent wage cuts among nationalized industries and government positions. These strikes were pretty much a daily occurrence by now, but this time, the Imperial government overreacted and attempted to suppress the event. This brought the attention of the nation's underground organization, thousands more people joined with the original protesters, now calling for not just a restoration of wages, but also for a separate peace with the Baltic-Adriatic Coalition and an end to the Ottoman monarchy. Unitarian cells were being activated, and street fighting broke out across the city. Visegradian forces, stationed as little as 10 miles away from the city, recorded fires breaking out, screams and shots being heard from the city, and even the Ottoman forces stationed in front of them fighting amongst themselves. This would have been the perfect chance for the Coalition to strike and take the Bosphorus, but the General Staff decided to wait and let the Turks bleed themselves out first.
In the chaos of the
June Revolution, Mehmed V fled the city on a steamship, and in a surprising turn of events, he was let through by the French and Visegradian naval blockade to flee to the south of the country. The Ottoman Empire was decapitated, and the capital, Konstantinyye, fell under the "control" of a loose collection of Unitarian, Republican, anarchist and a plethora of other movements. Follow-up rebellions took place across the entire empire, and in the capital, the chaos eventually ended up sorted out, through only more bloodshed of course, and a junta of Turkish Unitarians, led by Akarsu Kubilay, took power. The Unitarians sought to wipe away all vestiges of the old imperial system and turn the Ottoman Empire into the center of a world revolution to destroy inequality and bring about the Unitarian utopia that was imagined by Weber - and at first, this new "Turkey" didn't even have an official name, as the revolutionaries saw any titles as temporary and obsolete once the rest of the world follows suit. To them, they represented
"The Union" (Birlik), but the rest of the world gave them the name
"Unitarian Turkey".
Flag of Unitarian Turkey
Akarsu Kubilay and his movement were quick to create a list of their promises for the new post-revolution Turkey, composed into the famous
Five-Bullet List. These included - peace with the Coalition as soon as possible; immediate land reform to vanquish the inequalities of the old system; free democratic elections to be scheduled as soon as possible; cultural rights for all minorities; and a restoration of order and prosperity in the nation. Very, very optimistic promises. No mention of the construction of the world Unitarian society, no. A considerable portion of the army, the law enforcement and most of Anatolia defected to the revolutionary government, but most of the country was in full-on chaos. Mehmed V, having arrived to Egyptian Palestine and returned to his nation in late August, witnessed a country in complete anarchy. Nationalist movements rose up across Arabia and the Levant, general anarchist groups were roaming freely, the disgraced Republican movement was rapidly reorganizing to try to challenge Kubilay and the Unitarians. In this chaos, the now former Sultan began to organize a counterattack against the revolution, collecting the reactionary and conservative elements of the military under the old Ottoman banner, for one more shot.
A civil war was brewing.
The Mughal Empire, now joined by separatist Persian forces, advanced forward through the Zagros and towards Tabriz, and while the original Indian plans expected heavy casualties from enemy resistance, what the armies noticed was a bunch of fleeing, infighting, disorganized ragtag groups of soldiers. They would much rather fight amongst themselves, some pledging allegiance to Kubilay, some to the Sultan, and fighting an external threat was not in their mind at all. By September, the Mughals took over pretty much all of Persia, seized Ottoman Khiva, and much like Visegrad, they stopped just to see how the events would play out. It might be easier to just let the Turks fight amongst themselves and get a separate peace out of them, rather than invade Anatolia and Mesopotamia and risk an actual resistance. Visegrad did the same thing - and while Turkey was in chaos, they had a much larger fish to fry.
