Kara Ali in Patras - 22 September 1766 - Patras, Morea, Ottoman Empire
Kara Ali had taken Patras from the Albanian Militia without the use of force. Rather than executing them for turning the rebellion worse, he expelled all the Albanian men who had a role in the local militia suppressing the rebellion to Aleppo. This was about 20,000 men of whom 16,000 had also taken their families with them, bringing their numbers to 68,000 people. They were sent to Aleppo, Latakia, Antakya, Tartus and Beirut.
Kara Ali Pasha was welcomed by an anxious group of Eastern Orthodox Clergy of Patras. Kara Ali Pasha informed the people of Morea that he was appointed by Sultan Mustafa III as Governor of Morea until order was restored. By having the legal power over the Eyalet, his decisions were final unless the Sultan or Grand Vizier said otherwise. His first order of business was expelling many Greek rebels with their families to other provinces, such as Van, Diyarbakir, Mosul, Erbil and Tripoli. The property of the Church and those who were harmed in the rebellion, who did not participate, were restored. The province calmed down over the time except for the Maniots area, where Ottoman Authority was considered non-existent. Kara Ali Pasha assembled his forces yet again to set for Mani. The Maniots had to be dealt with for once and for all.
Nureddin Aga in Mysore - 10 February 1767 - Bangalore, Sultanate of Mysore
Nureddin Aga was an Officer in the Sekban Corps, arriving in the realm of Hyder Ali in 1766. He was sent by order of Sultan Mustafa III in order to give aid to Hyder Ali in his possible conflicts with the Marathas and the EIC. The Sultan promised to offer a Naval Base for the Ottoman Navy on one of his ports, leasing the port for 99 years.
Sultan Mustafa III was informed about Hyder Ali’s desires and what he would offer. It was a desire of his brother Mehmed V to give more access to the Ottoman Fleet beyond the Persian Gulf. A base in Mangalore, Cochin or Calicut was hoped for. Hyder Ali’s preparations to attack the EIC for Madras as well as the Dutch in Cochin. For that, he wished to get some aid in case it did not go well. The threat of a Maratha invasion was still there, despite the defeat in Panipat 6 years ago against the Afghans. The Sultan sent an envoy to India, a delegation of 15 men led by Nureddin Aga.
Nureddin Aga (1731-....) was a Turkmen Officer from Erbil. He played a role in the Persian Campaign as a Sipahi Commander, assisting Ismail Safavi. He later joined the Sekban Corps, getting a higher position while also keeping his Timar. It was in 1765 when Nureddin Aga was in Bursa, when he was encountered by Sultan Mustafa and sent with 14 others to Mysore. The delegation was:
- Elmas Nureddin Aga (1731-....), Sekban Officer, Tumen Aga, Erbil
- Kerküklü Ahmed Aga (1725-....), Sekban Officer, Ocak Aga, Kerkuk
- Dilsiz Ali Aga (1726-....), Sekban Officer, Ocak Aga, Mosul
- Arnavut Kazim Aga (1719-....), Sipahi Officer, Ocak Aga, Yenice
- Kilic Ismail Aga (1720-....) Sipahi Officer, Ocak Aga, Sistova
- Aksakal Mahmud Aga (1716-....) Artillery Officer, Birlik Aga, Batum
- Kara Mustafa Aga (1723-....) Second in command in the Osmaniye SotL, Kavala
- Kasapci İbrahim Aga (1718-....) Captain of the Osmaniye SotL, Vlore
- Qadi Nizameddin Efendi (1713-....) Qadi of Diyarbakir, Diyarbakir
- Qadi Abdurrahman Efend (1708-....) Qadi of Kars, Kars
- Yannis Efendi (1714-....) Phanariot, Constantinople
- Konstantinos Efendi (1717-....) Phanariot, Constantinople
- Spiros Efendi (1710-....) Phanariot, Constantinople
- Hovhannes Efendi (1717-....) Treasurer of the Armenian Patriarch, Constantinople
- David Efendi (1720-....) Wealthiest merchant of the Ottoman Empire, Selanik
The delegation was accompanied by 5 SotL and 10 Frigates, and 500 soldiers. Nureddin Aga would eventually be staying with Ahmed Aga, Ali Aga, Mahmud Aga, Mustafa Aga and İbrahim Aga. The delegation secured an agreement that the Ottoman Navy will help the Mysori Sultan to secure Cochin and in exchange, the Ottoman Navy can use the town as a base. A permanent Ottoman Embassy was set up in the capital of the Sultan with Qadi Nizameddin Efendi taking the place. The Mysori Sultan also desired military support in case of a Maratha invasion. The Ottomans were willing to help only if Hyder Ali and Nizam Ali of Hyderabad agreed to help each other in need and avoid war with each other. The Governor of Egypt and/or the Governor of Baghdad could amass a Force to support Hyder Ali if he ever needed it. The Ottoman officers discussed the idea whether the military can perform in a land far away and in the Indian landscape against veterans who know the area. But the Sultan’s orders were simple: “ensure an alliance at all cost”.
