The Rise and Fall of the CSA, 1861-1881

That's funny, because I'd think Garner was better off for having been VP. He pretty much just sat in the corner for eight years...lol.
Yeah, I guess I can see your point there. I mean, supposedly he was the man who said that the Vice-Presidency was "not worth a bucket of warm spit", with this quote being the bowdlerized version.
 
Battle Flag of the Army of Northern Virginia/Jine the Cavalry
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The Battle Flag of the Army of Northern Virginia, otherwise known as the Flag of Jackson's Rebellion or Jackson's Cross, was flag that was used by the Confederate States Army in the American Civil War, and Jackson's Rebellion in the Four Horsemen Rebellion. The flag was originally designed in 1861 to be used in combat by the Confederacy's premier fighting in the Eastern Theater during the American Civil War: the Confederate Army of the Potomac, later renamed and more famously known as the Army of Northern Virginia. Ironically, it was designed by William P. Miles, who was serving as Vice-President of the Confederacy during Jackson's Rebellion. General P.G.T. Beauregard would designate the flag as the army's battle flag in the months after the Battle of First Bull Run, for which it would serve until the end of the war. When General Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson launched his rebellion, and was looking for an emblem to use for it, he would decide on the flag that he and many of his fellow rebels fought under in the American Civil War. Despite his rebellion failing, the flag would continue on as an opposition symbol to the Confederate government. In modern times, the flag is often brought by protesters of Confederate events and statues as a way of mocking the Confederacy and showing their scorn for it, although this has undergone some reevaluation in consideration of the flag's first usage.

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Jine the Cavalry was a military song that was popular among Eastern Theater Confederate cavalrymen during the American Civil War, and later became a prominent symbol of Jackson's Rebellion. Created originally as a cavalry recruitment song, commander of the Army of Northern Virginia's Cavalry Corps, J.E.B. Stuart, took a like to the song that some say he wrote the words for. After this, the song was commonly heard in his corps' camping grounds. After the war, the song declined in popularity, and likely would have faded into obscurity had it not been for John S. Mosby. Having joined Jackson's Rebellion, Mosby remembered the effectiveness of the song for recruitment, and would frequently have it played in recruitment stations for Jackson's rebellion. Soon, the song became synonymous with Jackson's Rebellion, despite the objections of the dour Jackson, who claimed he would have preferred "Las Marseillaise" or "A Might Fortress Is Our God". Similar to Jackson's Cross, the song would remain in the Confederate public conscience even after the end of Jackson's Rebellion, and become a symbol of defiance against the Confederate government, so much so that when Nathan B. Forrest took office, he banned the song. After the fall of the Confederacy, the song was again experienced a decline in popularity, but it still remains well known among historical groups, and ranks only behind "Dixie" in songs most associated with the Confederacy according to a 2010 poll in the former Confederacy.
 
I wonder if this Timeline will see a Dukes of Hazard with them 'good olde boys' and the Confed flag on the roof of their car?

Seems unlikely?
 
The U.S. Presidential Election of 1876
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The 1876 U.S. Presidential Election was the 23rd in U.S. history, with voting occurring on November 7, 1876. In it, Democrat Thomas A. Hendricks managed to narrowly secure reelection against Republican James G. Blaine and Greenback Peter Cooper. The election would be closest in U.S. history, and charges of voting fraud against Thomas A. Hendricks from Blaine and the Republican Party, specifically centered around New York, would be prevalent in the months after the election.

Hendricks' term in office had been severely marred by the fall out of the Panic of 1873, which had seen the Democrats lose control of the House for the first time in 12 years, as well as losing several seats in the Senate, although they would maintain their majority. Coming into the Democratic Nominating Convention, Hendricks would face opposition in the form of his own Secretary of State Samuel J. Randall of Pennsylvania, as well as New York Governor Samuel J. Tilden, a man Hendricks had once considered for the post of attorney general. Eventually, backroom efforts would convince Tilden to drop out and endorse Hendricks, leading to his decisive victory on the first ballot. In exchange, Hendricks promised his support for Tilden's presidential ambitions in the next presidential election.

The Republican National Convention would see a large number of men seeking the presidential nomination, as the increase of Republican power convinced many that this was going to be the election where Republicans retook the executive branch. Among the men seeking the nomination were House Speaker James Blaine, Indiana Senator Oliver P. Morton, New York Representative Roscoe Conkling, and previous presidential candidate John Sherman. After a tough convention, Blaine would emerge with the nomination. Blaine hoped to appoint his right hand man in the House, Ohio Representative James A. Garfield, as his running-mate, but that honor would instead go to Iowa Senator Samuel J. Kirkwood.