The expected 1913 summer offensive arrived in the form of
Operation Egérfogó (Mousetrap), a two-month Visegradian military operation in the Eastern Front. The General Staff of Visegrad found an exploited a weakness in Lithuanian ranks - as last year's offensives proved, their defenses along Galicia were weak, and with a strategically placed push, a breakthrough was possible, with the chance of surrounding and enveloping the Lithuanian and Romanian defenders in Moldavia. The green light for Egérfogó was given in January of 1913, over 400 000 soldiers were brought in from the now "peaceful" Southern Front, and July 1st marked the beginning of the largest offensive in the Eastern Front in this entire war. Using a combination of landship assaults, concentrated artillery fire and exploiting the wavering enemy morale, the Visegradians achieved a breakthrough in Galicia and Bukovina, and the conflict became a war of movement once again. The Lithuanian army was caught off-guard by the sudden invasion, although they had suspected some kind of offensive a few months in advance, and although they achieved victories in the Pripyat and at Bila Tserkva, preventing Kiev from falling to the Coalition, but they were defeated decisively in the
Battle of Mogilev-Podolski and later along the Dniester, and in early September, the last strategic goal of the operation - Odessa, a minor port on the Black Sea - fell under Visegradian occupation.
While Egérfogó was taking place, follow-up offensives across the Carpathians crossed the mountains and placed further pressure on the defenders of Moldavia, and with Odessa fallen, the encirclement was set in place. Over 150 000 soldiers were now trapped in what was nicknamed by the media in Lithuania and Visegrad as
"The Cauldron" (Lith.
Rumunijos katilas). Hungarian and Polish armies surrounding the Cauldron were not rushing to crush the encirclement, at least not yet - for one, the operation came at quite a high cost to the Visegradian troops, too. Modern historians, assessing the "crushing success" of Operation Egérfogó, note that many of it's successes came from sheer luck - for example, the miscommunications between the Lithuanian armies in the Battle of Mogilev-Podolski, which allowed the 4th Hungarian Army to break the Lithuanian 3rd Imperial Corps and seal the battle, or the fact that the troops stationed in Lithuania were reservists brought from the Tver region, and their loyalty to the Empire was... questionable, at best. While the success of the operation cannot be understated, it should not be forgotten that without such strokes of luck, "the mousetrap may not have missed the rat", as one historian from Lithuania once commented.
During Operation Egérfogó, the
Legion of Archangel Michael fought alongside Visegradian troops in Galicia, later participating in the Battle of Mogilev-Podolski and other follow-up battles. Not only was it rapidly rising in strength, counting up to 80 000 soldiers by September of 1913, but it was also creating a lot of turmoil in their "home nation", Lithuania. This was where the government of Visegrad saw a golden opportunity, and as Alexei Krutov stated in disappointment: "We want to be heroes, but the Hungarians want us to be pretty faces on posters". The Legion was used as a propaganda tool, through and through - they were consistently used in Ruthenian territory, and usually against Slavic units, they appeared on propaganda posters and letters distributed in secret across Lithuania, and all "Legionnaires" were recommended to keep writing letters home and present their new service as positively as possible. At the same time, however, Visegrad viewed the Legion with suspicion. The General Staff removed a number of officers and relieved hundreds of soldiers whom they perceived as too radical - as in, they were supporters of the creation of a "Greater Russia", a concept Visegrad hoped to erase from existence just as much as the Lithuanians did.
After obtaining the green light of the Convention of Three Nations, the East Slavic exodus in Visegrad formed the 20-member
Council of Lithuanian Slavs, successor to the former Foundation for the Liberation of Lithuanian Slavs, now an organization with the goal of setting up the foundations for a Visegrad-aligned East Slavic state. The chairman of the group was
Vasily Zakharov, and the members of the council were hand-picked out of Ruthenian nationalists and opponents to "Greater Russia". This immediately placed the group against Alexei Krutov, even though Zakharov hoped to see the Legion of Archangel Michael become the military of this new "Rus'". Still, the Legion and the Council cooperated, for now.
Ruthenian legionnaires operating a machine gun in the Eastern Front, in Volhynia
The Empire of Lithuania had more to worry about than just a few East Slavic emigrants causing trouble. The nation was falling towards an economic collapse.