The alliance with Indian Muslims was not new. Until Mehmed V (1757-1759) reign, the Ottomans were quite neutral in Asian affairs, except for Persia which had a direct impact on them. Mehmed’s unfortunate and untimely death prevented the immediate attempts. While Mehmed V was focussed on the Nizam of Hyderabad and a potential Muslim Ruler being set up in Gujarat, this shifted to Mysore as well with Hyder Ali’s powergrab. The Ottoman Empire would no longer be a mediating power. It would be a Caliphate that defends the Muslims anywhere. At the end, both parties were pleased. Nureddin Aga remained in Mysore in order to join the Army of Hyder Ali against the East India Company.
Islamic missionaries in the Europe and beyond - 1767
The Ottoman Empire as a state was not promoting missionary activity. That was reserved for the Sufi Orders. The same applied to many other nations and until recently Persia. The Bektashi Order of the Ottoman Empire had their bases in the Balkans. Quite popular among Albanians and rather accepted by Greeks and Bulgarians. Their activity had increased over years and found many new Tekkes (religious buildings for the Bektashi). While being the primary Order to convert people to Islam and being borderling Shia, many converts would still follow Sunni guidlines of Islam over time, apart of some Albanians and Greeks. The popularity among Albanians, Greeks and Bulgarians could not be said the same over Bosnians, Serbs and Romanians, the latter being more staunch in their Eastern Orthodox Beliefs, even in the Empire. The competition between the Qadiriyya Order and even the Greek Orthodox Church who had experienced a revival in an efficiënt Greek Orthodox education to its followers, making them firm in their beliefs. The Bektashi Order was also popular among European Christians who fled their homes and found refuge in the Empire. Their size was rather small but it was quite attractive. Among 14,000 Hungarians who settled in the Ottoman Empire after the Austro-Turkish War, about 2,800 converted to Islam by influence of the Bektashi Order, which is 20%. At last, the Romas, or as the public would call them: Gypsies, were also quite interested in the Bektashi Order. Most Roma Muslims belonged to a Bektashi Order. The Romas were the group with the largest rate of conversion to Islam in the Balkans, and 2nd overall, behind the Zanj slaves who were brought in by Arab Merchants and converted by their masters. The Bektashi order played a big role in this.
The Qadiriyya Order was another Sufi order active in the Balkans and North Africa. The Qadiriyya was like the Naqshbandi, quite popular among the Slavic Muslims of the Empire. The Qadiriyya Order was less active in converting non-Muslims in the Empire but they were the primary Order in converting the Slavic converts, even among the Bulgarians the Bektashi Order was almost as popular as the Qadiriyya Order. By the 1760s, the Qadiriyya Order was tied with the Bosnian Muslim Identity and doing so with the Serb Muslims as well. Even among the Romanians of the Empire, where 45 out of every 100,000 Romanians would convert to Islam, it would be by the Qadiriyya Order influence. While behind the Bektashi Order in terms of conversion, it was no less popular in the Balkans.
