The Eagle of the East, Rhomania: An Eastern Roman Timeline (1196 - 1245)
- Thread starter Averious
- Start date
It'll likely be down to a 'fight' over trade routes to India from around Africa, which eventually leads into the discovery of the America's. Honestly I haven't given it much thought since it's over 200 years away. But it is an interesting question.First of all, great timeline!Second, I want to know what you have planned for the age of discovery since it actually started with Vasco-da-Gama reaching India searching for a new trade route because of the Ottomans.
The conventional narrative OTL I believe is that the fall of Constantinople inaugurating a surge in power of the Ottomans was catalytic of the oceanic expansion of western European power several ways; one being greater impediment of trade with the East over traditional overland, Indian Ocean and Mediterranean routes driving a search for alternatives, another being a cultural influx of "Rhomanian" refugees stimulating the Latin-Catholic sphere generally.
Insofar as these arguments have weight, we might expect a slowdown (though hardly a stop!) in the efforts of the Portuguese and other Atlantic seaboard powers. But taking the latter line of general stimulation by refugees first, I suspect in the ATL the greater overall prosperity and endurance of the Eastern Greek Orthodox sphere will more than make up for that; the ongoing more or less civil and better integrated economic, social and cultural dialog between the eastern and western spheres of the Roman legacy will if anything leave Western Europe ahead rather than behind--perhaps not relatively to the eastern branch to be sure! But the"Rhomanian" zone even if notably richer, more populous, better governed and technically ahead of OTL and even in some measurable ways ahead of their Latin hayseed distant cousins, is not situated to directly participate in "ATL post-'Columbian'" enterprise, while Western Europe should have all the resources and more of OTL to do as OTL.
That leaves the argument that Western European Atlantic and beyond expansion was a response to the challenge of traditional supply lines being cut off. I think that's fairly weak; an influence and a contemporary argument,but in fact trade is a matter of bilateral deals between specific partners. Some partners in Western Europe would continue to benefit, relative to OTL, in sweetheart deals with Rhomanian East Med partners and be preoccupied with keeping this good thing going. But other potential rivals in the West are out of step in this dance, they are the ones the favored Western partners profit from by holding local monopolies. These less fortunate rivals have pockets relatively less deep than their fat and happy rivals to be sure, so we might indeed see some nerfing of European trans-Atlantic and circum-Africa drives, since those most motivated to go for it anyway are those less able. By and large! If some clever East Roman mastermind, or some subaltern trading house, were to cultivate the Portuguese as western partners, we might see them fail to invest in the systematic scientific improvement of navigation their dynasty did invest in OTL, and perhaps there is no guarantee some other power--England say, or Denmark, or France, or Spain--steps into the void. But if Portugal does not get special favor, the chances are excellent that the general art is developed exactly as OTL, and this leaves improvements lying about for rival sea trading nations to appropriate themselves. Meanwhile if there is no patron of nautical science and technology comparable to the work done by the Portuguese realm OTL, we can still expect empirical and incremental advances apace as individual captains and concerns and patron nations figure things out for themselves and systematically adopt them. West African gold is right there, the Americas are right here, the opportunity is unknown but the general notion that in some vague form or other it lies over the horizon is going to be borne out for someone or other in practice.
And the powers that do this will, perhaps with some interesting ATL reshuffling, be the same ones who did it OTL. It is entirely possible that the general hopscotch of alliance politics, lowering of the Latin/Green barriers of OTL somewhat, tighter general interlacing of affairs due to overall stronger Mediterranean trade, might cut Rhomania in on social and cultural transformations their territories were largely isolated from OTL. Various technological and general economic wealth advances can work to make the Eastern Empire stronger and thus keeping pace or advancing in the political constellation as seen from such vantage points as major Italian cities, Paris, or London. But I don't see the Eastern Empire's power brokers having some sort of foresight of how important the west European colonial and imperial spheres will become, and attempt to leapfrog their way into this global trade. Not inconceivably, via conquering and holding either Egypt and thus the Red sea west coast, or Iraq and thus gaining a port on the Indian Ocean, Constantinople can deal itself into Indian Ocean naval and outpost and trade and perhaps territorial imperial politics. But these are swathes cut across major heartlands of the Islamic world leaving strongholds on either side; it hardly seems likely to me such extensions of power projection can be held easily or for long. A more natural direction of expansion is northward, to re-secure "Dacia" and into Ukraine and rounding out control of the whole Black Sea shore, thus facing various waves of rivals sweeping in from the steppes. If Rhomania can hold even on the northeast shores of the Black sea between the Crimean bays and the Caucasius, a consolidating drift of power northward from there absorbing much or perhaps all of OTL Russian heartlands seems more plausible to me than reliving the glories of Trajan and again gaining a Persian Gulf foothold, or of Augustus and firmly re-subjugating Egypt. If Constantinople can secure Russia, an eastward expansion overland, settlers of Siberia forming a middle strong prong in the lands between the hopelessly cold and agriculturally barren polar forests and the steppe, supplemented by opportunistic trading in the Arctic north and Imperial organized campaigns gobbling up steppe Silk Route nations to the south, is the likeliest course for Rhomanian imperial expansion. They would be indirect partners of the western branch of Europeans developing and sewing up global trade routes and in the Americas.
