The Prince of Peace

Bump!

Is it dead?:(

Or do you still intend to continue this TL?


I agree that the Portuguese may not have an interest in Brazil and would probably focus on the gold rich provinces that made up Spain originally. A French Brazil, or something else, would be quite interesting. Thanks for bringing that up!

The French were very active on the Brazilian coast during the 16th century, so a French colony here isn't that unlikely.

Seville will also be important. Already it seems likely that alongside the Casa de Contratación and the Council of the Indies, the Portuguese Casa da Índia would be moved to Seville, so all the riches of the the Aviz monarchy, from the Americas to the Orient, would gather at Seville. Within a few decades we will see the the Aviz dynasty begin to move towards Castile; maintaining Lisbon as capital would be nice, but it's not good for governing the rest of Spain. So Toledo would probably be likely, Madrid staying small in this timeline.

What about Badajoz? Still belongs to Castile, but it's near enough to Portugal so that the Portuguese might not complain that much about. Also, it isn't far from Seville, the other important Iberian port for the commerce with the colonies.
 
Not dead, just... I'm not sure. I still have all my chapters, and I started writing the section on England, but I just hit a bump and I haven't really touched it sense. I'd like to continue, I have many ideas, but I haven't felt the urge to keep writing.
 
Bump!



What about Badajoz? Still belongs to Castile, but it's near enough to Portugal so that the Portuguese might not complain that much about. Also, it isn't far from Seville, the other important Iberian port for the commerce with the colonies.

If we are not taking Seville, Lisbon or Toledo, then many cities are open (Madrid was at best a big village when it was selected).

But if the king is not choosing a city for its position (Madrid is quite close to the center of Spain), then I'd think some historical (or religious? Santiago is far worse as a choice than Lisbon, so doubtful) significace would be necessary. So, in Extramadura, the city to choose is not Badajoz, but Merida, the capital of the roman province of Lusitania -in a certain point of view, the first capital of Portugal, and one than as you said is now inside Castille.

And, looking for the central position for a capital... does someone know which city is the closest to the center of the Iberian Peninsula (not Spain). For that matter, which city is closest to the central point in the Tajo River between Toledo and Lisbon?
 
If we are not taking Seville, Lisbon or Toledo, then many cities are open (Madrid was at best a big village when it was selected).

But if the king is not choosing a city for its position (Madrid is quite close to the center of Spain), then I'd think some historical (or religious? Santiago is far worse as a choice than Lisbon, so doubtful) significace would be necessary. So, in Extramadura, the city to choose is not Badajoz, but Merida, the capital of the roman province of Lusitania -in a certain point of view, the first capital of Portugal, and one than as you said is now inside Castille.

That's true, Merida would have an interesting historical record in its favour.;)

And, looking for the central position for a capital... does someone know which city is the closest to the center of the Iberian Peninsula (not Spain).

Looking at the map I guess that it may be somewhere between Talavera de la Reina and Avila (maybe even one of them).

For that matter, which city is closest to the central point in the Tajo River between Toledo and Lisbon?

I think it would be Plasencia or Caceres.
 
Just so my readers know, I am intending to pick this back up at some point... I still have everything and the English chapter is probably half way done. But I don't have a whole lot of interest in it at the moment. Any possible suggestions and ideas would be welcome that might spur me on! I always enjoy discussion, and many readers (esp. Gonzaga -- me and you have very similar interests in history... I am less interested in the CSA and Nazis and more about what would happen if Prince X lived, or if Princess Y becomes monarch, if Prince X doesn't marry Princess Y, ect) :) have given me good ideas.

On the capital of Aviz Iberia: I originally intended to keep it at Lisbon, but it's obvious that the Castilian crown would begin to dominate the others at some point that the capital would move in that direction. Probably Toledo: Madrid would remain a village ITL and be of no importance, mostly because of butterflies, but because I like things to take their own course and I see it extremely unlikely that it would become important. Besides, who wants to see OTL capitals anyways?! :p

The Habsburgs: I definately see the empire centralizing (to an extent) in this time line. Embracing Protestantism is probably the best way, but I'm not sure if that will happen... Protestant Habsburgs seem kind of wacky but I know almost anything is possible. Two branches of the dynasty, the elder branch that is OTL Charles V, with the Imperial mantle and ruling from Brussels and holding the Burgundian inheritance, and the lesser branch that is OTL Ferdinand... he gets the Archduchy of Austria and possible inheritance of Bohemia & Hungary.

Poland: I definately want a hereditary monarchy to evolve there. Not in the sense that the Nobles Republic is killed, but definately that the Jagiellons continue to survive... the death of the Jagiellons really contributed to the decline of the Commonwealth, with the series of foreign Kings and then the Vasa who drew Poland into conflict with Sweden.. plus, Poland never gets too much love in TLs :D

England: I had some ideas for the Tudors, esp. regarding Protestantism and a very different Chruch of England following the reign of Henry VIII. Especially regarding his successors and their policies.
 
The New Monarchy
1490 to 1519; England


The death of Richard III at Bosworth in 1485 was the effective end to the War of the Roses that had raged between the Houses of Lancaster and York, placing the throne in the hands of Henry Tudor, now Henry VII. The new King of England set out to correct the abuses of the prior reign, but also to set a new foundation to prevent such a war from facing England ever again. The aristocracy saw their private rights, most especially to their own armies and liveries, fade away, while Henry united the claims of York and Lancaster by taking Elizabeth of York as his queen. A shrewd man of great cunning, who desired only to maintain peace and to create some form of economic prosperity.

