The Eternal Empire: Emperor Maurice dies before being overthrown

Part 60: The Return to Spain
Part LX: Return to Hispani​

The initial invasion force landed at Cartagonova, the Gothic city erected where Carthago Nova had once been centered, in mid-June of 1030, and consisted of about five thousand men. This force was led by Romanos Abbasios, and were supported by two hundred ships given the vital task of keeping whatever Frankish ships might be in the area off of the sea. If the supply lines back to Sardinia and Sicily were closed for any reason the entire expedition would starve, as would the reinforcements currently being marched the remainder of the journey across Africa to Tingi for a less dangerous crossing.

Until the Emperor arrived Abbasios would have to hold back the far larger Frankish army marching south out of Tarracon. Abbasios did the natural thing. He attacked. In a harbinger of what was to come Abbasios led two thousand light cavalry north into Tarracon, and they ravaged the countryside. Fields were trampled, towns burned, and people killed. Along a mile wide front the force advanced, destroying everything in their path.

When the local forces rallied to drive the Romans out, Abbasios retreated, leaving twenty miles past the border ravaged. He met up again with his main force, and began drawing recruits from among the local Gothic population. Baetican knights were added to the Roman force, as were local militia forces until Abbasios commanded a force of about eleven thousand.

Note, that while when the word knight is used we typically think of the heavily armored horsemen of the Franks or the Normans, the Gothic knights in this case were actually mostly heavy infantry. Cavalry wasn’t widely used in Hispani at this point for a variety of reasons. Chief among these was simply that anyone who was skilled at riding a horse and wasn’t a nobleman typically got on a boat and sailed for Constantinople, or another Roman city. Even during the military decline of the previous two centuries skilled horsemen could always find employment in the thematic armies.

Abbasios set up his headquarters at Sebastis, a town about halfway between Cartagonova and Tarracon. The town was fortified in the fashion of Roman fortresses, and a phrourion was erected in the town center from which Abbasios aimed to exert local control when the inevitable Tarracon counterattack came. I should also probably note here that I am using the modern border as a point of reference, not what existed at the time, as Baetica officially did not extend to the Tarracon border at this time, but as the local lords had joined their southern neighbors in the more general revolt, and will in the future be part of the same overall administrative structure the shorthand is preferred. Especially since the Carthagensis at this stage was split between the Baeticans and the Tarraconi

It did so in early August, but was small and badly organized. A Turkic force came upon them while out foraging, and a brief skirmish ensued. After half an hour of fighting the Tarroconi retreated back toward Segobris, a Baetican town which they had taken.

Soon however the Franks arrived as well, and when combined with their Gothic allies numbered nearly twenty thousand. Feeling highly confident the Frankish commander, a maternal cousin of Emperor Louis named Frederik whose family will be important later, advanced south, inflicting his own raids upon the local Gothic countryside. As he marched, he also extracted homage and promises of fealty from Gothic lords, ceasing plundering of their lands if they submitted. Frederik was looking for nothing less than full annexation of Hispani into the Frankish Empire, which would truly give the Emperor a claim to be the Western Augustus.

Abbasios missed precisely none of the symbolism, and as such he committed one of the rare blunders of his military career. He decided that the danger of letting Frederik advance unchallenged was too great, and so the smaller Roman force had to provoke a battle. Abbasios chose his ground carefully, putting a forest at the back of his men that they could retreat into, and digging a hidden trench along both of his flanks he hoped to provoke the Frankish cavalry into charging into. To bolster the temptation of this target he put the Gothic infantry on the flanks, while leaving the main Roman troops firmly in the center. His hope was that the Franks would put their knights on the flanks, charged into the trenches, and then their lighter infantry forces would be annihilated by the Roman cavalry and levied troops.

This is not what happened. Instead on August 28, 1030 Frederik looked at the Roman lines, and decided that the actual best strategy would be to test the discipline and courage of the Roman troops in the center, whom he correctly deduced had never faced a heavy cavalry charge before. Remember that at this stage the Romans had been fighting only the lighter forces of the Turks and the Berbers. The Frankish knight was a completely different beast. What’s more, the entire Roman heavy cavalry force was currently crossing the Straits and unloading at Malacca, from which they could ride to meet up with the infantry who were unloading at Abdera.

All of this meant that the Roman infantry were now facing something they had never encountered before. When battle was joined the Frankish knights, who were all in the household forces of the Emperor’s family, moved forward as one. They silently came on, never slowing or hesitating as crossbow bolts whizzed through them. When a horse fell it was avoided by the men behind, but still they came on. Lances were lowered, and the knights began to sing a prayer to Michael the Archangel, seemingly free from any terror of battle at all.

The Romans broke and ran. Spears, crossbows, and shields were thrown down in terror as the Romans made for the safety of the woods. Hundreds died as the knights ran them down, and then turned to their right and left, where the Goths were engaged with the Frankish infantry forces, who had been completely unbothered by the ditches. Suddenly finding themselves flanked the Goths tried to run away, but many of them were killed and the rest captured.

Abbasios himself was forced to dress as a slave and flee, throwing aside his armor, badges, and fine clothing to do so.

Needless to say, the Battle of Setabis was a debacle for the Romans, and had Manuel not already arrived in southern Hispani by this point and was already setting about getting support from the local lords, it is entirely likely the Hispani project would have ended there. Invading the peninsula was not exactly an orthodox plan in retaking Italy after all, and keeping the fleet constantly at sea like this was enormously expensive. Indeed, by the end of this year the Imperial treasury had spent two million nomismata more than it had collected in tax revenue, and was now rapidly descending into heavy debts, which will eventually lead into the wider backlash against the Emperor, and more particularly his wife.

But for now, Manuel was in Spain, and he had thirty-five thousand men with him. When word reached him of the defeat the Gothic lords were horrified, but the Emperor claims to have shrugged off the setback, saying that no one doubted the power of the Franks, but that God would in the end give victory to the side of the righteous.

That said, in the short term the Goths of eastern Baetica did homage to Frederick, and swore to serve the “Most Holy Emperor of Rome”, making sure to emphasize that point just in case. They really didn’t want to end up on the losing side of the coming struggle. Frederik for now was forced to settle in and lay siege to the castle at Sebastis, where a small Roman garrison held out doggedly against Frankish attacks. The only significant weakness of the Franks was on display here, their siege ability was not well developed. They were not as terrible at sieges as say the Turks, or indeed the Goths had been so many centuries before, but their own warfare revolved heavily around long sieges by rather small armies. As such keeping such a large force in the field of a small siege was heavily taxing on the similarly limited logistical ability of the Frankish army.

Worsening their position was that the countryside had already been stripped bare of food by the Romans before the battle had been fought. Finally, as consumption began taking root inside the Franksih camp Frederik was forced to withdraw back toward the north, leaving the Roman garrison intact.

He swore however to return and put the entire Roman force to the sword for defying him.

