Part LXXVIII: The Roman Empire in 1192
Before we move on to the turbulent reign of Andronikos, this is a good time to look at a wider picture of the Empire to get an understanding of how things stood inside the state, and hopefully get a clearer picture of why things are going to fall apart over the next fifty years.
As a brief overview, in the far northeast the Exarchate of Armenia controlled virtually of the Caucuses, headquartered at the city of Manueliopolis, a small city of about five thousand on the Black Sea Coast. This region was historically one of the primary centers of recruitment for Imperial armies, as younger sons were forced to look outside their home territory for prospects. Unfortunately for Armenia the military reforms of Manuel II had led to a significant decrease in its relevance to the Roman army. No longer did Armenia provide the crack horsemen of the Tagmata, or theme armies. Now the men of Armenia were shunted into either the local army, or sometimes the tagmas of Syria.
What worsened the situation in Armenia was the increasing relevance of their neighbors in Eastern Anatolia, the Anatolic Turks who ranged much of the Plateau. These semi-nomadic people maintained vast flocks of sheep and herds of horses, and paid their Imperial taxes with the latter. Indeed the horses of the Tagmata were often Turkish raised, including all the horses used by the Pedinoi mounted infantry.
Additionally, the Turks were facing many of the same problems the Armenians were, a growing population and not enough land or animals for them to share. Thus the Turks also headed for the army, but their light cavalry and in particular horse archers were always needed along the Danube. To say that many Armenian nobles resented what seemed to them preferential treatment for these foreign interlopers is an understatement.
Finally, as if all of this wasn’t enough of a blow to Armenia’s importance trade was beginning to shift as well. The Turkic control over Persia was growing ever firmer, and the Imperial apparatus there adopting to be similar to that of the old Sassanids, but with a significant mixture of Roman bureaucracy mixed in, mostly imported from the conquered lands of Mesopatamia. This control send trade south, through the Zagros Mountains, and then across Syria to Antioch and from there to the sea. And an alternative route was opening up as the Turks extended their control on the far side of the Caspian, so that trade could sail across that sea, along the northern edge of the Caucuses, or through one of the many river networks in the region, and on to Cherson, from which it was a relatively short and safe journey to Constantinople. Or, once Bulgari stabilized once again up the Danube to Germani. This journey was not without its perils, as the Cumans are still very much at the zenith of their power.
All of this contributed to the general decline that Armenia was going through, especially in economic terms.
As noted, it will not be many centuries before the region is really restored to a major Imperial priority. But of course, the biggest factor in its decline is still to come.
South of Armenia lay the critical Exarchate of Syria, encompassing virtually all of the old Diocese of the East. Syria was heavily fortified along the border, with phrourions maintained in large numbers at numerous points, and the once fortress cities of Dara and Nisibis now surrounded by other, smaller, fortified positions. Each city held nearly a full tagma of men, and more were held back around Antioch and Edessa. Beyond those on the border though these soldiers were untested, having faced no major campaigns in well over a century.
Syria was the main endpoint for the Silk Road, as good would travel to the coast here and then onto Italian or Greek ships bound for either Italy or Constantinople. As such the Exarchate collected a large amount of tax revenue, which was all taken by Constantinople, with the armies of Syria paid out of the coffers of the land tax. To clarify, the land tax, not just in Syria but throughout the Empire, was very much the primary source of tax revenue. It provided around three quarters of all Imperial revenue, with the taxes on trade being a small fraction of the amount. But, the revenue brought in from taxes on trade was virtually all profit, with the salaries of Imperial officials and soldiers paid out of the taxes on land, and taxes in kind on land were used to feed or cloth the soldiers.
Trade taxes were thus primarily used to pay for Imperial projects, such as a full rebuilding of Antioch’s sewage system in 1181 to account for the changing population of the city, or to pay for the rebuilding of Syrian cities after the disasters of the mid twelfth century.