The Naqshbandi Order was active in the Caucasus and the Middle East. It was a uniting factor for the Sunni Kurds as well as Sunni Arabs of Mesopotamia, resisting Shiism. It was a front of Sunni Arabs resisting Wahhabist theology from Nejd, which they deemed as ‘silly’ and ‘dangerous’. It was however, also active in Safavid Georgia and the subjugated lands of the Northern Caucasus, the Crimean Khanates new lands. In Georgia, the Church experienced a small era of chaos as the Ottoman-Safavid alliance had disrupted Georgian society in the time of Ismail III restoration in Azerbaijan. Tbilisi became the capital for the time being. At that moment, many Georgian Churches in town were used as Mosques by the Safavid Authorities, leaving the Georgian Christians with one church in Tbilisi vs 12 mosques. The Armenians experienced no difference though they were better organized and two churches. While Shiism did attract some converts, it was the Naqshbandi Order from Batum that caused disturbed feelings in the Georgian Orthodox Clergy. It caused the Georgian Clergy to petition the Safavid Shah to stop the Naqshbandi Order. The Safavid Shah complied and declared the Naqshbandi Activity in Georgia as “disruptive and anti-Shia behavior”, in other words, it was threatened with death sentence if they kept doing this. The Safavids were more concerned about growing hostile Sunni subjects in the Safavid Realm, rather than satisfying the Georgian Christians. The Naqshbandi protested this in Constantinople to Sultan Mustafa III and to the Crimean Khan in Bakhchisaray, though kept on their activity. The Ottoman Sultan was willing to find a compromise between the Safavid Shah and the Naqshbandi Order. The Crimean Khan was however more assertive despite the smaller size of his realm and offered protection to anyone belonging to the Naqshbandi Order who was persecuted. In addition, the Crimean Tatars recruited local Tatars and Muslim Circassians to raid Christian villages in Safavid Georgia. While Ismail of Persia was unwilling to start a war over this, the first sign of rivalry between the Safavids on one side and the Ottomans and Crimeans on the other side had shown itself. Shah Ismail could do little for the Georgian Christians other than officially forbidding the activity of the Naqshbandi Order. The question whether the Shah would order the converted to revert back to their Christian faith was rejected as Ismail found it unacceptable and did not want to draw the ire of the Ottoman Empire, which would be a certain war. A war Ismail cannot afford. While Ismail’s order had decreased conversion rates, it was still large. That was the part when the Georgian Orthodox Church came in contact with the Patriarchate of Constantinople and asked for advice on how to prevent this. Several Greek Priests left for Georgia to reorganize the Church and make Church education efficiënt. The reorganisation of the Georgian Orthodox Church and the increased quality of the education had decisively lowered conversion rates to 79 per 100,000 Georgians per year. Though this would be in 1800 already.
The Naqshbandi Order operating in the Crimean Khanate was also active in the Caucasus, converting subjugated non-Muslim tribes. The Naqshbandi Order was quite militant in the Caucasus to a point where the Crimean Khan had to act more religious even if he wasn’t like that. This would mean no consumption of alcohol, a lot of legal issues dealt with Sharia Law only. The Naqshbandi Order would call the Sunnis of the Northern Caucasus to resist the “deception of the Shiite Persians”. The Naqshbandi Orders would bless Muslim forces in their battles with non-Muslims and Shiites. It would assemble allies for converted tribes in battle with non-Muslims.
Members outside the Ottoman Empire and Crimean Khanate were different in approach. The Bektashi Order was mostly an Ottoman thing, apart from having members in North Africa as well. The Qadiriyya Order was also active in Africa, influenced by members from the Maghreb and the primary Sufi Order converting non-Muslim Bantus in West Africa. In India, protected by various Muslim Monarchs as well. The Naqshbandi Order was the only Sufi Order gaining prominence among Turkic and Mongolians, especially with a militant cover.