At the very beginning of the war, the Grand Chancellor appointed
Martynas Yčas as the Grand Treasurer of the nation - under the Emperor's order, obviously, of course, definitely. Yčas was a man of a military background, having served as a major general in the Army for a few years before his appointment, and the task given to him was related to that - mobilize the nation for war. A task he has successfully done, and thanks to him, Lithuania had become the world's third largest military equipment manufacturer and was in great fighting shape ever since the beginning of the war. However, all this funding for military construction and mobilization couldn't come from nowhere, and in order to pay for all of that, the Empire had to metaphorically tighten it's belt. New war taxes were introduced, including an income tax and numerous other taxes, farming subsidies were cut and even completely removed in some places, while a number of heavy industries were nationalized and converted to military factories. Meanwhile, almost all of Lithuania's pre-war trade partners were now either enemies or were cut off through naval blockades (especially through the Baltic, which used to be the empire's main trade artery).
Not even talking about the winter of 1912-13, which neutered Lithuanian food production and resulted in a massive loss of livestock, nor about the loss of vital chernozem territories after Operation Egérfogó. Or the continuous unrest, labor strikes, et cetera...
As should be expected with this situation, the economic situation of the nation swiftly deteriorated - and the impact was the highest in the nation's most agricultural regions, which lost many working hands to recruitment and mass mobilization, were the most touched by the loss of subsidies and trade as well as by the winter. These regions included Russia, the Don river valley, Ruthenia, Circassia... And yet, the nation required more and more military spending - entire armies had to be rebuilt from scratch after Egérfogó, new technological advancements and research cost a lot as well, and also paying out loans already taken to industrialize and mobilize...
A meeting of the Council of Lords in September decided that the best course of action would be to wait the situation out and try to keep up the status quo - Lithuania must not give up on the war effort now, because if the Empire decides to reduce it's focus on the military, it will only get defeated on the battlefield yet again, making the situation worse. But was this the right choice?.. A few members of the Council were opposed to continuing the war, most notably
Jonas Valančiūnas, the chief of diplomatic affairs. Valančiūnas created a potential plan for a separate peace with the Baltic-Adriatic Coalition, the
Sore Loser Plan (Lith.
Liurbio planas), as Vincentas Jonas Čepukas called it. The plan guessed that Lithuania would at least have to say goodbye to control over Wallachia-Moldavia and pay monetary concessions, although giving up territory on the border was not out of question. According to Valančiūnas, should Visegrad demand territorial concessions, nothing more than Podlasie, parts of East Prussia and some of Galicia-Volhynia should be given. The diplomat also determined that if Lithuania wants the best peace deal possible, it must request an armistice now, as the further the war goes, the more they will be beaten and the more Visegrad will demand.
As should be expected, the plan was shelved and forgotten.
Meanwhile, the Saugumas had it's hands full - radical, anti-government movements were cropping up like weeds. The June Revolution in the South gave a major boost to the Lithuanian Unitarian movement, which was, much like Akarsu Kubilay's Party for Unity and Unitarianism, arming itself to try to repeat the Turkish success in Vilnius. However, here they had a much stronger Republican opposition, and while far from all Republicans in Lithuania were radical or militant, they also presented a major threat to the current order. Volgak and Visegradian support was reaching underground Russian nationalist organizations, and they were about to receive an unexpected supporter...
While the war was turning mobile and chaotic in the East, it was as stationary as ever in the West. 1913 marked the unsuccessful French
Darmstadt Offensive, and much like last year, the French attack was pushed back after months of grueling trench warfare. Chinese entrance into the war was turning the tide in Indochina, even though they failed to capture New Zealand, while Spanish help in Tripolitania pushed the Egyptians out of most of Cyrenaica. France and Spain were eyeing each other with wary. A new participant was ready to join the war, which has so far yielded one failed nation and over three million dead men.
The war in October 1st, 1913