OKay, I am going to take a breath and back off from such grandiose prognistications. The farther north Rhomanian power advances on the eastern flank of Latin Christendom (even as it schisms into Protestant branches) the more entangled they get in European intrigues after all. This surely must preoccupy and divert their efforts, even if the confessional divide remains porous and alliances are made across it expediently. Will Constantinople's reach ever touch the Baltic? Will it consolidate the lands west of the Urals, never mind east of them? It seems likely enough the challenge of Rhomanian consolidation northward might trigger a response of a strong nation in OTL Great Russia or perhaps centered in Poland that might form a final roadblock in that direction, nor does a crusade across the steppes unsupported on the northern flank seem liable to be sustained to me--perhaps to the Caspian, but beyond it? I believe Rhomania is going to wind up somewhat Slavicized by and by, heck just such southern branches as the Bulgars and other peoples of the Balkans guarantees that anyhow. And of course postponing spectacular collapse does not guarantee it will never happen--I would say that if Rhomania is a general participant in the Renaissance and capitalist-industrial transformation of western Europe, its defeat becomes less and less likely except perhaps by a western power. But whether it ever incorporates all or any of the territory claimed by Romanov Tsars of OTL will have to be a step by step evolution I guess.
Insofar as these arguments have weight, we might expect a slowdown (though hardly a stop!) in the efforts of the Portuguese and other Atlantic seaboard powers. But taking the latter line of general stimulation by refugees first, I suspect in the ATL the greater overall prosperity and endurance of the Eastern Greek Orthodox sphere will more than make up for that; the ongoing more or less civil and better integrated economic, social and cultural dialog between the eastern and western spheres of the Roman legacy will if anything leave Western Europe ahead rather than behind--perhaps not relatively to the eastern branch to be sure! But the"Rhomanian" zone even if notably richer, more populous, better governed and technically ahead of OTL and even in some measurable ways ahead of their Latin hayseed distant cousins, is not situated to directly participate in "ATL post-'Columbian'" enterprise, while Western Europe should have all the resources and more of OTL to do as OTL.
That leaves the argument that Western European Atlantic and beyond expansion was a response to the challenge of traditional supply lines being cut off. I think that's fairly weak; an influence and a contemporary argument,but in fact trade is a matter of bilateral deals between specific partners. Some partners in Western Europe would continue to benefit, relative to OTL, in sweetheart deals with Rhomanian East Med partners and be preoccupied with keeping this good thing going. But other potential rivals in the West are out of step in this dance, they are the ones the favored Western partners profit from by holding local monopolies. These less fortunate rivals have pockets relatively less deep than their fat and happy rivals to be sure, so we might indeed see some nerfing of European trans-Atlantic and circum-Africa drives, since those most motivated to go for it anyway are those less able. By and large! If some clever East Roman mastermind, or some subaltern trading house, were to cultivate the Portuguese as western partners, we might see them fail to invest in the systematic scientific improvement of navigation their dynasty did invest in OTL, and perhaps there is no guarantee some other power--England say, or Denmark, or France, or Spain--steps into the void. But if Portugal does not get special favor, the chances are excellent that the general art is developed exactly as OTL, and this leaves improvements lying about for rival sea trading nations to appropriate themselves. Meanwhile if there is no patron of nautical science and technology comparable to the work done by the Portuguese realm OTL, we can still expect empirical and incremental advances apace as individual captains and concerns and patron nations figure things out for themselves and systematically adopt them. West African gold is right there, the Americas are right here, the opportunity is unknown but the general notion that in some vague form or other it lies over the horizon is going to be borne out for someone or other in practice.