Unlike his predecessors, Henry VII had no desire to embark on costly wars to regain the lost French territories; for most of his life the new King had been under the protection of the King of France and his vassals, and in 1492 negotiated the Treaty of Etaples with the French King, in which the French ceased support for pretenders to the English throne and also brought money into English coffers. This helped bring about a rapprochement in relations between the two kingdoms; long welcome after the horrors of the Hundred Years War that engulfed the Valois against the Plantagenets, with little peace in between.

Aside from France, Henry VII was one of the first to recognize the strengths of the newly unified kingdom under Isabella and Ferdinand, the Catholic monarchs. The treaty of Medina del Campo provided for the youngest daughter of Isabella and Ferdinand, Catherine of Aragon, to marry the Prince of Wales, Arthur. Although much haggling took place between the parents involved, in 1492 and again in 1497, in 1501 Arthur was finally married Catherine. The match seemed perfect from the beginning, but things quickly spiraled out of control when less than five months after the marriage, Prince Arthur died of unknown causes (possibly consumption or the dreaded sweating sickness) at Ludlow, leaving Catherine a young widow. Despite this, Henry VII was reluctant to return the Infanta’s dowry and offered a suit between his remaining son Henry and the now widowed Princess of Wales.

Although dispensation from the Pope was granted for Catherine to marry Henry’s remaining son, the King was reluctant to endorse the match. Such was the unhappy fate of Catherine, who remained a virtual prisoner in England, frequently writing to her father, Ferdinand, of a lack of funds and her poor treatment by Henry VII. This virtual imprisonment ended in 1509, when Henry VII died, succeeded by his son, who promptly became Henry VIII and took Catherine as his wife. Despite the age difference, Henry VIII seemed taken with his new wife, something that was quite uncommon in royal matches at the time. Catherine of Aragon occupied an honored spot at Henry VIII’s coronation: she was crowned alongside him. Things only seemed to improve that shortly after the marriage Catherine found herself pregnant, much to Henry’s delight.

This joy proved short-lived, for Catherine delivered a stillborn daughter in 1510. This haunting beginning to Catherine’s pregnancies seemed only to continue: in 1511 she gave birth to a son who lived for only a month and a half. While Henry was busy campaigning against France in 1513, Catherine found herself pregnant for a third time: by the time her husband had returned from his campaigns, Catherine had suffered yet another miscarriage, much to the Henry’s exasperation, who desperately wanted a son and heir to carry on his legacy, all while possessing a wife who seemed incapable of giving him what he desired. Matters were only made worse in 1514 when Catherine gave birth to a stillborn son. It was only in 1516 that the fates smiled upon the King and Queen of England, giving them a living child for the first time since 1511—a girl who was promptly named Mary. Unlike the ill-fated Duke of Cornwall who had lived for barely a month in 1511, the Princess Mary seemed naturally healthy, giving Henry hope that his wife might finally give him the living son he desired. This proved not to be the case. Becoming pregnant for the last time in 1518, Catherine delivered another girl in November. Unlike the Princess Mary, the child was weak and died after only a few hours.

Although Henry had affection for his Spanish wife at the beginning of his reign, by 1518 his attentions were beginning to wane. A virile man in his twenties, his queen was beginning to look older with each passing year, and was no longer capable of holding his attentions. The King had taken little time following the last failed pregnancy of his wife to take a mistress, Elizabeth Blount, who succeeded where Catherine of Aragon had not: delivering a son to Henry VIII in 1519, who was named Henry Fitzroy. Already the king’s eye was beginning to wander, much to the distress of Catherine who began to find solace in her religion, and caring for daughter Mary, whose education she personally supervised. Catherine found herself greatly isolated at this time, frequently writing to her sister Isabella, the Queen of Castile, Portugal, and Aragon, comparing her situation to that of their sister Joanna who had been locked up by her husband almost ten years previously. Isabella had sympathy for her sister, but bitter that she dared to compare herself to Johanna. In an angry missive, the Queen of Portugal berated her younger sister as a mother would to her daughter, preaching wifely obedience as proper above all else and accusing Catherine of exaggerating the situation far worse than it really was:

“I do not write this to make you upset, but that in hopes you might reflect that your situation could really be much worse than it actually is. Time which have you spent writing me would be better spent with your husband. While I myself have been blessed with a husband whose eyes do not wander, I do realize that it has not been the fate of my other sisters. So long as there is there is a king to reign, there will no doubt be a mistress attempting to share his glory. A man who takes a mistress is obviously unhappy with his martial situation, something that must be remedied by his wife. You are no longer young or pretty as you used to be. This only means that you must work twice as hard to catch his eye. You must above all be sweet, kindly, and nurturing. You must never argue with him and you must always make him think he is right—even if that is not case. I do hope you will learn something from this and will try harder in the future. It is certainly what our dear mother and father would have wanted. Whenever things are hard, just remember: if you pray hard enough on it, certainly things will get better. God keep you in good health and safety.

ISABEL.”
 
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Just stumbled on this and really enjoyed what you have achieved thus far. I understand the occasional lack of enthusiasm for writing, but please try to keep this alive. It's very good.
 
Just stumbled on this and really enjoyed what you have achieved thus far. I understand the occasional lack of enthusiasm for writing, but please try to keep this alive. It's very good.

Thank you. Writing the most recent chapter was quite difficult for some reason, but sitting down and actually doing it has really helped. I actually can't wait to do more on England; Henry VIII greatly admired Philip the Fair and aspired to rule as he did in OTL; with Philip still living and as Emperor in the early 1520s, I can see Henry VIII establishing a great rapport with him. It's also interesting that Philip had problems with his wife, in ATL going so far as to lock her up in Gravensteen. Certainly doesn't bode well for Catherine...
 