Antioch was by far the largest city in Syria, and the second-largest in the Empire as a whole. By 1190 a full one hundred thousand people resided either in its walls or in the surrounding suburbs. This was part of a major population boom occurring all across the Mediterranean during this time, and Syria was overall less effected than other parts of the world. But it also had a higher base population.
The Exarchate was also one of the most religiously diverse regions in the Empire. The Jacoboi held a solid majority by this point, but there was also a significant minority of Islamic Christians, particularly on the outer portions of Syria and in Palaestina, as well as Chalcedonians near the Taurus Mountains. Keeping peace between these groups was not a constant struggle, but there was more unrest here than in more homogenous regions.
In the southern half of Syria was Palaestina, home of the Christ and the holiest city in the world, Jerusalem Jerusalem at this point had a population of only about thirty thousand native inhabitants. Each year hundreds of Pilgrims from across the Empire, as well as those from Western Europe, Turki, Arabia, and Africa made their way to worship in the churches and receive blessings from the priests. Naturally these travelers often brought gifts with them, and the city was very wealthy from endowments left behind. Churches were common in the city, and two of the most holy churches in the world had been built in the region. The first was the ancient Church of the Holy Sepulchre, built by Constantine the Great on the site of the Christ’s crucifixion and resurrection. The other was newer, built on the Foundation Church, built on the site of the old Temple during the reign of Constantine VI, and was more modern in its design. Based on the Hagia Sophia there were plans to make this church even grander, but they were shot down by the Emperor, who threatened to end the project if a church larger or more decorated than that in the Imperial capitol was constructed.
All in all, Syria was probably the single most critical province of the Empire. Not exactly the most important, that role went to Egypt or Italy, but it was the lynchpin on which the entire Eastern half of the Empire depended. If Syria fell, or were for some reason unwilling to fight on behalf of Constantinople there would be basically nothing standing in the way of an invader to penetrate the defenses and ravage Anatolia, much as the Turks had done two centuries prior. And if you haven’t been reading ahead, no that definitely isn’t foreshadowing.
Proceeding further south is the ever-important land of Egypt. Now of significantly lessened importance, but still one of the wealthiest and most prosperous lands under Roman control. It was also one of the most secure, far from the constant low-level border skirmishes of Armenia, Moesia, Syria, Africa, or even Ravenna. The only threat to Egypt was Markuria, which was we will see later is currently in no state to threaten it, and will not exist by the end of the Thalassans.
Egypt at this point is in relative decline, with crop yields largely static as other regions in the Mediterranean saw their outputs increase. There are numerous speculated reasons behind this change, but the primary one seems to be that Egypt simply had fallen behind in infrastructure compared to other lands. Irrigation was still only rarely used, and the old reliance on the Nile floods remained in place. This was fine so far as it went, and Egypt remained the single most agriculturally productive area in the Empire, but its importance was far less than the ancient days when the wealth of Egypt was the basis of the Emperor’s power.
Egypt was, ironically considering its history, largely Chalcedonian in religious character, and indeed was the strongest bastion for that sect’s thought outside of Greece. There was a sizable minority of Jacoboi in the region, and these men took up many of the most important jobs in the government. This led to not inconsiderate resentment on the part of the local population, but civil war was not yet the inevitable result, that will have to wait.
Demographically the most important city was Alexandria, the largest port in the southern Mediterranean. With some fifty-thousand people the city was one of the largest cities in the Empire, though not near the level of Antioch or Constantinople. This actually represents a major decline in population for the city, which had about twenty-thousand additional people two hundred years before. The decline was caused primarily by a shifting of the poor population out into the countryside through recruitment into the army, leaving the overall population larger, but less urban.
West of Egypt is the Exarchate of Africa, stretching all the way to the Strait leading out of the Mediterranean. Africa has recovered at least somewhat from the decline in infrastructure, but at the moment it is one of the less productive provinces, and one of the least important. With the Berbers crushed by Manuel II the only major threat to the Exarchate was gone. While some raids from deeper into the interior and occasional rebellions flared up the local garrison had little to do other than keep order.