As soon as the next year’s campaign season began Frederik was good to his word, charging out of Tarracon at the head of his army and heading straight for Sebastis. The garrison was now down to only a small store of food, and suffering their own bouts with sickness and asked terms for surrender. Frederik refused all terms, and instead slaughtered the Romans when they were too weak to fend off an assault.

He was however soon regretful of his choice when Manuel’s army suddenly appeared on the horizon, led by a now reclothed and rehonored Abbasios, one of the points in Manuel’s favor even in the face of some rather obvious mistakes in hindsight, was his willingness to overlook errors in judgement from otherwise competent and loyal men. A lesson that many kings and Emperor never properly learned.

That Abbasios had been around the Emperor his whole life may also have had something to do with it.

Despite the Roman numerical advantage however Frederik once again moved his force out to do battle. His previous victory had required minimal losses, and the Romans didn’t even have a knightly class for God’s sake. What could go wrong.

Once again Frederik deployed his heavy cavalry in the center of his line, and readied his infantry to attack the Roman flank.

Abbasios surveyed the field and ordered his own heavy cavalry to dismount and fight on foot, and that the mopping up would be left to the Turks. The Roman knights were placed with Gothic auxiliaries on the flanks to bolster them against Frankish infantry attack, while the Romans themselves once again took the center. This time however there was a key factor that was different. Behind the central Roman line was the Emperor, his banner waving and the Emperor himself on foot, showing quite clearly that he had no intention of running away if the battle went south.

This was absolutely critical to what’s about to happen. Manuel was very popular with the common soldiers. He felt like he was one of them, like he cared for them, and now running away would mean abandoning the Emperor to death at the hands of these barbarians. Now let’s not overstate the Emperor’s personal courage here. He might have been on foot, but had things started to go south he certainly would not have stayed that way. Manuel has a very well oiled sense of self-preservation and will show later in his life that he was not above running away and hoping to get another shot at winning some other day. But that wasn’t important here.

What was important was that when the Franks charged the Romans didn’t even blink. The pikemen stood stock still, shoulder to shoulder, the crossbowmen fired their bolts into the Frankish knights, and the charge…failed. Straight up failed. The Romans did not break, they didn’t waver. There was a great clash of metal as the French cavalry failed to break the line, and in the subsequent melee hundreds of knights were knocked from their horses by Roman spears, and then were stabbed as they struggled to rise again. Seeing the difficulties of their center the Frankish infantry began to panic, only compounded as the Roman center began to move forward, splitting into two lines which began firing crossbows into the flanks of the lightly armored infantrymen. A rout followed. The Turks ran down hundreds of fleeing Franks, and many others were captured. Among these was Frederik himself and nearly one hundred knights and lords.

These men expected to be ransomed as was the Frankish custom, but Manuel laughed in their faces at the very idea. No, no, these men had set up a claim of equality with the vice-regent of God on Earth, had erected an anti-pope in Rome to sway men away from the true faith, and had refused all offers of salvation when the Thessalonikan Council was called.

No, they were heathens so far as the Emperor was concerned. And they would die for their offense. Each man was beheaded in full view of the army, and at each turn their crime against God and the Emperor was announced to the cheering of the Roman troops, and probably some quiet cheering among the common Frank prisoners for particularly hated nobles.

In the end ten thousand Franks were killed, six thousand taken prisoner, and the rest scattered. Of the prisoners the nobles and knights were all executed, and the commoners were mostly loaded on boats and sent to Africa to act as reinforcements for the local garrisons. Many of them, mostly the unmarried men, would end up settling there, particularly in and around Thapsus.

The rest were let loose to return home as they wished, and were given an oath not to take up arms against the Roman Emperor ever again. With this oath they were granted a piece of cloth which they were to display if a Roman army was in the area. If the cloth was so displayed any of their holdings would spared the ravages of war. In theory at least, whether that was ever actually followed is questionable.

When all of this was complete Manuel marched north, occupying Tarraco itself in May 1031, and laying the groundwork for his July campaign, when he planned to cross along the coast at Emporiae and strike at southern Aquitaine. With the Frankish army broken nothing at all stood in his way, and until Louis heard about the fate of his Hispani army noting would be moved either.

Next time then we will cover the Roman return to Gaul after six hundred years of absence, and the strategy which no one in the Frankish Empire had a clue how to counter.
 
Well, not only is the Frankish Empire's military gone, but the power struggle which follows their Emperor's death is bound to cause the collapse of the Empire.
 
Well, not only is the Frankish Empire's military gone, but the power struggle which follows their Emperor's death is bound to cause the collapse of the Empire.
Louis's still in Italy, since he was expecting a Roman invasion there. He also has most of his military forces with him there. Spain was a side action he expected to be over quickly since the breakaway Gothic kingdoms would not be able to muster a force to stop them from forcing acceptance of a Frank approved king.
 
Louis's still in Italy, since he was expecting a Roman invasion there. He also has most of his military forces with him there. Spain was a side action he expected to be over quickly since the breakaway Gothic kingdoms would not be able to muster a force to stop them from forcing acceptance of a Frank approved king.
Didn't read it right.
 
Part 61: The Harrying of Aquitaine
Part LXI: The Harrying of Aquitaine​

Manuel’s invasion of Aquitaine was very carefully timed. Shipping enough food from Sardinia and Sicily to the friendly ports of Hispani was already incredibly expensive and required precise timing to complete. To invade southern Franki would require the army to remain supplied in hostile territory, until at minimum Marseilles could be taken.

It was in the writings of Cato that Manuel came up with his answer. Bellum se ipsum alet, the war will feed itself. In other words, the army would be supplied by the lands it advanced into. By the nature of this strategy the land itself would be ravaged. And that meant the invasion needed to happen at harvest. Thus, it wasn’t until July 25th that the Roman army actually began marching out of Tarracon, along the coastal roads.

With no forces to oppose them the army was over the border and into Aquitaine by August 6th. And it was here that the Imperial strategy was fully implemented. The army widened to a ten-mile wide front and advanced. Property in their path was stolen or burned. People were killed or scattered and left homeless. Local castles were seized by Roman siege engines, and then destroyed.

Lords fled with their property and moveable wealth, their small, and often depleted retinues, not willing to stand against a force literally hundreds of times the size of their own. Little mercy was shown by the Imperial troops, and plunder piled up in the army’s baggage train. It was mostly to deal with this increasing pile of treasure trailing his army that Manuel pointed his army at Marseilles, the largest port in the Frankish Empire. He needed to reach it as soon as possible, before Louis could hear about what was going on, abandon his Italian preparations, and race West to meet the Romans. If that could be achieved, he might be able to simply trap the Frankish Emperor on the wrong side of the Alps, and plunder the rest of Aquitaine completely unopposed the following year.

Unfortunately, it was not to be. Louis had gotten word of Frederik’s defeat by early August, and was already tearing down the castles he’d had built to contest a Roman invasion of southern Italy, and bringing his men back to the North. This was not a fast process however, and it wouldn’t be until September that the Frankish Emperor would have his full force gathered at Milan and ready to march west.