An Imperfect Match & A Union of the Crowns
1516 to 1521; Portugal & Spain


The death of the Infanta Ana in childbirth greatly shocked Miguel, the Prince of Asturias, Portugal, and Girona. Sent by his mother to recuperate on the coast of the Bay of Biscay, Miguel was shocked when his retinue arrived in Bilbao and found that he was not alone in his recuperation. The harbor hosted a single flagship bearing the cross of Burgundy, to be exact, the trousseau of Eleanor of Austria… the daughter of Philip the Fair and Joanna who would be Miguel’s second wife. Isabella II had never forgiven her husband for marrying her only son to the lowly Ana of Navarre, and thus could only rejoice upon her daughter-in-laws death. Always obedient as a wife, Isabella II had taken this chance to suggest to her husband that their son needed to remarry, and quickly: he had only two children, a son and a daughter, both infants. In an age where infant mortality was high, Manuel agreed with his wife and left the details to her, who hastily concluded a swift negotiation with the Duke of Burgundy for the hand of his eldest daughter and her niece, Eleanor. The resulting Treaty of Brugges (1516) saw the hand of Eleanor granted to Miguel (a fact which the Portuguese Prince and heir was as of yet unaware), along with a dowry of 100,000 crowns. The Treaty of Brugges also covered economic matters, giving the Crown of Castile the right to export Merino wool to cities such as Antwerp.

Isabella II had ordered her son to travel to Bilbao once his first wife Ana was buried. But she delayed him in both Lagos and Lisbon sufficiently until negotiations with Duke Philip of Burgundy had been completed, sending him to Bilbao so that his arrival in the city would coincide with that of the Archduchess. When Miguel arrived in the city and had finally discovered the ruse of his mother, he was not only outraged, but also hurt. His first wife had barely put into the ground before he was thrown into another marriage. It was no surprised to those close to the Portuguese Prince that he refused to meet with the Archduchess Eleanor, going so far as to exercise his prerogatives to prevent her from even stepping foot into Bilbao, forcing her to remain aboard the Burgundian flagship.

After a few days, Miguel was worn down by the pleas of those in his retinue, to allow the Archduchess to enter the city, citing that his parents would catch wind of his ill behavior eventually, and it would reflect badly on his family if the Archduchess’ father heard of her ill treatment. He arranged to meet the Archduchess for the first time at the Cathedral of Santiago. It was there that Eleanor did not meet the handsome prince she had seen in so many portraits, but a mere boy who had instead lost something very important to him. It is unknown what impression Miguel da Paz had left on Eleanor, or that of Eleanor on Miguel, but the Prince relented and the two were married on May 18th, 1516, in Lisbon, before the court and officiated by the Archbishop of Lisbon. Miguel and Eleanor returned to Lagos, almost mirroring his first marriage, but the renaissance court which he and the Infanta Ana presided over was quickly deconstructed, becoming much more dour, in the words of Miguel, for the sake of the economy. Following the death of Ana, Prince Miguel became much more withdrawn and religious, and alongside his new wife, the Princess Eleanor, spent much time in reflection and prayer. Indeed, rumors spread that Miguel had not even bothered to consummate his second marriage, too torn in grief by the death of his wife. These were rumors that were widely believed to be true. Much to Isabella II’s distress, the ‘perfect wife’ she had chosen for her son seemed to be a disaster, the lively princess often complaining in letters to her mother-in-law and aunt that she spent most of her time in prayer and reflection, allowed to do little else.

Aside from these distressing events, the marriage of Eleanor to Miguel had piqued the interest Philip in seeking a wife of his eldest son, Charles. In 1517 a suit was formally offered, and later that year the Infanta Isabella was formally married to the Archduke Charles in Brussels. Otherwise, it was a quiet time for the Iberian Peninsula. The death of Ferdinand had finally united the three crowns of Portugal, Castile, and Aragon, with Isabella serving as Queen of Castile & Aragon but with her husband, Manuel as her co-ruler. Following this, Manuel had achieved his goals and increasingly resigned himself to merely overseeing affairs. Speaking to the Cortes of Aragon at Zaragoza, Isabella II repeated the same speech given to the Castilian Cortes, that she desired to maintain the policies of her father and would maintain all of his councilors as well. Manuel was hardly proactive in these times, many believing it to be connected to his widely failing health. While the explorers such as Hernán Cortés went off in the name of Spain to find glory and fortune for their King and Queen, Manuel I became increasingly aloof from the policies of state. By the end of 1516 the War of the League of Cambrai came to an end, the Sforza expelled from Milan by François I. With the situation becoming increasingly bleak, the treaties of Noyon and Brussels were signed which confirmed the French occupation of Milan and Venetian claims to the remainder of Imperial possessions in Lombardy, sans Cremona.

