Part VC: The Thirteenth Century Crisis
Looking back historically there are four periods typically labeled by historians as the worst in Imperial history. First was the Third Century Crises, marked by endless wars both internal and external, defeat, revolt, and general decline. This century would last from the death of Alexander Severus, though arguably went back even further to the death of Septimius Severus, and would continue until the reign of the Great Constantine. With brief interludes occasionally, in particular that of Aurelian.
Constantine set as much of the Empire back on course as he could, but the subsequent disaster of the Apostate’s rule undid much of his work, leading directly to the collapse of the western half of the empire a century later.
From here things remained more or less stable, sometimes moreso and sometimes less, until the seventh century, from the death of Constantine IV, and with it the loss of much of the East, until the accession of Leo IV saw the Romans storm back out of their strongholds and retake the East and more beside.
The third began with the death of Romanos III and will continue until Peter I’s reign when a the first major blow against Constantinople’s many enemies was struck in the north at the end of this century, and presses Roman territory into never before reached regions of Europe. The crisis years will not fully end however until John V.
And finally, of course there will be the Century of Humiliations as it is so aptly called, but we’ll get to that.
But all of that is well into the future. For now Julius II had managed to restore some semblance of order to the Roman world, but now found himself beset on all sides. To the north Bulgari lords established for themselves Marcher lands, aimed squarely at Roman positions in Greece. To the East, Arab raiders prepared to return to the tactics they had utilized in the 600s to devastating effect. The Emperor must have wondered if he should have just kept Africa and Italy under his personal Imperium and simply abandoned the East altogether.
But if so, Julius never displayed such thoughts. Over the course of his reign he will depart on campaign again and again, using ambush and fabian tactics to drive off raiders in East and West. Fortresses were built or expanded along the Hemus Mountains and in the Caucuses. Garrisons were trained and put in place. Even so the Emperor was hard-pressed with his limited field army. In particular Julius lacked a strong force of light cavalry, as these were primarily provided either by the Turks in Anatolia, the Magyar in Moesia, or Bedawi from Syria. Now the Magyar and Bedawi were unavailable, and the Turks were busy defending the Anatolian peninsula.
Julius was thus forced to improvise, and set about creating a force of mounted infantry. These troops had been used in some ways previously, but this force was highly specialized. A mixture of light and heavy infantry these men were trained to ride, but then to dismount and fight on foot. This saved drastically on training time required since they would not be required to fight as cavalry, while still giving them much needed additional speed on campaign.
These soldiers were armed in the typical Italian fashion of the time. They were armed primarily with maces and spears, as well as the hoplon shield used by the late Thalassan army, armor at this point not having reached the point where the shield was obsolete for heavy infantry. The key difference between Italian troops and those of the rest of the Empire at this time was in their armor. While both wore coats of mail, the Italians had taken to attaching overlapping plates to the inside of their tunicas, resulting in a much stronger, if heavier protection. This is also the beginning of the breastplates which will emerge in the coming century in the Imperial army. As this armor improves mail will begin to decline, as it proves far cheaper to produce these coats of plates. Supporting this group of heavy infantry were crossbowmen, using newer models developed among merchant guards in Italy. These were heavier and required more time to reload, but also could punch through a shield at close range.
They are not yet however the large, cranked models which will emerge as the visual model we think of as the Caesarii army. This is still very much a transitional force. That said, it is still remembered as the first of the new legions created by the Caesarii in this openly nostalgic restoration of the empire. Some ideas put forward by particularly foolish senators that the soldiers be armed in the manner of early principate troops was thankfully rejected forcefully by Julius, who had no illusion about the usability of short swords on a modern battlefield.
The legions will eventually grow to ten thousand men during the final years of the reign of Katerina, when the recovery of the Danube left the Roman state in solid enough position to field full field armies once again. For now however Julius organized his legions into groups of four thousand, and will organize three during his lifetime to serve as a mobile support force. Only the first will be fully mounted however as financial difficulties prevented further mounted infantry creation.
Cavalry was thus left entirely to local forces. And by this we mean the Turks of Anatolia. The terrain of Greece often precluded significant cavalry use, and the brush wars against the Bulgari will instead see large-scale battles decided almost entirely by infantry for the first time since perhaps Adrianople.
To organize these local forces Julius reorganized the empire into diocese, largely along the lines of Manuel’s exarchates. The sole exception to this is that Italy was merged into a single diocese. More formal rules rules regarding rule was put in place, with each diocese governed by a Senate elected along the lines discussed last time, and the Senate electing a consul from within their ranks to act as half of the executive branch. A second consul, from a different diocese and appointed by the Emperor was also put in place, who would maintain control over non-garrison troops was also created. By splitting duties as the old republic had done Julius looked to both separate power, and to leave no one man in charge of all military forces within a region, but not divide things so much that the local army would collapse immediately when threatened.
The need for such forces was soon demonstrated.
The first major external threat of Julius’s sole reign came not from the Bulgari, who were still asserting control over the devastated Moesia, nor from the Arabs, who were still swamped by their own long campaign in Upper Egypt, but from the Rus.
To the north Kiev had emerged from the battering it had received from the Cumans, and now looked to reassert itself as the greatest city of the north, though that title had by now rightly been claimed by even more distant Novgorod. Regardless, the devastation of the nomads at the hands of Romanos, and then at Constantinople, had seen Kiev successfully expand its territory over a large part of the steppe, and in 1260 a large fleet of Rus ships entered the Black Sea, and began raiding the northern coast of Anatolia, which was still largely intact. Julius readied his forces and crossed the strait, by boat since the old bridge had not been replaced. A further Imperial fleet sailed along the coast, and over the summer of 1260 a number of quick sea battles were fought, the Imperial ships now utilizing early ignimalum, a safer alternative to liquid fire for a moving fleet. These early ignifera were small and usually either thrown by marines prior to attempts to board, or launched from engines mounted on the decks of larger ships.