The Berbers were at this point mostly quiet, their upper class slowly romanizing as the years wore on. Two major rebellions had broken out in the past century, but both were put down without significant difficulty by local troops and reinforcements from Sicily and Hispani. A third is coming, and the Emperor himself will arrive to put it down, in one of the most brutal campaigns waged by any Thalassan Emperor.
The largest city in Africa is of course Carthage, which by now had a population of nearly eighty thousand. Carthage was primarily a trading city, supported by the agricultural production of its large hinterlands. As such it really fits more into the story of Italian development. But Carthage was different in that much of its trade was overland, and looked south. The wealthy kingdoms across the vast desert there beckoned, and Carthaginian merchants carrying silks, spices, textiles, and perfumes, and a vast array of other goods now traveled down along the road, while north came ivory, gold, and of course slaves. The slaves would in turn be sold on to either Italian merchants taking them East, or loaded onto Carthaginian ships for sale further East as well.
To the northwest of Africa is what was frankly the least important and productive region of the Empire, Hispani. Conquered by Manuel II during the early years of his reign Hispani had never really been more than half-returned to Roman control by any means. And now that control is beginning to slip. Not quickly, as it will be more than fifty years before the entire peninsula goes into outright revolt, but as Imperial attention was always focused on the Eastern regions Hispani was long forgotten. Local garrisons were small, and staffed entirely by local troops. Roman officials were scarce, and largely existed only to collect the annual taxes due from Hispani’s lords. There was a larger Roman presence in the Exarchate of Hispani, but even here actual influence from Constantinople was low. The Exarch ruled as a sort of petty feudal king, maintaining relationships with his powerful noble families that he used to play each lord off of their rivals, keeping himself always on top.
There were few major cities in Spain, but the largest was Carthago Nova with about twenty-thousand people. Most of the smaller cities were heavily invested in trade, and in particular in the trade past the Strait and in the Atlantic. Merchants from Baetica controlled a network of trading hubs all the way to the Hibernia, as well as the Gallic and Brittanic ports in between. These merchants mostly carried finished Roman manufactured goods, in particular textiles, and brought back low-value goods in bulk, in particular lumber which they then sold on to Italy for ship-building.
We will skip over Italy for now and arrive at the core of the Thalassan-era Empire, Greece and Anatolia. These two regions had largely been excluded from Manuel II’s reorganization of the Empire, and were still administered directly from Constantinople. When I refer to Greece it needs to be understood, that this also really includes the western coast of Anatolia, as even then the two were highly similar.
Greece was at this time one of the most urban parts of the Empire, with multiple major cities. Of these cities the preeminent were Athens and Thessalonika. The latter had long been the primary center of Imperial administration of the Greek peninsula, but by 1190 Athens had overtaken that position. This had been for a multitude of factors, the most important of which actually had little to do with Athens itself, the decline of Corinth. For a long time Corinth had been Athens’s primary rival in southern Greece, and the two cities were constantly jockeying for position.
But when Corinth chose the wrong side in Manuel II’s civil war it had gone into a major decline. Trade and administration shifted from Corinth to Athens as the former city was punished by the Emperor, and by the time Manuel’s punishment ended Athens had gained total preeminence over its former rival. Over the proceeding century Athens had used this position to elevate itself further, while Thessalonika had stagnated in importance. Athens’s position at the entrance to the Aegean made it a perfect spot for ships heading from Italy or Africa to Constantinople to stop before the final trip directly from Athens to Lesbos. Now this wouldn’t have been a significant detriment to Thessalonika historically, as ships would still have passed by it since antiquity.
But, a second major development had occurred in the past two hundred years. Italian, and as the technique spread other, ships had begun sailing out of sight of the coast. Now this wasn’t an entirely new idea, the Poeni had done so over a thousand years before, but it had fallen out of practice by the fall of the Western Empire. But at some point in the 1000s Venetian or Syracuzan merchants had begun the practice once again.