Manuel had increasingly strove to maintain neutrality in European affairs, but the treaties of Noyon and Brussels seemed outrageous, giving France the influence in Italy she desired. Manuel began to fear that François might resurrect the claims of Louis XII and Charles VIII to the throne of Naples and Sicily, which were now ruled by Isabella II, and now by extension, Manuel. The Portuguese King now realized his mistake in not backing his father-in-law Ferdinand more forcefully, and that his attempts to arbitrate between France and Aragon regarding Italy had only increased French power at the expense of the Spaniards. It was widely believed that the stress of the Iberian inheritance put a great strain on Manuel I. He now only desired to hold the inheritance together for his son Miguel, and to find matches for his his daughters. In 1518 a wedding occurred: the Infanta Beatrice was married to Duke Charles III of Savoy in an attempt to increase Spanish influence in Italy at the expense of France. In attendance was Francesco Sforza, il Duchetto[1], the only son of Gian Galeazzo Sforza. Spending much of his childhood in France, he had been restored to the Duchy of Milan in 1513 by the Swiss, by passing the claims Ludovico Sforza’s son Maximilian on the basis of usurptation. Francesco lasted barely two years as Duke, when familial intrigues and yet another French invasion in 1515 forced him into exile in Rome, the treaties of Noyon and Brussels stripping him of his duchy in favor of François I. At the proxy wedding between Beatrice and the Duke of Savoy, Francesco Sforza attempted in vain to secure the hand of the Infanta Maria, but Manuel had no desire to marry his daughter a landless noble, especially one from a dynasty of such lowly origins as the Sforza. Instead Manuel agreed to grant the deposed Duke of Milan a pension of 10,000 escudos, but agreed if Francesco regained his throne he might consider a marriage between his daughter and the duke.

François I and the Kingdom of France viewed the matrimonial policy of the Portuguese King with suspicion, and he even began to fear the prospect of an alliance between the Habsburgs, the Iberian crowns, and England to force France to the negotiating table. The death of Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, in 1519 proved the last straw, with Philip the Fair formally becoming Philip I, Holy Roman Emperor, King of Germany and Italy, ect. Declaring his intentions to travel to Rome to be formally crowned by the Pope, the French King knew that Philip was planning on ousting the French from Milan, and declared war shortly there after.

Although conflict broke out between France against the Habsburgs and the Aviz, it seemed that conflict would be the baptism of fire for Miguel. Manuel I died in 1521, and his son formally became king of Portugal. Isabella II declared that her son would be her co-ruler in Castile and Aragon, which was accepted by the Cortes. A dour and religious young man, greatly changed from his earliest youth, he planned to fight the French to the best of his ability…

[1]He died in 1512 in OTL, after falling from a horse in Angoulême.
 
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Things are definately starting to heat up!

The next chapter will cover what is essentially an ATL version of the Four Years War (1521 - 1526). With no election in 1519 (Philip was elected King of the Romans and thus could automatically succeed his father upon his death), France still finds herself surrounded by hostile enemies. Manuel I finally realizes why Ferdinand had been so insistent on campaigns in Italy, and attempts some sloppy last minute diplomacy to gain some allies in that theater. With Philip declaring his intentions to be crowned by the Pope, but more seriously to push the French out of Italy, François declares war. Henry VIII and Philip I have a raport ITTL as well (which will be covered in another chapter) so it's obvious the Tudors will join in the fun too. France seems without allies, but may find some help from the Navarrese, or some of the German Princes...

I will also have a future chapter regarding Hernan Cortez and the Americas in general. Don't worry, I haven't forgotten!
 
Very nice Drake! I just have one complain:

Francesco lasted barely two years as Duke, when familial intrigues and yet another French invasion in 1515 forced him into exile in Rome, the treaties of Noyon and Brussels stripping him of his duchy in favor of François I. The marriage between Francesco and the Infanta Maria served not only to bolster Francesco’s legitimacy, but Manuel I promised to aid the disposed duke in regaining his throne.

Well, if Francesco is a refugee with no land (because his Duchy is occupied by the French) I doubt the king would marry his sister to him. She would only be married to Francesco after he reconquers his lands and keeps them, proving that he can sustain an Infanta of Spain. While he is only a nobleman begging for help I don't think he would be considered a good choice.

Other than that, I liked the last chapters very much, and I'll look forward the next developments!
 
Very nice Drake! I just have one complain:



Well, if Francesco is a refugee with no land (because his Duchy is occupied by the French) I doubt the king would marry his sister to him. She would only be married to Francesco after he reconquers his lands and keeps them, proving that he can sustain an Infanta of Spain. While he is only a nobleman begging for help I don't think he would be considered a good choice.

Other than that, I liked the last chapters very much, and I'll look forward the next developments!

I suppose that does make a lot of sense... the Sforza dynasty was quite bad on the marriage market in the early 16th century, in between French invasions, none of the restored Dukes sufficiently married except the very last Sforza Duke, who failed to have any children. I plan on having the Sforza survive, at least for a little while longer, so the marriage can be put off. Do you think the deposed Duke of Milan would at least be able to secure some monetary aid from the Spanish, and perhaps a pledge to marry the Infanta if he secures Milan and manages to hold it?

And thank you Gonzaga. :) I'll be editing the most recent chapter to reflect this. I notice I had a few spelling errors as well.
 
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Do you think the deposed Duke of Milan would at least be able to secure some monetary aid from the Spanish, and perhaps a pledge to marry the Infanta if he secures Milan and manages to hold it?

Monetary aid I think is doable. But if you want only to secure the continuation of the Sforza family you don't to marry him to an Infanta. He would be desperate for money, so maybe you could marry Francesco to a woman from some minor family, who would be pleased to have a noble husband, but at the same time rich enough to give him support. Maybe the daughter of some Venetian patrician, some bastard daughter from a Habsburg, or a niece (or bastard daughter) of the Pope would work.
 
Monetary aid I think is doable. But if you want only to secure the continuation of the Sforza family you don't to marry him to an Infanta. He would be desperate for money, so maybe you could marry Francesco to a woman from some minor family, who would be pleased to have a noble husband, but at the same time rich enough to give him support. Maybe the daughter of some Venetian patrician, some bastard daughter from a Habsburg, or a niece (or bastard daughter) of the Pope would work.

Yes, I know, but it lends some support to the Duke to have a wife connected to one of the great royal families of Europe. For now I'll just have the Spanish bankroll him. When he regains the throne I'll figure out a match. The Infanta Maria might be better used elsewhere anyways.
 