Against the Rus however they provided a good testing ground against an enemy who could not answer back in kind, valuable experience for what was coming. It was here as well that Julius’s son, Alexios, appears as an officer aboard the Imperial flagship, though he likely had no actual authority. The young man was now 20, married, and will prove a solid partner for his father during Julius’s final eight years of reign. He already had his two twin sons as well, the unfortunate Leo and more fortunate Marcus.
The Rus fleet were beaten back, and the raiding force retreated back to the north. Casualties were light on both sides, but the campaign had still been expensive for Julius’s limited treasury. Returning to Constantinople he was forced to ask the Senate to approve a per capita tax on the Italian upper class. After some debate this was granted, though at a lower rate than Julius initially wanted. And of course, this was in addition to the normal taxes the Emperor simply had the right to levy without additional approval or oversight. Funds were turned to building up a naval squadron on the north coast of Anatolia, as well as a small force at Cherson for future fighting against the Rus. Cherson’s defenses were strengthened as well, and a number of new settlements founded in the region from Italian colonists offered cheap or free land. The former inhabitants, more similar to the Rus than the Romans, were put on ships and forcibly shipped to central Anatolia, where they joined other Italian and African colonists shipped in to try and do at least some repopulating of the region.
This colonization marked the first deliberate attempts by the Romans to fully incorporate the entire peninsula into the Empire, and heralded the goals of many future Emperors as they worked to resecure the grain supply cut off from Egypt. It also marked a major battleground against the Rus in future, as attempts by Kiev to exert control over what will eventually be the Diocese of Tauria began to center on the peninsula.
All of that was for the future though, as Julius returned home mostly triumphant, and settled in for a peaceful winter. The Rus returned in less force to raid Armenia the next year, and again an Imperial fleet was dispatched to battle them in the Black Sea. Again, they were defeated and driven off, with the Imperial Caesar leading the counterattack.
Thus was the dynamic of Julius’s remaining years spent. The Emperor in the capital, administering the Empire, raising his two grandsons, and making trips to Italy every few months to ensure his power base there remained both secure and reasonably docile. The heir in the field, battling the Rus, or the sporadic Arab and Bulgari raids on the borderlands.
It wasn’t until 1266 however that a major attack emerged once again. The Arabs had by now consolidated their hold on Egypt, and taken the majority of the southern holdouts, leaving the Caliph free to look toward the remainder of Syria as a potential conquest.
The war that followed isn’t particularly interesting. Caliph Salah marched an army of twenty thousand out of Arabia and laid siege to Antioch. The siege lasted for the entirety of the next year, and was a dismal failure. The Caliph retreated with much of his army dead of disease or lack of supplies, with Roman reinforcements from Laodicea constantly harassing and ambushing his foraging parties and supply trains. Indeed it was estimated in Julius’s accounts that nearly one million nomismata of supplies were captured en route to Antioch by Roman raiders operating from the port city. Attempts to siege Laodicea itself were even less successful, as Cyprus provided an unassailable base from which supplies and reinforcements could be gathered, and then shipped. Indeed it was noted at the time that Cypriot and Laodicean soldiers rotated to ensure laxness and ill morale never set in fully.
By the end of 1267 Salah was asking for a peace. Julius magnanimously agreed, and soon a treaty was hammered out. The peace was set to last for the next ten years, and would see the Arabs pay two hundred pounds of gold to the Romans per year, in exchange the Romans would return all prisoners taken, and a number of valuable religious objects captured over the course of the siege.
Both sides walked away knowing that this was not the end of things. But Salah needed time to reorient his strategy to take Antioch, which he planned to be his great new capital, and from which he hoped to eventually conquer Anatolia, and even Constantinople itself, and take on the title of Roman Emperor for himself. But to do that he decided, he was going to need Cyprus. And for Cyprus he was going to need a navy.
Salah will live to wage his next great campaign against he Romans, one which will be both longer and harder fought than the rather perfunctory Antiochan War. Julius will not however. As on his way back to Constantinople from Antioch in 1268 saw him come down with a fever on the Anatolian peninsula. He lingered long enough to make it to the coast, but his final wish to die in Italy, which really was his real home, would not be granted. He died on May 6 at the age of 53. He had been Emperor for 19 years.
Julius II had gone down as one of the greatest Emperors in Roman history. Some of this is rather grandiose. The claim he somehow restored power to the republican institutions of the old principate are true, but overstated. His moves certainly were in the right direction, but everyone knew who held the real power. In practice Julius did little but given the wealthiest and most influential men in the Empire a place where they could air grievances and then do what he told them anyway. But it was a step in the right direction.
And regardless, when he took power the Empire could well have been on its way to a final, permanent collapse. Indeed had things not gone the way they did its possibly that Julius would have essentially reversed the events of the fifth century, having to watch the East fall while some remnant of the West survived. But his ambition, and quick action stopped such an eventuality. And so the Empire would live on. Weaker, more fragile, and beset by enemies, but it lived on. And in such life the seed of a return to real greatness were planted.
And so I feel no need to argue with the judgement of history. Julius II well earns his place among the greatest Emperor’s in Roman history.