We don’t know precisely who was first, or even when exactly they did it, but by 1100 it was firmly established practice in Italy. We know this not because anyone mentions it in the Chronicles, but rather from examination of ship timetables. In the 900s a merchant vessel leaving Venice would take close to a month to sail all the way to Constantinople, sometimes longer. In doing so it would make a number of stops along the way, recorded in surviving harbor records. But, in 1200 that same ship would make the journey in twelve days.
There were two significant developments leading to this, first as noted the ability of a ship to sail out of sight of the coastline allowed vast distances to be removed from journeys, in particular Syracuzan merchant ships now simply made a straight shot from Syracuze to Athens, rather than having to travel to Calabri and then on to Greece. But, and this is by no means separate, they began sailing at night. This was extremely dangerous while ships needed to sail close to shore, since there was a danger of running aground in the dark, but by maintaining ship movement through both day and night sailing speed was effectively doubled. We’ll talk more about other consequences next time, but for now, all of this meant that ships which previously stopped in Thessalonika were now no longer even arriving in that city.
As incidental trade in Thessalonika declined however it gained a new significance militarily. The city became the headquarters of the Greek tagma, as from its base near the city the soldiers could be rapidly deployed through the mountain passed north of the city up to the Danube. What’s more, this garrison caused a number of industries to develop in the city related to repairing army equipment, weapon and armor manufacturing, and textiles. These goods could then be sold onto the quartermasters of the Roman army for distribution to soldiers (or sold by the nearly universally corrupt men who were supposed to distribute it), or shipped north through the river valley leading up to the Danube, where it would then be sold to the army.
Thessalonika also acted as one of the stop-off points for pilgrims coming out of Bulgari, or from further north in Germani or among the now converted Polans, and from the city they could try to find a ship headed for Constantinople or Athens, and from there a ship to Egypt or Syria. If they were really lucky they might even find a ship going directly to the East, though at this stage that was rare.
If they were unlucky and there were no suitable ships they would then have to proceed on foot to Athens or Constantinople to find passage. And if they were really unlucky they would wind up on a ship of a less than scrupulous captain and find themselves sold into slavery at the destination. Despite assurances from Imperial authorities that such a thing was impossible…it wasn’t. There are numerous sources which say it occurred, if infrequently, and six different court cases have been found alleging the practice, in all six the captain was convicted and sentenced to death for the crime. Though we don’t know if the sentences were actually carried out.
Across the Aegean lay the coast of Anatolia, which as noted was very similar to the Greek mainland. Here the most important cities were places that had declined, and then resurged in importance since antiquity, but the single most important cities were Nicaea, and Dorylaeum. Dorylaeum was a fortress, home to a full tagma garrison, and guarded the most direct route off the Anatolian plateau. While it had not been used in that capacity for nearly two hundred years by 1200 the position was still strongly defended, and will continue to be so. Until of course the city was razed in 1248.
Nicaea was the largest city of Anatolia, with a population of around fifty thousand. Situated on a major lake it served as a key Imperial center for the region, effectively serving as Constantinople’s center of power in the region. Bureaucrats and adminstrators lived here in abundance and administrered the entire plateau. It was at Nicaea that Turkic leaders brought the sheep, and more critically the hundreds of horses, with which their taxes were paid.
On the plateau itself, things were largely divided between the more Greek West and the Turkic East. The Greek west was agricultural, with village farms dotting the landscape where long ago Manuel II had sent his veterans. These had lands divided into long strips, with each family responsible for specified areas. Each strip was long, but narrow, with different farmers designated for each strip of land, and then the order would repeat so that rather than a large block of land being worked by one family they actually had a large number of these strips of land. This is often surprising to modern readers, but the reason was fairly simple. Plows pulled by oxen, or by this point horses, were very good at going in a long, straight line. They were very bad at turning off of that line. It was thus more efficient to make each area worked by a farmer to be long enough to be plowed in one day in a straight line.