The Italian War of 1519-1525
1519 to 1525; Spain, France, Italy, Germany, England & Scotland

The death of Maximilian I and ascension of Philip to the mantle of the Holy Roman Empire precipitated a crisis in Europe. Crowned King of Germany in Frankfurt, Philip declared his intentions to travel to be Rome to be crowned Holy Roman Emperor by the Pope himself. With the French occupying the Duchy of Milan, the declaration of Philip had the effect of pushing many Italian princes into the Imperial camp. Fearing French domination of the peninsula from Milan, and Spanish domination from Naples, Philip seemed the best choice, a neutral arbitrator in the matter with matter with no territories beyond the Alps. The Pope most especially supported Philip in this matter and agreed to crown him if the French were driven from Milan and Francesco Sforza was restored to his throne. Using the dowry of Isabella of Portugal, Philip built up an army composed of troops from his dominions in the Lowlands, but also hired Landsknecht mercenaries, with several German princes also promising troops to serve the Emperor. The young Archduke Charles was also granted control of Burgundian Army in which to defend Flanders from French aggression, although the Count of Nassau was granted oversight over the young Archduke. With the true colors of the French King shown, Philip also had little difficulty in convincing Henry VIII and Manuel I into signing an alliance against François.

Although François had been the first to declare war, he had found himself virtually isolated aside from the Republic of Venice, which reaffirmed it’s standing alliance with the French King since the League of Cambrai three years previously. Alfonso d’Este also stood by the French, hoping that François might strong-arm the Papacy into restoring him to the Duchies of Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio. François also found allies in Germany, amongst the Margraves of the House of Baden and Duke of Württemberg, chief of the pro-French princes in the Holy Roman Empire; as the ideas of Martin Luther began to spread beyond Wittenberg, those princes sympathetic to the ideas of Luther found an ally in France, who was willing to bankroll them in hopes of destabilizing Germany and preventing Philip from marching into Italy. Although Philip had hoped in theory to use his coronation in Rome to unify the cause of the German princes, in proved impractical. With the Turks continuing to encroach forward from the Balkans, many began to fear the newest Sultan, Suleiman the Magnificent, and believed resources would be better spent containing the Ottoman Empire, leaving Italy to the French, who were at least Christian. The problems introduced by Martin Luther also proved a thorn in the side of Philip, who was at least influenced by the ideas of Erasmus and favored some reform of the church. But those were both matters in the mind of Philip that would have to wait until his coronation: Philip ordered Martin Luther to appear before a Diet of the Empire, and promised military aid to King of Hungary, Louis II, but only after his coronation in Rome.

Both Henry VIII and Manuel had signed into the alliance against France enthusiastically, but only Henry VIII actively sought to aid Philip, raising an army and crossing the Channel to Calais, in hopes to aid the Imperial armies under the Count of Nassau and the Archduke Charles. Manuel on the other hand was reluctant to aid his allies, only bolstering his garrison in Naples and around Upper-Navarre and the Pyrenees. Towards the end of 1519, the first clashes had broken out, with the Anglo-Imperial forces under Henry of Nassau and Henry VIII (with the young Archduke Charles also in command) invading the north of France and seizing several cities, most notably Tournai, after a significant siege. These battles proved to be the Archduke Charles’ baptism of fire, although the Imperial forces and those of England found themselves facing stiff resistance from forces under Anne de Montmorency, giving François I time to gather troops to fight back. By March of 1520, the forces of François met the Anglo-Imperial force under the Count of Nassau and Henry VIII. Encouraged by the Constable of Bourbon to attack, the French forces scored a great victory over the English and Burgundians at Douai, forcing them to retreat. In the south the French attempted to seize the city of Fuenterrabia along the Bidasoa River, but encountered stiff resistance from the Spanish forces that prevented the French forces from gaining a strategic foothold in northern Spain beyond the Pyrenees.

In Italy the French position was desperate, the French Governor of Milan, the Viscount of Lautrec was hated for his severity, and the forces of Emperor Philip and Prospero Colonna, in the service of the Pope, outnumbered the French. Although Pope Leo X had been mildly pro-French following Marignano, he was willing to aid the Emperor in hopes of incorporating Parma and Ferrara into the Papal States. By June of 1520, the French had pushed out of Milan and had taken up positions around the Adda River. The position of the Viscount of Lautrec was difficult, but the arrival of Swiss mercenaries bolstered his force, but possessing no funds to pay them, was forced to agree to their demands to fight the Imperial-Papal forces immediately, engaging the Imperial-Papal forces under Philip and Colonna on 8 July 1520, at Lodi. Although Lautrec’s forces outnumbered those of the Emperor, the impatience of the Swiss mercenaries masked Lautrec’s guns and prevented him from using his artillery, charging against the entrenched Landsknecht forces under Georg von Frundsburg. Badly mauled, the Swiss troops were broken and abandoned the French to return to their cantons. This left Lautrec with too few troops, and abandoned Lombardy totally. Francesco Sforza was restored to his throne by August, and Philip proceeded with haste to Rome, although not before taking the Iron Crown of Lombardy from Pavia[1].