Manuel’s army however was moving slowly. Often about six miles per day, as the need to plunder and pillage slowed them down. By the time that Louis was moving out of Milan and crossing out of Northern Italy the Imperial army had only reached the Herault river. Here however the Emperor’s force ran into a significant delay. The Herault’s bridges had all been burned or ripped down, and their maps of the region were badly outdated, with most being from the time of Constantine. Abbasios was forced to lead his men north, until they found a ford and crossed, by then Louis was at Marseilles.

The possibility of a quick and easy victory was gone, and instead the war would drag on for the next five years.

Not knowing this however the Romans marched on, continuing their strategy of pillaging and burning as they went. Manuel’s own writing of the campaign described the smoke of the army being like something out of the pits of Hell, and as the force advanced if you looked back there was nothing but a long black cloud following behind. Frankish historians give reports of Turkish mercenaries lining up men, women, and children in captured villages and then using them as target practice, leaving behind the corpses unburied. No Roman source mentions this, but it would not be a surprise.

This was a vicious war. It was also not unprecedented. The sort of devastation of the land was heavily inspired by Manuel’s reading of the old Roman campaigns into Germania, as well as the Arab raids into Anatolia and Egypt that had occurred during the days of the First Caliphate. The difference was that instead of dragging the population off as slaves, which wasn’t allowed since the Franks were Christian, they were instead slaughtering them.

I am unsure how this is an improvement, but it was seemingly morally fine so far as the Romans were concerned.

It was also largely by accident very similar to the sort of low-level warfare that was a constant feature of the Frankish Empire, as small lords fought one another over land and slights, far below the purview of the Emperor. And understanding this point is key to understanding what’s about to happen, because Louis is basically going to lose the war entirely against his own instincts and desires. In the Frankish worldview the job of the ruler was to enforce peace across his realm, especially against outsiders and also rebels. This was why the Frankish Emperor had sailed against the Danes when they had conquered Saxeland. It was why the invasions of Germani had happened, along with some good old-fashioned plundering, slaving, and converting of course. And it was why Louis could not let the Romans go unchallenged here.

He marched out of Marseille to a crossing of the river Rhodonus to oppose a Roman crossing there early in October. Abbasios’s Turkish scouts had seen the Franks coming and the Imperial army had a full week to prepare for the Frankish arrival. Abbasios had set his soldiers to digging trenches, and letting these be filled with water from the river. Other ditches were dug and concealed ahead of the Roman line. And all of this would be what the Franks had to come through after they had crossed the river.

When Louis arrived he took one look at the Roman position and he didn’t like what he saw even a little. He wanted to abandon the field, find another crossing, then force a battle somewhere of his own choosing. But his lords absolutely refused. Chief among these was Charles of Saxoni, the younger brother of Frederik, the cousin killed in Spain earlier in the year.

Charles was a powerful Count from Saxoni, which might have been obvious, and he wanted vengeance for his dead brother, who had been slain so honorlessly by the Roman Emperor after surrendering. Joining him were a clamor of both Aquitaini and Germani lords, for different reasons. The lords of Aquitaine wanted the Romans to be beaten and thrown out of the country so the pillaging of their lands would be stopped. The Germani lords on the other hand saw this as a wonderful opportunity to make a stack of coins off of ransoms of important Roman prisoners, with the most important being of course the Emperor himself. Any man who captured the Roman Emperor would instantly be the wealthiest man in the West. The Frankish army was bigger, had more heavy cavalry, and they were fighting with the backing of the Pope, or anti-Pope depending on who you talk to.

Word had come through the day before that Pope Pius X had excommunicated the entire Roman Empire. Surely then God must be on the side of the Franks, and not these blasphemers. Louis fought back as best he could as his lords put the pressure on him. He absolutely did not, under any circumstances want to force that crossing. It was suicide he argued. The Romans would be well-prepared and ready for any Frankish attack.

But in the end he had to face reality. If he refused to give battle here he would basically be admitting he couldn’t actually protect his people or their lands, or worse that he didn’t want to. The lord of Aquitaine would then likely turn to someone who could protect their lands, namely the Emperor currently burning and killing his way across them. What’s more, his German lords were quite clear that if he didn’t let them fight a battle to earn a bunch of money, they were going home. Their lands were not under threat, and the last time they’d come south to fight for the Emperor their homes had been raided by pagans. And they’d gotten very little out of the fighting.

And so, Louis gave in. Against everything he could see he gave the order that on the morning of October 15, 1031 the Frankish army would advance across the Rhone, and attack the Romans. The battle of Marseille, which was actually fought a good distance north of the city, saw thirty-five thousand Franks pitted against twenty-seven thousand Romans.

Once again the Roman knights fought on foot, as the ground was deemed too wet for them to deploy their horses effectively. This time however the Turks would as well, operating as foot archers on the flanks of the Roman army. Abbasios had arrayed his men in a wedge shape facing the river, with a ditch filled with water at their backs as protection from a rear attack.

Louis meanwhile deployed his foot forward, and held his cavalry in reserve to take advantage of any secure points the infantry could get for the Frankish knights to move forward.

The Frankish foot began advancing, into a wall of arrows, bolts, and even darts. Manuel tells us that the river was choked with corpses of the Franks early on, and that those who made it to the far side were now disorganized and still under fire. The Turk bows in particular reaped a heavy toll on the only lightly armored Frankish foot, while the powerful recurve bows punched straight through their shields.

But they did eventually make it to the far side, and engaged the Roman front lines. The crossbowmen withdrew into the phalanx, which began pushing the Franks back, and Louis realized that if he didn’t act his men might be pushed back into the river, which would completely doom his cavalry if they tried to cross.

He therefore had to decide whether to order a general retreat, which would certainly see the same problems that had caused him to commit to this battle occur, or take a chance and try to force the crossing with his cavalry before a secure point could be gained.

Say what you will about Louis, but he was no coward. He drew his sword, unfurled his banner, and led his men forward. The lords came on, banners whipping in the sudden wind, and they plunged into the corpse-filled water. Fighting their way through the knights emerged on the other side and charged the Romans. However, they didn’t know what had happened in Tarracon, and this time history repeated itself. The Frankish knights ran into a solid wall of pikes and were forced back. Many were knocked from their horses by pikes, and fell into ditches where they drowned.

Others tried to break off and strike the flanks, but ran into the concealed trenches dug by the Romans, and these were filled with flailing masses of men and horses. Louis himself managed to force his way through to the Roman line alongside a small number of his men, and called a challenge to Manuel to come forth and face him in single combat, as a man and a warrior should.

Manuel, sitting on his horse a bit behind the Roman lines heard this challenge, and as answer he raised a crossbow, and shot Louis in the shoulder. The event is probably fictional, a way of explaining Louis’s actual wound which made his arm basically useless for the rest of his life. But it does illustrate the difference in approaches between the Emperor’s. Louis, as a child of what would become European honor believed firmly in the glories of personal combat and bravery as the most important attributes a ruler could have. Manuel didn’t give one whit about any of that Frankish honor, or indeed any other kind, he just wanted to win.