This election would see the Greenback Party emerge as a major political force for the first time, brought on by the devastation farmers and men out west experienced due to the panic. In their convention, entrepreneur Peter Cooper would defeat California Senator Newton Booth, Pennsylvania Representative Hendricks B. Wright, and Iowa Representative James B. Weaver. Booth would go on to receive the nomination for the vice-presidency.

The campaigning in this election would be fierce due to the dire economic straits the United States was currently experiencing. Hendricks defended his efforts as president in combating the panic, while Blaine criticized them and tried to convince voters how his would be more effectively. Blaine also campaigned on an amendment to end slavery in the U.S., which was an effectively dead practice with no slaves, in name at least, remaining in the nation. Blaine also hoped to appeal to former veterans by having Kirkwood, a former member of the Soldier's Party, running alongside him. Come election day, Hendricks was re-elected by an even narrowly margin than his first election. Republicans would call for recounts in the close state of New York, but Governor Tilden would put an end to those efforts, thus handing the election to Hendricks, much to the outrage of many Republicans.
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Also, I like how TTL has a President Henry Wallace. Hopefully, he isn't the incompetent failure he is stereotypically depicted as and did a relatively good job even with a short tenure in the Oval Office.
 
Also, I like how TTL has a President Henry Wallace. Hopefully, he isn't the incompetent failure he is stereotypically depicted as and did a relatively good job even with a short tenure in the Oval Office.
Disappointed that there's no Teddy Roosevelt presidency though. However Huey Long as president on the otherhand makes up for it some.
 
Disappointed that there's no Teddy Roosevelt presidency though. However Huey Long as president on the otherhand makes up for it some.
If you want to read about an alternate Teddy Roosevelt presidency, then another one of my TLs, Stonewall Jackson's Way, has that. In fact, I just added a new chapter about him.
 
The CSA Presidential Election of 1879
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The 1879 Confederate States presidential election was the fourth and final such election in CSA history, with it occurring on November 5-7, 1873, making it the only election in the CSA's history to occur on more than one day, highlighting the disconnect and chaos that was beginning to grip both the states and the nation as a whole. In the election, Nathan B. Forrest, General-in-Chief of the Confederate States Army and a veteran of both the American Civil War and the Four Horsemen Rebellion, who was supported by Toombs' supporters, as well as those whose wanted a return to peace in the CSA as he promised, defeated Clement C. Clay, a former Alabama senator, whose base many formed around those who opposed Toombs' handling of national affairs, as well as his exile of political opponents.

As the 1879 election approached, Toombs tried to convince Congress to add an amendment to the CSA Constitution allowing him to serve another term in office. When these efforts failed, he threw his support behind Forrest, who had served him loyally and efficiently during the Four Horsemen Rebellion. Forrest's promise to restore law and order to the Confederacy appealed to many, as well as his proclamation that if he was president, he would bend the knee to no nation, and demand the United States return all fugitive slaves, even those that had already crossed the agreed upon borderline of the "Border States". All of this appealed to many supporters of Toombs, ensuring that Forrest had their support. Running with him would be President Pro Tempore of the Senate, Alabama Senator John T. Morgan, one of Toombs' most loyal allies.

Many people had been dissatisfied with the Toombs' presidency, whether is was from his bungling of foreign affairs, to his handling of the Four Horsemen Rebellion and resulting death or exile of many of the CSA's war heroes, or his trials and exiles afterwards, his presidency was not universally approved of. Unfortunately for such people, Toombs had sent opposition leaders into exile or had them arrested, making finding someone to run against Toombs' favored candidate a more difficult challenge than it may seem. Eventually, former Alabama senator Clement C. Clay would accept their support and agree to run, with former Secretary of State Judah P. Benjamin agreeing to run for the vice-presidency.

In the campaign, Forrest would furiously attack his opponents, both on campaign issues and as people, particularly Benjamin, who he referred to as an "upstart Jew" and "a secret abolitionist working with the North to weaken slavery in the South.", the first referring to his ethnicity and the second his role in leading the peace delegation in the 1863 Louisville Peace Conference, which ended the American Civil War and placed a limit on how far north Confederate slave-catchers could go in their pursuit of escaped slaves. Despite the harsh criticisms, Clay would make some inroads with poorer Southerners, asking them how a Toombs presidency had benefited them, and explaining how his administration would work to their advantage. Former president Jefferson Davis would endorse the Clay/Benjamin ticket, claiming it was by far the superior ticket. This would lead to Forrest referring to Davis as a "crazed old capon, unfit for the presidency of the Confederacy during the Civil War, and certainly not fit to be giving advice now." Although many now agree that Forrest's attacks on the former president worked to the latter's derision.