Crops were largely planted by use of a seed drill, a device that is claimed to have been invented sometime in the 1000s by a monastic community in Syria. This story is repeated often, and normally held to be true in simplistic histories of agriculture. Unfortunately, I’m here to tell you it’s a massive lie. The first references to the story we get are in chronicles from the late 1100s, and the origins actually lie not in Syria at all, but further East. The first seed drills were invented in Da Qin sometime before the first century of our lord. They seem to have been a local device, until the instability of the previous centuries drove a number of merchants out of the country entirely. One of them brought with him such a device, and it was adopted in Syria during the 1000s, and spread from there into Anatolia, and then to the rest of Europe.
Note that at this point it had not spread to Egypt, which has been theorized to be another reason that Egyptian agricultural output was stalling at this time. Supporting that viewpoint is that there will be an increase around the time the drill is imported in Egypt in the 1300s. Though we don’t know precisely when that occurred, so its difficult to draw a direct link between the two.
On the eastern side of the plateau the Turks were still the dominant force. Rather than the village farms which dominated in the west the East was covered by grazing herds. Tens of thousands of sheep and horses were raised here. The Turks mostly maintained their traditional lifestyle of nomadic wandering, but by the year 1200 were beginning to settle down. Turkic leaders maintained homes in Caesarea, and the Turkic strategos, the one of the last men to bear that title, also was expected to maintain a home in Constantinople and live there for a few months out of the year.
The Turks were thus one of the primary sources of horses within the Empire, and as noted provided the vast majority of those used by the Tagmata. As time had gone on Turkic soldiers had also gone on to take up many of the positions within that body, where they fought as heavy cavalry. Due to that use of Turkic riders however many of the Anatolik Turks had lost the skills with horse archery that defined the nomadic lifestyle outside the Empire.
North of Greece was the Danube frontier. This was the other location where the position of Strategos was maintained, normally given to a Magyar leader, or that of a Slav. Although at this point there was little difference between Slavs and their Roman neighbors, apart maybe from names. The Slavs had long begun speaking Greek, and adopted Roman customs. The Magyar weren’t quite so well integrated, but their leadership were expected to know Greek, and often Latin due to the latter languages remaining preeminence in military affairs. The number of men in the region sometimes fluctuated, but was never below six full tagmas, and could rise as high as ten if the Cumans were making significant amounts of trouble in the north.
These soldiers were divided with five in Moesia, including those beyond the Danube, three in Dacia, and two in Illyricum. The regional economy was heavily reliant on agriculture of course, as all of the world still was, but industrially it had significant regions dedicated to military production, or trade in military goods. What’s more, trading posts operated all along the Danube as goods flowed up the river and into Germanni. The Danube was at this point of the most critical trade routes in Europe, in both directions. From out of the north came an array of low value but still sought after goods such as timber, and furs, while from Roman markets came finished goods, and the eternal export of textiles. But it wasn’t just Roman goods that went up the Danube either. On the contrary, the vast river networks of the lands of the Rus actually sent their goods down into the Black Sea, then up the Danube rather than directly overland, due to the Roman route being easier, cheaper, and critically safer.
On the death of Manuel III, the route was temporarily in decline as Bulgari was not yet finished with the instability and Civil War that followed their defeat at the hands of the Romans a few decades before, but that war will be over by the year1200.
That concludes our rundown of the Empire as it stood in 1192. The Roman Empire of this time period is very much the economic lynchpin that kept trade functioning in Europe, and on the surface it appeared highly stable and powerful. But, there are a large array of problems just under the surface that we will see rear their heads in the next fifty years. From religious conflict kept in check by a tolerant Imperial administration, to the centralization of power in Constantinople. All will play their part in the end of the Thalassans.
Next time we will hone in the region skipped this week, Italy, and cover the political developments that have occurred there and will lay the bedrock for the Empire as it will stand when the Thalassans burn themselves to the ground, and a new dynasty takes power.