As Louis was dragged back through his own lines after his injury the Franks broke and began to run. Now the slaughter truly began. Men were shot in the back as they tried to recross the river, slowing the retreat of even more men. Nobles tried to surrender, but were ignored by the advancing Roman soldiers.

The killing didn’t end until the Roman army captured the Frankish camp, and began plundering it. The enemy now forgotten the Romans let the rest of the Franks flee north with their lives. The Battle of Marseilles was a major Roman victory. Eighteen thousand Franks were killed or wounded in the fighting, and a vast amount of treasure had been captured. Worse for Louis his military reputation, which had been sterling had now been quite thoroughly dragged through the mud. Quite literally given the terrain.

And quite unfairly too it must be said. He hadn’t wanted to fight this battle, and had more or less been blackmailed into it by his own army. This is, for those reading ahead, a dark harbinger of what’s to come in Franki when Louis dies at war’s end. I’ll have a more thorough look at Louis, in a darkly ironic way one of the great statesmen of the age, who was just unfortunate enough to be the last man in his line to rule anything.

But for now, the road to Marseille was open, and Manuel turned his army south and moved in that direction, scaling back his pillaging efforts. When the Roman army turned up at the city he gave a promise not to harm the city if it gave up without a fight, and with some hesitation the city agreed. To the surprise of…well pretty much everyone, Manuel actually did follow through on that promise. His men moved in and began setting up winter quarters, but they didn’t pillage. Not that they really needed to. Every man there already had a bag of treasure that could be sold off to the Venetian merchants who soon arrived with sacks of grain from Sicily, and lots of shiny gold coins to buy up all of that loot. Among the loot was also a vast amount of Imperial treasure, half a million nomismata worth by Manuel’s count, though it was more likely about half of that. This would be used to pay off the accumulating Imperial debts as much as possible, and give evidence of future payment, something Maria desperately needed as she tried to keep the coins flowing for the incredibly expensive invasion.

And the gold needs to keep coming, because despite the defeat Louis was not beaten. His northern lords were willing to stand by him, and even the Germani who had survived the battle admitted that maybe they should have listened to his objections. And so Louis will implement his alternative strategy, inspired by another Roman leader, Fabius. Fighting the Romans in the field was a terrible idea, that was clear. But the Roman pillaging hat a fatal weakness, they had to keep moving to stay alive. Long sieges would be impossible in the ransacked lands. So he set up garrisons at strong castles and settled in to wait for the next year.
 
Part 62: The Emperors War
The Roman strategy I should note is based on that of England during the early part of the Hundred Years War, in particular the Black Prince. And the strategy Louis tries to adopt of avoiding battle and instead forcing sieges is basically what the French eventually worked out was the best way to counter the English. Them then ignoring this point was what led to Agincourt.

Part LXII The Emperors War​

As the campaign season of 1032 began there were two options for the Imperial army to pursue. First, they could march east, enter Italy, and retake the home peninsula. This was one supported by a large section of the officer corps. The entire end goal of this was was to retake Italy, depose the anti-pope, and disabuse the Frankish ruler of any idea that he was a Roman Augustus.

The latter probably could have been achieved now, with Louis now wounded and his army beaten badly in the field the Romans likely could have gotten an acknowledgement that there was no Western Emperor, not anymore. What’s more, with the Frankish army having fled north Italy itself was basically undefended, apart from the strong castles which still stood in the north. These however were mostly constructed to either face the Eastern exist of the Peninsula, near Venice, or along the old border. Since it was highly unlikely reinforcements could be sent these fortresses would not have held out against a series of sieges.

Basically, these men felt that his primary war aims were now mostly complete. His aim wasn’t to destroy the Frankish Empire, at least it was not something he seriously considered. His proposed peace would have forced the Frankish Emperor to submit himself to a true pope for penance, and possibly make Louis go to a monastery.

But Manuel and Abbasios opposed this idea strenuously. No, they favored the second option, continuing the destructive campaign, now to extend well into the central parts of the Frankish Empire, to force not just a peace, but full and complete submission of the Frankish Emperor. Their argument was threefold. First, it was highly unlikely they’d ever be in a position this good again. The Danube was quiet, the East was quiet, Egypt was quiet, and even Africa was quiet. The Empire only had this one front to fight on. This was a chance to properly defeat the barbarians who six hundred years before had attacked and destroyed the Western half of the Empire.

Second, the Franks might have been weakened, but they were by no means actually humbled. Louis’s army still had tens of thousands of men, and the Emperor himself had shown himself to be aggressive, decisive, and competent at both war and administration. Leaving the job unfinished now was just begging for a rematch ten years down the road, by which point who knew what might have changed elsewhere.

Third, the Franks were heretics, and their embrace of a false pope was borderline Satanic. The vile heresy that had led to this situation had to be stamped out, and that meant dealing the Frankish Empire a body blow that could leave no doubt that God was furious with them.

In pursuit of these points Abbasios aimed to sack and destroy towns across the remainder of Aquitaine, and in the process flip the feudal lords over to the Roman camp. In particular Abbasios aimed to get the powerful count of Toulouse to switch sides. Toulouse controlled virtually all of Western Aquitaine, and his lands were so far mostly untouched. If he could be…persuaded to abandon Louis and instead pay homage to the Romans it would remove a major potential threat to the current Roman position in Aquitaine, but also make Frankish control of the region untenable.

Another important figure who was leaning toward the first option was obviously Louis, who sent a delegation to Marseilles over the winter to try and negotiate peace. Louis really didn’t see a good path forward in this war. The battle on the Rhone had seen a large portion of his personal household and most loyal lords killed. He was also facing major criticism by the lords of Germani, who had conveniently forgotten that they had pushed for battle of Louis’s objections. Worse, the Lords of Aquitaine were beginning to swing their loyalty away from the Frankish Emperor, and if he wasn’t able to turn things around, they would likely go over to the Romans, if only to save their own livelihoods.

His deal was pretty good all around it has to be said. A return to the borders before the initial fighting, a large cash payment for the next decade, and a supply of Frankish mercenaries paid by the Frankish crown to fight as soldiers for the Roman Emperor. In addition, he also surrendered any influence of Hispani, and would not interfere should Manuel decide to occupy the peninsula. Last, the pope appointed by the Frankish Emperor would be withdrawn, and a Roman one could then be put in place.

So sure was Louis that his deal would be accepted that he actually evacuated his false pope from Rome and readied for retirement in a monastery somewhere when Manuel’s answer arrived. No deal. This was followed up by news that a force of two thousand Turkish cavalry had been unleashed in Toulouse’s lands, and an Imperial army of fifteen thousand was following them under Abbasios’s command. Manuel’s remaining forces remained in Marseille, where they were ready to march to reinforce their comrades, but wouldn’t be in significant danger.