Come election day, Forrest would decisively defeat Clay, winning all but Virginia's and North Carolina's electoral vote. Voter fraud and accusations of it were rife in this election, but Toombs ensured that no action was taken to investigate it, even when groups would come forward and report seeing Forrest's men burning Clay votes or throwing them into rivers, or simple not counting them at all. Despite this and threats of returned rebellion, Toombs and his administration would preserve, and come inauguration day, Forrest was sworn in as the Confederacy's fourth president, and ultimately their final.
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Yep, even if you weren't spelling out that the CSA were on the verge of ending, I'd see that coming with how things are going.

BTW, quick correction:

The 1867 Confederate States presidential election was the fourth and final such election in CSA history, with it occurring on November 5-7, 1873,

Unless there's some weird time travel going on, you're listing three different years for this election.
 
Yep, even if you weren't spelling out that the CSA were on the verge of ending, I'd see that coming with how things are going.

BTW, quick correction:



Unless there's some weird time travel going on, you're listing three different years for this election.
Thanks for the note, also yes the CSA is pretty much on borrowed time now.
 
How bad is the economy and state of the army at this point?
Economy is pretty much sunk since Toombs trashed the CSA's relations with Great Britain, France, and the U.S.. The army is holding together, more due to force and threats rather than a will to stay though. Desertion is a serious problem.
 
I can only imagine what the navy looks like if the army is barely holding itself together. The irony likely won't be lost on older civilians when they welcome back US soldiers.
 
The U.S. Presidential Election of 1880
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The 1880 U.S. Presidential Election was the 24th in U.S. history, with voting occurring on November 2, 1880. In it, Republican James A. Garfield would manage to decisively defeat Democrat Samuel J. Tilden and Greenbacker James B. Weaver. It would mark the end of 16 years of continuous Democratic rule in the executive branch, and marked the climax of the resurgence of the Republican Party in national politics. While he failed to gain any electoral votes, Weaver's run also brought significant attention to the Greenback Party, which would be a fore-runner of the later Progressive Party.

After serving two terms in office, Hendricks declined to seek a third term, and followed his promise to back New York Governor Samuel J. Tilden in the next election. With this endorsement, Tilden would go on to defeat his opponents, which included Vice-President Thomas F. Bayard, Secretary of State Allen G. Thurman, former Vice-President George H. Pendleton, and former Secretary of State Samuel J. Randall. Due to their differing views on policy, however, Hendricks had come to regret this promise, and used his influence to ensure that a man with more similar views to him, Thurman, was nominated as Tilden's running-mate, rather than Ohio Representative George Hoadly, whom Tilden favored, or Indiana Senator Daniel W. Voorhees, the favorite of the party establishment.

The Republicans, meanwhile, had three main candidates in the running. First was their previous candidate from 1876 and the Maine Senator James G. Blaine. Next was House Speaker James A. Garfield of Ohio. Finally, there was New York Representative and apparent senatorial candidate Roscoe Conkling. Despite it first appearing that Blaine was destined to be nominated again, Conkling would undermine him. This would unintentionally result in the nomination of Garfield, as many Blaine supporters switched to him instead of Conkling. For the vice-presidential nomination, Vermont Senator George F. Edmunds would defeat New York Representative William A. Wheeler and Illinois Representative Elihu B. Washburne.

Seizing on the anger of many voters at the ongoing Panic of 1873, particularly westerners, the Greenback Party hoped to continue their rise. In contention were four main candidates: California Senator and 1876 vice-president nomination Newton Booth, Iowa Representative James B. Weaver, Massachusetts Representative Benjamin F. Butler, and Pennsylvania Representative Hendrick B. Wright. After Booth declined to be nominated, Weaver managed a narrow victory. To recognize his supporters and in hopes of attracting some Democrats to their ticket, Wright was nominated for the vice-presidency, as he had gained his congressional seat with Democratic support.

In campaigning for the election, Garfield discussed restoring the economy, officially outlawing slavery with an amendment, and some civil rights for African-Americans. His primary point, however, was a war of conquest for the Confederacy, pointing out their numerous violations of the 1863 Louisville Peace Conference, as well the instability and volatility of the nation. Tilden, meanwhile, campaigned on Hendricks' attempts to heal the government, as well as promising to combat government corruption. Weaver focused primarily on restoration of the economy, although he let it be known that he too wasn't opposed to the idea of a war to recapture the Confederacy. On election day, voters would give Garfield a decisive victory in popular vote, as well as an impressive margin of victory for the electoral vote. The Democrats had lost many of their former supporters to the Greenback Party, who despite failing to receive a single electoral vote gained a respectable 11.68% of the popular vote.
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Although nothing has been said about the spoils system, it'd be interesting to have a timeline where Garfield isn't killed less then four months into his presidency by the deranged Guiteau, although I suppose the Curse of Tippecanoe could still strike.
 
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