And the powers that do this will, perhaps with some interesting ATL reshuffling, be the same ones who did it OTL. It is entirely possible that the general hopscotch of alliance politics, lowering of the Latin/Green barriers of OTL somewhat, tighter general interlacing of affairs due to overall stronger Mediterranean trade, might cut Rhomania in on social and cultural transformations their territories were largely isolated from OTL. Various technological and general economic wealth advances can work to make the Eastern Empire stronger and thus keeping pace or advancing in the political constellation as seen from such vantage points as major Italian cities, Paris, or London. But I don't see the Eastern Empire's power brokers having some sort of foresight of how important the west European colonial and imperial spheres will become, and attempt to leapfrog their way into this global trade. Not inconceivably, via conquering and holding either Egypt and thus the Red sea west coast, or Iraq and thus gaining a port on the Indian Ocean, Constantinople can deal itself into Indian Ocean naval and outpost and trade and perhaps territorial imperial politics. But these are swathes cut across major heartlands of the Islamic world leaving strongholds on either side; it hardly seems likely to me such extensions of power projection can be held easily or for long. A more natural direction of expansion is northward, to re-secure "Dacia" and into Ukraine and rounding out control of the whole Black Sea shore, thus facing various waves of rivals sweeping in from the steppes. If Rhomania can hold even on the northeast shores of the Black sea between the Crimean bays and the Caucasius, a consolidating drift of power northward from there absorbing much or perhaps all of OTL Russian heartlands seems more plausible to me than reliving the glories of Trajan and again gaining a Persian Gulf foothold, or of Augustus and firmly re-subjugating Egypt. If Constantinople can secure Russia, an eastward expansion overland, settlers of Siberia forming a middle strong prong in the lands between the hopelessly cold and agriculturally barren polar forests and the steppe, supplemented by opportunistic trading in the Arctic north and Imperial organized campaigns gobbling up steppe Silk Route nations to the south, is the likeliest course for Rhomanian imperial expansion. They would be indirect partners of the western branch of Europeans developing and sewing up global trade routes and in the Americas.
OKay, I am going to take a breath and back off from such grandiose prognistications. The farther north Rhomanian power advances on the eastern flank of Latin Christendom (even as it schisms into Protestant branches) the more entangled they get in European intrigues after all. This surely must preoccupy and divert their efforts, even if the confessional divide remains porous and alliances are made across it expediently. Will Constantinople's reach ever touch the Baltic? Will it consolidate the lands west of the Urals, never mind east of them? It seems likely enough the challenge of Rhomanian consolidation northward might trigger a response of a strong nation in OTL Great Russia or perhaps centered in Poland that might form a final roadblock in that direction, nor does a crusade across the steppes unsupported on the northern flank seem liable to be sustained to me--perhaps to the Caspian, but beyond it? I believe Rhomania is going to wind up somewhat Slavicized by and by, heck just such southern branches as the Bulgars and other peoples of the Balkans guarantees that anyhow. And of course postponing spectacular collapse does not guarantee it will never happen--I would say that if Rhomania is a general participant in the Renaissance and capitalist-industrial transformation of western Europe, its defeat becomes less and less likely except perhaps by a western power. But whether it ever incorporates all or any of the territory claimed by Romanov Tsars of OTL will have to be a step by step evolution I guess.
There is no point in going north or west for Rhomania as all the wealth in the world is coming from the east. Sure the west will naturally become wealthy over time but they need time to build up those infrastructures to even have the chance of catching up.
Rome holding on egypt and a sizable portion of Mesopotamia will allow it to keep toes with incoming western powers. Not to mention if they do go colonizing eastern Africa or parts of southern india and southeast Asia. Its more than enough to make sure Rome will stay on the high spot save for this ittl Russia and China. Who are behemoths in their own right even to this day
Going west might make some sense, but going north seems like it would be taking land that is neither prestigious nor especially valuable (in premodern times) to make up for being difficult to take and to hold.