Louis readied an army to march south an threaten an attack to force the Imperials to withdraw, but as he did so word came from Germani. Roman agents, through Bulgari intermediaries had contacted the pagans beyond the border, and had paid them to launch raids against the borderlands. Hearing that once again their lands were under siege the Germani lords took their men and left. Louis was left with a quarter of his army gone, and the remains too weak to challenge the Imperial forces in the south.

So the Frankish Emperor changed strategies. Picking a number of strategic castles in northern Aquitaine he set up large garrisons, intending to force a series of hard sieges on te Roman army if Manuel decided to once again march north.

Louis has been criticized for this strategy in hindsight, with many Gaelic historians in particular dismissing him as weak and indecisive, but these later writers are wrong. Louis reacted with remarkable foresight on the topic. The battle that had lost him the south had been one he hadn’t wanted to fight, and the subsequent fight demonstrated this. The Romans didn’t care one whit about the Frankish style of warfare, nor about what the Franks might think about the lack of Roman honor.

Indeed, in Louis’s mind the key error that the Romans had made in the Italian invasion as letting him fight the battle on his terms. Abbasios had learned the lesson there and in Spain, and had no intention of letting the Franks pin him down on unfavorable terrain. Louis then would either have to force such a battle, an unlikely prospect with the Turks running roughshod over the land ahead of the army as scouts, ambush the Romans, which had similar problems, or win a battle fought on the Roman’s terms. He saw no good way of accomplishing any of these points.

Instead he settled in and hoped that attrition and financial shortfalls would force the Romans to the negotiating table. The latter was Louis’s key mistake. He drastically underestimated just how much gold the Roman Emperor could throw at a problem when he really needed to. We will discuss this in a follow-up about just why the Franks, and the Turks, lost the counterattacks that marked the reign of John, and the first fifteen years of Manuel.

For now though, the strategy did seem to be a bit of a losing one. The Count of Toulouse offered full surrender if a relief army wasn’t in his territory by May 6th. It wasn’t, and Count Charles promptly swore fealty to Manuel to keep his lands from being too badly pillaged. The West now secured Abbasios loosed his men on northern Aquitaine, aiming to starve the castles that Louis had garrisoned out. Once again raiders swept across the countryside; burning, pillaging, and slaughtering all they came across. The castles were placed under siege, and after six months of hard fighting…they held. The defenders held out, and as winter of 1032 settled in Abbasios looked at the countryside and realized he had made the land basically uninhabitable for winter.

The army was forced to march back south to Marseille, leaving all the territory they had plundered open for Frankish reoccupation. Supplies from the north were shipped in, and the defenders reinforced. When the next campaign season came around the Roman army was facing the prospect of marching back into territory they had already stripped the year before, and once again laying siege to castles they hadn’t been able to capture the year before.

This was not tenable. The Empire couldn’t ship in the amount of food required to keep their army in the field. Instead Abbasios was forced to abandon his campaign path of the previous year and drive northwest, toward the castle at Turenne. As the army marched it expanded to cover a nearly thirty mile wide front, to extend the pillaging as far as possible. The war after all, needed to feed itself.

Manuel himself did not go with the army this time, instead sailing away for Baetica, where he oversaw the installation of Imperial garrisons there and in Tarracon, and began negotiations to bring the other Gothic states into the Roman fold. After a series of back and forth negotiations that lasted the rest of the year a rough agreement was hammered out, and the kings of both Asturi and Lusitani agreed to accept Imperial overlordship, if only nominally.

Both would pay provide soldiers and tax revenue for the Imperial administration, while the kings were paid a salary in exchange. It may seem odd that the kings who had started the entire mess by wanting independence would so readily sign away that independence, but there are a number of factors to keep in mind. First of all, and the elephant in the room, Manuel had just shown that he was quite capable of deploying forty thousand men in Hispani on just a few month’s notice. Furthermore, the current war with the Franks was demonstrating that not even the greatest of the Western powers could fight a fully mobilized Roman Empire and come out on top. Thus, by signing up voluntarily they skipped the whole brutal business of letting the war feed itself, and got an annual bag of cash out of it. And in exchange for what? Their subjects having to pay some extra money in taxes, not having to pay the soldiers who guarded their lands personally? Taking the deal was clearly the best path forward.

But that wasn’t the only reason. Not at all. The second reason as just as, if not more important. The Romans weren’t going to be in Hispani forever. They had abandoned the territory for a reason. It was too far away from Constantinople, and the Empire had too many major foes in the East for the Emperor’s to keep their hold on Hispani forever. When another major crisis loomed in Syria or on the Danube, and there was always going to be another crisis in Syria and on the Danube, well who knew what might happen back in Hispani.

As it happens this crisis took far longer to materialize to the scale the kings imagined, but sure enough when the Empire was fighting for its survival in the 1240s Hispani rapidly threw the Roman yoke off, and the Caesarii never saw a good path to restoring Roman rule in the decades following.

What’s more, the control of much of Hispani was very loose. Don’t imagine these territories were ruled to the same extent as Greece, Anatolia, or even Africa. It all well and good to paint the peninsula in Imperial purple, but always remember that this purple had a very heavy dose of Gothic orange mixed in, to mangle the metaphor.

Back in Franki meanwhile Abbasios was able to take the castle at Turenne in October, but then had to destroy it rather than hold the fortress over the winter, and the army withdrew with their plunder for winter yet again shortly thereafter. Despite Roman siegecraft the Frankish castles were simply too well-built and well defended to fall easily. But as the settled in for the winter of 1033 an Arab engineer with the Roman army built what we now know as the counter-weight ballista.

Previous Roman siege engines had been torsion based. Now what that means isn’t particularly relevant, but the key point is that it provided a very limited force, and was only used with rather small stones, at least by comparison. The counter-weight ballista on the other hand could throw objects ten times as large the same distance, and was far more effective at battering through walls, or at least making the defenders keep their heads down while tunnelers did the real work. A favorite ammunition type of course was liquid fire, which could now be unleashed on castles and towns in large quantities. Frankish writers talk often of the terrifying effects that the ballista unleashed, with buildings, people, and animals consumed in a fire that would not go out.

A number of these devices were constructed in early 1034, and dragged behind the army as it again marched north, this time with the Emperor along. The Romans marched directly up the Rhodonus, aiming for the fortress at Lyons. Lyons was a major Frankish base, holding over a thousand men, and was well-designed to hold off any conventional attack.

Abbasios thought it was the perfect site to prove the effectiveness of his new weapons. In full view of the defenders he erected his ballistae, and began to rain destruction on the fortress. For sixteen days stones and fire rained down, until the garrison had been beaten down. Their morale low a Roman night attack managed to scale the walls and open the gates. Lyons was sacked and burned. The castle itself was razed. The fall of Lyons signaled the collapse of the Frankish defensive strategy. The castles blocking the Roman advance out of the south was now penetrated, and Abbasios drove north, spreading destruction as he went. The army did shift direction however, now moving up the Liger River.