The Sforza had been restored to Milan and Philip found himself heralded in Rome upon his arrival. He hoped for a splendid coronation attended by the Princes of the Empire, both German and Italian, but two deaths in 1521 radically altered the alliance against France. The death of Leo X brought about the election of Adrian VI as Pope in 1522, a native of Utrecht and former tutor of the Archduke Charles. Although many regarded him as a puppet of the Emperor, Adrian endeavored not to be influenced by the Emperor. The death of Manuel in 1521 also brought his son Miguel to the thrones of Spain and Portugal. Unlike his father he was guaranteed to honor the alliance with Philip, and began to build up an army to campaign in the south of France, which had the effect of scaring Henry of Navarre[2] into the French camp, who invited French troops into his kingdom and began negotiations with François for the hand of Renée, the second surviving daughter of Louis XII and Anne of Brittany. The sudden alliance of Navarre with France had the effect of breaking the fragile peace within the tiny Pyrennese kingdom that had existed since the Treaty of Bigorre. The pro-French Gramonts immediately began to feud once more with the pro-Spanish Beaumonts, the Beaumonts going so far as to declare Henry II incapable of ruling and that the throne of Navarre should pass the Infante João, son of Miguel and the Infanta Ana. With the French army in Milan defeated, François was desperate to raise money to pay for the war, finding an ally in the Constable of Bourbon, who had aided him in the defeat of the Anglo-Imperial army at Douai. With the death of his wife Suzanne of Bourbon in 1521, the Constable of Bourbon had inherited her estates, including the Duchies of Bourbon and Auvergne, and the Counties of Clermont-en-Beauvaisis, Forez, Gien and La Marche, which were claimed by the king’s mother, by right of proximity of blood. Aside from these lands, he also possessed substantial lands in his own right. In order to settle the issue, the Constable of Bourbon agreed to marry Louise of Savoy, with the agreement that upon the Constables death, the lands would unite with the crown. The Constable also agreed to give François a share of the revenue from the Bourbon inheritance, which would allow the French king to continue to wage war.

With the defeat of the Anglo-Imperial forces at Douai, the forces under Nassau and the Archduke Charles had retreated back into the Lowlands, with Henry taking the remainder of his forces to Calais, where he hoped to return to England to raise more troops. Yet the defeat at Douai had the effect of influencing Scotland, ruled by the Duke of Albany[3] (a man notorious for his pro-French policies) who served as Regent for the young James V to renew the Auld Alliance and declare war against England. This forced Henry VIII to retire from the continent, and although he would remain allied to Philip and Miguel, he would not return to the continent for the remainder of the war. The entrance of Scotland and Navarre to the French side bolstered François’ confidence, despite the loss of Milan, and he dispatched the Constable of Bourbon south to Pamplona, to bolster the Navarrese army south of the Pyrenees. While French forces were decisively defeated at the Battle of Fuenterrabia on 6 April 1521, the forces of the Constable of Bourbon successfully defended Upper Navarre from the Spanish, and repulsed a raid on Pamplona in the fall of 1521.

With Henry VIII concerned with the Scots and Imperial forces repulsed from northern France, François turned his attentions to regaining Milan. Although Philip was formally crowned Holy Roman Emperor in 1522 by Adrian VI, his relations with the Italian princes were beginning to become strained, who wanted the Emperor (not to mention his army) out of Italy as soon as possible. Philip was also concerned with the problems of Germany, knowing that he needed to confront the problem of Martin Luther as soon as possible. Philip’s departure from Rome in early 1523 coincided with François crossing the alps with a sizable force who easily swept aside Prospero Colonna and forcing Francesco Sforza to flee his duchy for a third time. The mood of Italy was shown appropriately upon the death of Adrian VI after barely a year as Pope. Clement XII, a scion of the House of Medici, succeeded him. Even more apathetic than Adrian VI, he was eager to quit the war with France, much to the anger of the Emperor. Although at first victorious, François soon clashed with the forces of Philip in October of 1523 at the Battle of Malnate, which forced François to quit Italy for a second time. Combined with the defeat of the Constable of Bourbon in Navarre against the Spanish and a renewed invasion of Northern France, François was forced to rethink his priorities.

The war continued to drag into 1524. With the outbreak of armed rebellions in Germany against the Princes, and the continued growth of the reformation, the German Princes pressured Philip to cease fighting against France and call the Diet he had promised nearly five years previously. Henry VIII was the first to quit the war; becoming more concerned with the succession, or lack thereof following a close call in the north against the Scots, the King of England signed the Treaty of Dover in 1524, in hopes that he could focus more on his domestic situation, most especially regarding his lack of a legitimate son. Miguel and Philip, however, did not formally agree to peace with France until the Treaty of Bayonne in 1525. François recognized the loss of Milan and Francesco Sforza as the legitimate Duke of Milan, but little else. Miguel attempted to legitimate his claims to Upper Navarre, but Philip, eager to end the conflict so he might solve his issues in Germany, was unwilling to press the issue, forcing the young Spanish king to restore the provinces of Navarre south of the Pyrenees to Henry II, who despite this remained in Pau, formally designating it the new capital of Navarre in 1526, shortly after his marriage to Renée of France. Miguel left the first great war of his reign with a bitter taste in his mouth. He gained nothing out of it, and viewed his father-in-law Philip with distaste. A spineless man who cared only for himself, Miguel blamed him and only him for the humiliation of having to return Upper Navarre to Henry II, despite having seized it at overwhelming odds. Now more than ever Miguel wanted an ally who would not betray him. Miguel would be forced to reconsider his relations and alliances in regards to the other kingdoms of Europe.

[1] Philip was crowned King of Italy by the Pope as well. He never returned the crown to Pavia, taking it with him to Brussels.

[2] Very pro-French, the Spanish regarded it as a matter of time after Catherine’s death until Henry II tore up the Treaty of Bigorre.

[3] John Stewart. He had married Anne de la Tour d'Auvergne, and would be succeeded as Duke of Albany by his son Francis Stewart (François de Stuart d’Auvergne) in 1536, who was also Count of Auvergne through his mother.
 
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There is the most recent chapter. I apologize for the length, but it was necessary to cover the most important events. Critique and criticism are welcomed. War isn't my forte, so I'm sure I've made some mistakes. I apologize for any spelling/grammatical errors, I try to catch them but sometimes they slip in.

I'd like to thank my readers for bugging me about this too. I had quit writing this for awhile, and almost started a new TL... but I'm glad I've stuck with this. It's at about 7 chapters right now, 17 pages in MS word, and I'm only about 30 words or so shy from the 10,000 word mark. So thank you a lot, whether you comment or not.

I will probably make a map soon as well... but territorially not much is different, besides Navarre surviving south of the Pyrenees.

I'm not sure what I'm going to cover next chapter. I know I said I was going to do Hernan Cortes, but I may hold it off. The beginnings of the English Reformation are present in this chapter, although you may not notice it now, and I should also deal with the situation in Germany. There's also Hungary and the Turks... so I'm not sure. But I'll get to the Americas at some point. :D
 
That's nice! Navarre surviving united (although I'm not sure if it can last) and the Sforzas keeping Milan. I'm intrigued by the alliances that Miguel I will try to make from now.
 
That's nice! Navarre surviving united (although I'm not sure if it can last) and the Sforzas keeping Milan. I'm intrigued by the alliances that Miguel I will try to make from now.
I'm also very interested in seeing the alliances Miguel will make.
Keep up the good work, DrakeRlugia!:)
 
That's nice! Navarre surviving united (although I'm not sure if it can last) and the Sforzas keeping Milan. I'm intrigued by the alliances that Miguel I will try to make from now.

Thank you, Gonzaga, as always. :) I agree that Navarre maintaining it's provinces in Iberia are rather unlikely in the long run. Indeed, the Treaty of Bayonne has ultimately had the effect of pushing Navarre completely out of the Iberian cultural sphere and into the French sphere, as shown in Henry II moving his capital to Pau, which is safer from Spanish aggression, being beyond the Pyrenees.

I'm also very interested in seeing the alliances Miguel will make.
Keep up the good work, DrakeRlugia!:)

Thank you! :) It's always nice to have commenting readers.
 
The King’s Great Matter
England; 1524 to 1536

Joining the anti-French alliance set up by the Holy Roman Emperor Philip, Henry VIII had first campaigned in France as he had during the League of Cambrai, leaving his wife as Regent in his steed. Yet the entry of Scotland into the war on the French side in the winter of 1520 forced Henry VIII to return to England, where he spent four years facing off against the Scots (who were backed by French money) alongside the Duke of Suffolk. For four years Henry VIII dealt with Scottish excursions, unwilling to mount any serious invasion of Scotland. In 1524, at the Battle of Bowsden, Henry VIII was knocked from his horse in the midst of battle and for a time many believed he had died. Having only his daughter Mary, and fearing his demise without a legitimate issue, it was the experience at Bowsden that caused Henry VIII to immediately sign peace with Scotland and France, to focus on what many called “The King’s Great Matter.”

Henry VIII returned to his court a changed man, his mood towards his queen, Catherine of Aragon, becoming openly hostile. Although Catherine had attempted to take the advice of sister Isabella, it was clear that by 1524 Catherine was incapable of giving Henry a son, or even becoming pregnant at all. By 1526 Henry’s attentions had fell upon a young woman in the queen’s household, Anne Boleyn. He attempted to make her his mistress, as he had her sister, Mary, but Anne stood steadfast. She refused to be charmed by the king, but her refusal only had the effect of intriguing Henry further. An ambitious and scheming woman, Anne finally realized what she might hope to gain from him; she refused to yield only to his desires if she became his wife and queen. This was perfect for Henry. Unlike Catherine, Anne was a beautiful woman in the prime of her youth, no doubt capable of giving him as many sons. Henry was no longer content with Catherine: he wanted his marriage to her annulled, and as quickly as possible. Henry VIII, in correspondence with the Emperor Philip, had indicated his desire for an annulment from Catherine of Aragon. Philip, shackled in marriage to another daughter of Isabella and Ferdinand, understood Henry’s complaints perfectly, and suggested the King appeal directly to the Pope himself for an annulment. The Emperor also pledged to write to the Pope personally on behalf of Henry.

Henry dispatched William Knight to Rome to sue for an annulment. The English envoy argued that the bull of Julius II was obtained under false pretenses, because Catherine’s first marriage to Arthur, the Prince of Wales had been consummated. The king also petitioned that in the event of an annulment a dispensation that he be free to marry again any woman, even within the first degree of affinity. Knight also arrived bearing a letter from the Emperor himself, urging Clement VII to grant Henry an annulment so that the succession of England could be secured. Despite these arguments, the Pope was not convinced, and refused to grant Henry an annulment, most especially in recognizing that the bull of Julius II had been obtained under false pretenses. Dealing with Martin Luther and the Reformation, Clement had no desire to undermine the Church’s standing any further than it always was. Knight thus returned to England empty-handed.