Finally the army surrounded the city of Orleans, and after short waiting period the city threw its gates open to avoid destruction. The Roman army was less than a hundred miles from the old capital at Parisius, and Louis was running out of options. He still had a large number of castles in place, but these fortresses simply were not built to withstand the new siege weapons, anymore than Lyons or a dozen smaller fortresses that had tried to block the Romans had been. He decided therefore to implement a slightly different strategy for the coming campaign year. During the winter of 1034 he unleashed his household knights along the roads from Orleans to Parisius, ordering them to conduct their own pillaging campaign against the region. They seized food, people, wood, anything the Romans might be able to take during the coming year. Louis guessed, correctly, that by doing so he would be potentially trapping the Roman army inside a wide ring of devastation they might not be able to escape. And when spring came that’s exactly what Abbasios faced. His best route south was blocked by his own scorched earth campaign, and his best route forward was blocked by Louis’s. The only remaining option was to move in a wide sickly cut through northern Franki, and descend on Parisius from the north.

Doing so would be dangerous however, since it would leave the Romans with no retreat. Considering carefully however Abbasios rolled the dice.

The subsequent march would have likely ended in disaster had fate, that is to say dumb luck, not intervened. Rufus, king of the Normans had died in 1025, leaving his son William as the new Norman High King. And William was just as land-hungry as his father had been, and he looked at northern Franki with envy. He particularly wanted control of Soissons and Brittany, and as such had been following the Roman invasion with great interest. When word came that the Romans had taken Lyons and were marching on Orleans William sensed a golden opportunity. He summoned his lords, made promises of lands in Franki, and pounced. Landing near Bayeux William set about taking control of the local lands, and driving the lords out.

This was the straw that broke the camel’s back domestically, as the lords of southern and Western Franki abandoned their Emperor in droves. What was worse, the Germani lords were now facing Bulgari attacks in the southeast, as the Bulgar king sensed easy lands were available in the face of Frankish disintegration.

Louis had to act, and he did. He gathered every man he could and marched to Parisius, determined to either crush the Romans and Normans now, or die in the attempt. This was not a move he wanted to make, but it was the only one available. If he did not fight now there might well be no Frankish Empire the next year.

The Romans meanwhile met up with the Normans, and after some brief negotiation the two armies joined forces, adding some two thousand Norman cavalry and eight thousand infantry and archers to the Roman force. The army marched down the Sequana, and arrived at the gates of Parisius on the 15th of September.

Louis was waiting for them at the head of forty thousand men.

That sounds impressive, but the Romano-Norman force was slightly larger and forty-five thousand, and it seems unlikely at this stage that the battle was truly in doubt. The Romans took up a defensive position and set about preparations for the Frankish attack. Louis however beat them to the punch. He led his entire force into the field on the seventeenth, and attacked.

There were no clever tactics or strategy in the following battle. It was merely a bloodbath. The Roman infantry held the center of the Imperial line, with the Normans on the right flank, and Turks on the left. Louis set his cavalry directly across from the Turks, and the remainder of his line were his infantry.

The Frankish Emperor personally led the charge into the Turkish lines, and the Turks scattered rather than face the Frankish heavy cavalry head on. They reformed shortly thereafter and returned to attack the Frankish rear, but the knights had by then hit the Roman flank. They drove in with abandon, slaughtering as they went, but as the knights penetrated deeper the now experienced and disciplined Roman infantry managed to turn to face them. Meanwhile the gap they had driven in the ranks closed, and the knights were suddenly trapped inside the Roman line. They were all slaughtered, Louis himself reportedly being dragged from his horse by Roman infantry and stabbed over and over with daggers as he tried to free himself.

The Frankish infantry tried to flee, but Norman and Turks ran them down.

The Battle of Parisius was one of the bloodiest battles of the age. The Franks lost close to 30,000 men, including every single knight who had taken part.The Romans and Normans meanwhile had lost over ten thousand dead and wounded., most from the initial charge into the flank.

Parisius itself was wide open, and in a final gesture of contempt Manuel ordered the city sacked and destroyed. As the flames died down the armies went their separate ways, and the Romans began the long, hard trek south through their own work.

Captured in the sack was Louis’s oldest son, who was put in chains and taken south with them.

The Normans would soon capture the rest of his family, and send them along as well. All would die in Manuel’s triumph two years later.

We will discuss the aftermath of the destruction of Parisius and the war in general next time, as well as discuss exactly why the war went the way it did. For now, Louis Pepinus was 70 years old, and he had been Emperor of the Franks for 47 years. His death heralds the final end of the First Frankish Empire, and the groundwork that was laid for the Kingdoms of Franki and Germani; as well as the numerous semi-independent duchies in the south, and the establishment Norman conquest of the Duchy of Soisson heralding a time period retroactively labled the First Norman Empire by historians.

Louis was overall a good ruler. For much of his reign he had centralized and strengthened state power, but had always been forced to fight with his major lords, and in the end his failure to keep them in line was a large part of why he ultimately died at Parisius. Still, in his life he had conquered a large and wealthy territory in Italy, begun the process of bringing the Church to heel in Franki, and ruled what might well have been the reborn Western Empire had things gone differently. His life was, until the last five years highly successful.a He simply had the misfortune to live too long.
 
It's called Lutecia. Not "Parisius".
Franks wouldn't have an Imperial title without Papal support and having control of Northern Italy.
Need I go on ?
 
So Louis is a bit like Heracles in that he reigned too long and had the massive, absolutely crippling (and in this case destroying) disaster happen later during his reign as the response/ reaction to his major triumph (Heracles retaking the East, Louis taking Italy) then I take it?
 
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It's called Lutecia. Not "Parisius".

No, it was called Lutecia. But that is an antiquated name, not even in use by the end of the Western Empire. The name had been largely dropped in favor of Parisius, named after the tribe which had once dwelt in the area.

Franks wouldn't have an Imperial title without Papal support and having control of Northern Italy.
Need I go on ?

The Franks got their title from the pope's boss.

So Louis is a bit like Heracles in that he reigned too long and had the massive, absolutely crippling (and in this case destroying) disaster happen later during his reign as the major triumph (Heracles retaking the East, Louis taking Italy) then I take it?
Yep. Had he been lucky enough to have died ten years earlier he'd have been one of the greatest rulers the Franks had. My go-to comparison though would actually be Edward I to continue the HYW comparison, as by the end of his reign his lands on the continent were being seized by the French, the relationship with Scotland had turned openly hostile, and his family had collapsed around him.
 
Captured in the sack was Louis’s oldest son, who was put in chains and taken south with them.

The Normans would soon capture the rest of his family, and send them along as well. All would die in Manuel’s triumph two years later.
And here was I thinking that said family got murdered by their own troops, fed up with the brutal war.
 
Part 63: Aftermath
Part LXIII: Aftermath​

It can be difficult looking back to understand why the Romans managed to so decisively come back in the by 1035. After all, in 1005 things were looking quit bleak for the Empire. Its armies had been decisively defeated, the Emperor’s were having difficulty funding the state, and Thalassan legitimacy was plummeting in the face of internal dissension and external attack.

So, why did the Romans win?

They key point to understand is that despite the overall decline in Imperial strength, it was still the largest, most powerful, and richest state Europe. The Roman Emperor had an income in the millions of nomismata to spend. While yes, this was millions less than his predecessors had been able to collect, it was also still by far the largest treasury in the region. While the Roman Emperor was trying to make ends meet with six million nomismata the Frankish Emperor was making do with half a million. One-tenth the Roman income.

The problem had always been an inability to separate critical spending from non-critical. Luxuries, building projects, infrastructure projects, church decorations. All of these had consumed the non-military side of the Imperial budget. Maria and Manuel cut down drastically on all of that, dedicating virtually every coin they collected to either collecting more coins, or the army. What’s more, when Imperial revenues did fail to match expenses the Romans had a source of cash that no one else in Europe could call on, loans from the large merchant houses who wanted to get trade going agan.

Over the course of the Frankish war Manuel ran up nearly twelve million nomismata in debt with the cities of Venice, Syracuze, Beneventum, Ravenna, and others.

To add to this point, the Empire’s population also dwarfed that of its neighbors. The Turks had conquered Persia with somewhere around three hundred thousand people. Not men, total. In terms of actual soldiers the number was perhaps a third of that. To put this number into perspective, Constantinople had inhabitants equal to the entire Turkish population. Now of course not all of the people of Constantinople could fight, but there were other cities to draw soldiers from. Thessalonika had a population of seventy thousand. Adrianople had thirty-thousand. Athens had forty-thousand. Corinth had twenty-five. Outside of Greece, Antioch had eighty thousand. Alexandria seventy. Syracuze had forty. In total, even after Mesopotamia fell the Roman population was still about twenty-million. The entire Frankish empire before the conquest of Italy had about 12 million.

To fight his wars Manuel mobilized about two percent of that number for his armies. Four hundred thousand men given weapons and marched off to fight when they were able. Not all of these men saw front-line combat of course. Under half did in fact, but the rest were used as garrison troops to hold what the main army had taken. And since the pay for many of these men was so terrible the cost was under what the full armies had been paid before the Turkish invasion.

What’s more, the structure of the Empire to put it bluntly, drastically better than either the Franks or Turks. The Turks at this point barely even qualified AS a state, what administration was in place was left over from the various Persian kingdom that had sprung up after the final Sassanid collapse. The Franks meanwhile were operating under the feudal system, though a more centralized feudalism than had existed previously, and would return during the next century.

While Louis was the Frankish Emperor this had to be balanced against powerful regional interests, in particular his Germanni lords who constantly wanted more autonomy, and his Aquitaine vassals who wanted the same. It was a careful balancing act that Louis maintained successfully for thirty years, but was reliant on personal relationships, patronage, and in particular a deeply entrenched legitimacy built on the Emperor being the strongest man around, and being willing to knock heads together if the underlings got out of line.

In other words, it was basically the Roman form of government, but without all of the bureaucracy that kept things running. The key point comes down to money, or rather the lack of it in the West. The Frankish Emperor have extremely limited power when it came to levying cash from his nobles. He was reliant on income from his own lands, and what could be extracted from his underlings. This as noted produced an income of only about half a million nomismata. The limited cash meant that building the sort of army that the Romans had was completely impossible. Louis was only able to maintain a few thousand personal troops, and importantly most of these died at the Rhodonus. Replacing them was an expensive and time consuming process.

The rest of his soldiers came from the retinues of his lords, and these were not actually under his command, but under their lords, who were theoretically under his command. The most powerful lords might maintain a decent force, but many would have just turned up with themselves a handful of men. And a lot of these men were less than enthused about the whole war business. One source tells of a man from northern Franki who was required to show up with a group of five archers, but the archers shot off one volley at the Rhodonus, decided they’d done their duty and left.

An extreme of course, but it does give a sense of what Louis was up against.

None of this was an issue while he was winning, since land conquered represented major boosts in income for the Emperor, especially in Italy. But his great men expected there to be rewards for them as well, and Louis made the wise, but ultimately self-defeating choice of denying them what they thought was their due. When war came to Aquitaine however Louis was unable to counter the Roman strategy of steal everything that could be stolen, and kill or burn everything that couldn’t.

The strategy he came up with was actually pretty good, but it also alienated yet more of his lords. They expected an active defense led by their master, and Louis didn’t seem to be providing it. The direct consequence of this was first the disastrous battle at the Rhodonus, and then mass defections by Aquitaine lords who felt Louis had forfeited his right to rule by not defending them properly. When Louis’s eventual successors start piecing they could back together they will build a very different state than the one Louis inherited.

But that’s for later. For now Manuel II arrived back in Marseille and spent another winter in the now Roman city. Leaving behind a garrison the Emperor marched East, towns giving up without a fight as he went. After all, who was there to even fight for them with the Frankish Empire basically collapsed at this point. He crossed into Italy in April and set about restoring Imperial control, and taking full control of northern Italy, which by now had been out of Roman hands for five hundred years.

The local Frankish lords came forth to do homage to Manuel, but the Roman Emperor wasn’t interested. He had them and their treasure all seized and the families expelled from Italy. A garrison of ten thousand was put in place, and Manuel went south to retake the entire peninsula. Local populations threw their gates open and made sure to demonstrate just how grateful they were at their liberation with gifts to the Emperor of gold or silver coins. A few times soldiers were present to make sure that a town which was having trouble expressing its gratitude suddenly became far more eloquent.

No resistance was met, as the Frankish lords who had been put in place in southern Italy had heard what happened to their brethren in the north and so decided to execute the better part of valor by fleeing into the hills with their retainers and as much treasure as they could carry. From there they made their way either to the coast to passage on ships, or tried to go north. Manuel did not spend significant efforts in pursuing them, as he felt the effort expended would exceed the amount of treasure seized.

On man he really wanted to get his hands on did escape though. The Frankish appointed anti-pope was gone from Rome when the Emperor arrived, and he had taken a good deal of gold with him. The Emperor was furious, as he had wanted very much to drag the anti-pope through the streets of Constantinople for public execution, but that was no longer possible. He contented himself therefore to just a number of Frankish bishops who had made the mistake of remaining in the city.

As the army marched south priests from the East were put in place in the local communities to enforce the edicts of the Council of Thessalonika, either to replace the Frankish supporting priests and bishops, or in some cases supplanting local Italian ones. This was a deeply unpopular move, but one which no one yet dared resist. Additionally, Jewish property was openly seized by the Emperor, in particular any gold, which would used to pay off the mountain of debt waiting back in the capital.