Henry was enraged at the Pope’s decision, the Emperor also perplexed that Clement had refused the annulment with such sound evidence. Based on his own poor relationship with his wife, Philip increasingly urged Henry to take action himself. After all, Philip had not needed the Pope’s permission to confine the Empress Joanna in the Gravensteen; why should Henry need Papal permission to rid himself of Catherine? It was a trivial matter that could be solved in England, not in Rome. It was his communications with the Emperor that Henry placed the matter into the hands of Cardinal Wosley, ordering him to end his marriage to Catherine at any cost. Wosley summoned an ecclesiastical council in England, with the Papal Legate and the queen present. The speech that Catherine gave had the effect of swaying those prelates present to her side, and doing little to forward the agenda of Henry. Clement himself forbade Henry from contracting a new marriage, declaring his ecclesiastical council to be illegal, and his demand for an annulment would be decided upon in Rome, not in England. Philip continued to offer Henry advice, even pledging to write the Pope yet again, but it meant little and Henry’s relationship with the Emperor, once warm, began to suffer, and upon the dismissal of Cardinal Wosley from office in 1529, had cooled completely. Henry VIII soon began to repudiate Papal authority all together, and theologians from Oxford and Cambridge agreed that Henry’s marriage to Catherine had been unlawful and he should be free to remarry.

By 1531 Catherine had been banished from court and her rooms given to Anne, who began to grow in political influence, having great influence over the king regarding governmental appointments and political affairs. Well educated for her age, she was absorbed in the ideas introduced by the Reformation and had saw to it that the Boleyn family chaplain, Thomas Cranmer, had been appointed Archbishop of Canterbury, through the intervention of the King of France. Following the deterioration of the relationship between Henry VIII and Philip, Anne had advocated an alliance with France. Anne and Henry formally met with François at Calais in the winter of 1532, when the King of France formally lent his support to marriage between Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn. François’ true intentions, however, were to negotiate a match between the Dauphin and the Princess Mary. Although the two had been betrothed shortly after her birth in 1516, the match had been abandoned by 1520. François now wished to renew it to bind England and France in marriage. Although Henry VIII was reluctant to agree to the match, Anne promised Henry that he would soon have a son and he would be doing his daughter a disservice by not arranging her a prestigious match, although in reality many believed Anne arranged the match to remove a potential rival for the king’s affections, as Henry and Mary were quite close. Despite Mary’s misgivings for the marriage and the fear of being separated from her mother, Catherine, despite her disgrace urged Mary to obey her father and go along with the marriage. The Princess Mary married the Dauphin by proxy in the spring of 1533, and armed with a magnificent trousseau from Antwerp and a dowry of 50,000 crowns, she crossed over to Calais, no longer Princess Mary, but as Marie d’Angleterre, Dauphine of France and Duchess of Brittany. Mary formally met her husband and father-in-law at Saint-Quentin for the first time, and although she had been a sickly child, Mary had grown into a rather pleasing young woman and the Dauphin was taken with her. The duo was formally married in Paris and with Queen Claude having died some years previously, at the age of sixteen Mary was the first lady of the French court.

In England, Henry continued to break with Rome, and Thomas Cromwell brought a number of acts before Parliament that recognized Royal Supremacy over the Church. In January of 1533 Henry married Anne, and in May the Archbishop of Canterbury declared the marriage between Catherine and Henry to be null and that of Henry and Anne to be valid. Catherine was stripped of her title of Queen and Anne was consequently crowned. Having given in to Henry at the end of 1532, Anne had found herself pregnant, and Henry had hurried their marriage to legitimate their unborn child. Yet Anne’s pregnancies seemed to mirror that of Catherine. She suffered a miscarriage in the autumn of 1533, and another in early 1534. Her constant arguing with Henry also lead him to consider a second annulment. Yet on 14 May 1535, Anne finally gave birth to a living child—a daughter, who was named Elizabeth after Henry’s mother, Elizabeth of York. This did little to smooth over their relationship. By 1536 Catherine of Aragon had died, and Anne suffered another miscarriage. Openly courting Jane Seymour, Henry desired to rid himself of Anne because of her terrible behavior and she was tried and executed for adultery. Ten days later, Henry married his third wife, Jane Seymour.

The collapse of his marriage with Catherine of Aragon had lead Henry to take control of the Church in England. Acts of Parliament recognized Royal Supremacy over the affairs of the Church. The Papal Nuncio left England and relations between Rome and London were severed, the King of England excommunicated. Although he had taken control of the church, Henry VIII was largely conservative in his religious views and did not break with Catholicism totally, the king merely replacing the Pope when it came to church appointments, and heading the church as a whole. The Reformation had begun in England, but it would be Henry’s successors who would implement theological and practical reforms.

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Here's the most recent chapter, dealing with the English reformation. The last couple chapters have flowed with me, hence the updates in such quick succession. The marriage of Mary to the Dauphin might seem slightly absurd, as Henry VIII has no other children at this point, but in OTL Mary was betrothed to several different suitors, although no marriage came about as Henry was reluctant to pay her dowry. On his death bed Henry apologized to Mary for not finding her a husband. Anne, following a pro-French policy and influencing the King, sees the marriage as a great coup.

Henry doted upon Mary although she was not the son he wanted, and her marriage occurs before the repudiation of Papal authority and the death of Catherine that strained relations between Henry and Mary. Anne sees the marriage as a chance to removal a potential threat for the king's affections, and to also secure the place of her (hopefully) numerous children at the court. François I accepts the marriage in hopes of one day seeing his son crowned as both King of France and England; however far fetched the idea seems, with Mary his only legitimate offpsring as of 1532, the French King jumps at the chance, seeing it as the best way of drawing England permenantly out Imperial camp and into that of France.

However, Anne's numerous miscarriages before the birth of a daughter in 1535 (who will be totally different than the Elizabeth of our world) see her quickly axed, leaving the king free to remarry for a third time in 1536. With both of his former wives dead, there is no suggestion that this marriage is illegitimate. The most significant effect is there is no succession act; Mary is not formally declared illegitimate, nor is Elizabeth, leaving the succession wide open at this point. Essentially, the king is free to declare his successor whomever he wishes, but is still betting on a son at this point.
 
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