The sort of open persecution that had been implemented a decade before however was not resumed. Manuel was content to simply take property from the heathen and levy far heavier taxes going forward. The Jewish population had to choose to either stay or flee, but more friendly areas in Hispani were now also under Roman control, the Franks were degenerating into a civil war that would result in the complete disintegration of the Empire, and the Bulgari were outside the comfort zone of the Italian population. So, for now they buckled down to bear the harsher treatment.

Pacifying Italy took the Emperor most of 1036, not because there was significant resistance, but rather because a lot of work needed to be done to bring the peninsula back into the Roman fold. New officials needed to be put in place, and bureaucracy restored. In November however Manuel felt his position was secure, and so set sail for Constantinople, leaving much of his army behind in Calabria for the winter.

Back in the former Frankish Empire a civil war was raging, as numerous local lords asserted their power and tried to make themselves a king or otherwise gain local dominance. We are going to skip over most of that, and look at what is actually going to happen since this is still a history of the extended Thalassan dynasty, not a history of everything that’s ever happened.

The Frankish Empire will ultimately settle into four distinct entities, we are going to call the four kingdoms. Yes this is an anachronistic, and completely incorrect term. But its also what the period is mostly known for, if only to parallel the far more accuretly named situation in Daqin until the mid-1100s. These are: the duchies of Toulouse and Aquitaine, the Duchy of Soissons, the Kingdom of Franki, and the Kingdom of Germani.

The most familiar of these are the duchies of Toulouse and Aquitaine. These were ruled by powerful Frankish nobles who had swapped sides relatively early in the conflict. Toulouse was ruled by the doux of Toulouse, the former count, while Aquitaine was ruled by a descendant of the first Frankish Emperor, also named Louis; who owed their allegiance to the Roman Emperor. This was a very loose arrangement. Both men were required to provide a number of knights for the Roman army and pay a certain amount of tax into the Roman treasury each year. But they were largely left to govern their own affairs, and Roman law was not implemented in either case. So loose was Roman rule that it isn’t even going to survive the next decade of Manuel’s reign, let alone his life.

When internal troubles arise Manuel will decide to cut his losses in Gaul and withdrew the five thousand man Marseille garrison. It will never be replaced.

Toulouse was mostly intact, the Roman raids had been short affairs, leaving the doux a very powerful figure, one who had a solid shot at taking all of southern Franki if given an opportunity without outside interference. That was his theory anyway, but in 1041 the doux died, leaving behind three sons and a daughter. The only one of these who matters is the daughter, Mary, who was betrothed to the second son of the king of Alba, who we will get to in just a moment.

This would have been a historical footnote, but when a round of plague swept through Franki in 1043, a result of the still recurrent famine caused by the Roman devastation and the civil war, all of her brothers died. Mary was thus left as the sole heir to the entire duchy.

The doux of Aquitaine meanwhile was Philip, now the last descendant of the old Frankish line. He had flipped to the Romans during the third year of the war, likely hoping to be installed as Emperor when Manuel won. If so he was disappointed by the eventual result. But this disappointment did not stop him. When the Romans withdrew in the late 1040s Philip decided to assert his claim to all of th old Empire. To this end he invaded the budding Kingdom of Franki, and was subsequently destroyed in the decisive Battle of Aachen. He was killed alongside many of his fellows in an early display of a group we will actually have to talk about at some point, the Britannic archers who will become infamous for their skill during the next century.

For now though, this left Aquitaine even more vulnerable to outside interference, and the duchy was conquered completely in the 1070s to form what we will come to know as the Kingdom of Gael, but that will be for later.

Aquitaine itself was still badly damaged by the Roman invasion. Something approaching a fifth of the population was dead or displaced. Vast swathes of territory had been reduced to charred wasteland by the Roman raiders, and rebuilding would take a long time. Castles had been torn down, noble families wiped out, and entire towns just erased from the map. The region was in other words devastated. Philip likely wouldn’t have been able to hold out even if he hadn’t charged off to his death.

Next up, the Duchy of Soissons is the name now given to the territory in northern Franki taken by the Norman king. This extended from roughly the Roman Kingdom of Soissons in the East to the Atlantic in the West, and down to the Liger in the south. To say this was Norman territory though is kind of stretching it. Many of the Frankish Lords were still in place, and the local Norman ruler was forced to adapt to their customs, adopt the Frankish language, and ultimately was married to a Frankish woman. Who was that Frankish woman? Why, it was Mary, future Doux of Toulouse.

The Duke of Soissons was the second son of the king of Alba, William. He naturally owed allegiance to his father, but he and his older brother Roger bitterly detested one another. Roger for his part had been given Eorwic in Saxeland, and so the two were for a time separated from one another. But when their father died and Roger took the throne William was forced to swallow his pride and submit, something he deeply resented. He submitted until his betrothed came of age, and their two territories were merged into one, making a bid for independence. Roger attempted to stop the war, but was decisively defeated in a naval battle off the coast of Soissons, never even managing to land an army. This defeat in 1050 marked the major decline of Norman power, which we will discuss later. For now, it is enough that William declared himself to be the king of Gael. Since his wife was still theoretically a Roman vassal, something that would be renegotiated by their oldest son Henry, he had actually adopted the Roman name for the region.

But as he was a Norman he mistook the Roman name as being related to the Gaels of his home islands. There was some confusion in the ensuing decades, but ultimately the name Gael stuck. It was even adopted as a point of pride among high nobility, as it showed independence from both the Franki to the East and the Romans to the south.

Speaking of the Franki, the new kingdom had arisen to the East of Soissons. It was centered around the old Imperial lands around the Rhine river, leaving a narrow strip of territory directly controlled by the Emperor’s surviving relatives. Franki was the wealthiest and most powerful successor to the Empire, as the Imperial lands had been heavily built up by the Emperor’s over the centuries. This wealth and power would let the kings of Franki amass significantly greater power than their neighbors, and slowly bring te various lords on the border directly under their control. It would take until the middle of the next century, but Franki would ultimately stretch from the Albis to the Sequana.

Finally, is the kingdom of Germanni. This was ruled by a group we have mentioned many times before, the German lords who were such a constant thorn in the side of Louis. By war’s end they were basically in open revolt, but distracted by raids along the border from the pagans. After Louis died the independence of his border lords basically became accepted fact throughout the region. These men controlled large numbers of soldiers due to their need to defend the border, and they promptly turned on one another to become a king. The ultimate winner was Charles, cousin of Louis, and brother of the ill-fated Frederik who had led the Frankish expedition into Hispani.

Germani is the least important of the kingdoms at the moment, as it is by far both the least organized and weakest successor state, due mostly to the independent mindedness of the lords. This same flaw however would see more territory added to the kingdom as wars against the pagans were almost a hobby for the Germani, with any man who could pushing his own fiefs Eastward little by little over the coming centuries.

Next time we will follow Manuel back to Constantinople where he will celebrate his well-earned triumph, and settle down into what he likely hoped would now be a peaceful reign. But unfortunately for the Emperor, just as his external problems were solved his internal troubles were just beginning to bubble
 
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