Even as a "the empire tries, that doesn't mean it succeeds" project, I'm not sure what's north of the Black Sea that - in say the 15th or 16th century - seems worth it based on what was prioritized OTL (including looking at Ottoman priorities). Having the steppes in friendly-enough hands seems a plausible investment, but that's not the same as conquering to the Urals or something.
Even as a "the empire tries, that doesn't mean it succeeds" project, I'm not sure what's north of the Black Sea that - in say the 15th or 16th century - seems worth it based on what was prioritized OTL (including looking at Ottoman priorities). Having the steppes in friendly-enough hands seems a plausible investment, but that's not the same as conquering to the Urals or something.
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Part 3; 1245
"An impetuous brat, and one without merit. He wields his power like a bludgeon; a haughty tone not far behind. How we have come to call him 'To Megalýtero'[1] is beyond me, and my kin," - Court Historian John Vrontoi, circa 1249 within his private letters[2].
Within the first month of the new year things were beginning to firmly heat up, as that sense of 'calm' that had washed over the court with the sudden crowning of a new Emperor dissipated. Romanos V himself had not been without his difficulties, but his quick and firm actions alongside his victories spoke for him, in turn his son John III was a fully formed man with his own charisma and drive by the time he became Emperor, and thus the momentum persisted. This was not so for Dragases, he was a boy who had grasped the crown for himself after brutally killing his own attacker; he had no backing of military glory or an inherent charisma built up--he simply had his name.
Theodore himself proved an invaluable buffer between the harder elements of the court and his nephew, however the functionality of it simply didn't line up. He was a man of duties; he had a wife, as well as correspondences with his loyal second-in-command John Vatatzes to write in order to give some oversight to the direction of the Western Army--he couldn't continue on pulling double duty with this.
By early February the notions had gotten heavy for the Prefect of the West, with Dragases detecting this during one of their dinners following a particularly heavy day of working out and smoothing the lines drawn by John III's intricate but functional resource and tax system. In this the Emperor demanded that his uncle return to his duties as Prefect; with the trustworthy Patriarch Arsenios being trusted to help guide the boy onwards alongside Theodore's wife Maria Doukaina [3] at her own insistence.
It was a hard thing for Theodore to leave his family behind at such a crucial time, yet he well-knew that his presence in Bulgaria was vital for its continued integration. Even this aside, the Western Army needed him like the Eastern Army needed John Komnenos; each Prefect played a role in shaping their respective armies into machines for the glory of the Empire, as without them at the head officers and soldiers might get it in their heads to play to the seeming 'handbook' and make a move on the purple themselves.
Without Theodore there things began to get more obvious in their manner; as all those families who had been stripped of their titles, lands and palaces in Romanos' economizing and purges were starting to make demands--especially now that their faction leader Constantine Doukas was dead and they had a secondary 'reason' to be angry. Into his vacuum the court official Manuel Plastis took the reigns; starting to make deals outside of his purview in order to increase his backing-funds and put more pressure on the Empire.
Such motions went unnoticed as the internal court was far too busy wrangling John III's efforts down into a functional beast they could handle and then perpetuate; as the functionality of it provided the Empire with more resources than before--which was becoming an effective lifeline to the gradual rebuilding, and consolidating efforts that the Grypads were known for--a thing that would be expected of Dragases when he was fully of age. It's importance was only more so because John III had left the treasury much closer to empty than he'd found it, and to avoid serious economic issues the Empire had to keep 'chugging' as it was; yet a downturn was gradually happening within the merchant communities of the Empire.
It had been the Genoese who brought the underlying issue to Dragases' attention; a merchant people who held a grudge against the Venetians for past slights left unchecked. They had discovered, through their own efforts to integrate themselves with the Empire, that Plastis had been gradually offering more and more backdoor concessions to the gradually rebuilding Venetians who were in turn effectively siphoning off merchant wealth from the Empire like a parasite. The fact that such happenings were even possible, even at the hands of a decently high court official such as Plastis, perturbed Dragases and his inner court.
It was clear that corruption had begun to fester in the 'corners', likely, in Dragases' mind, during the time of his father's infirmity.
In April of 1245, after much deliberation and planning, the Emperor would release a wideranging Chrysosbull that would begin to crackdown on homeland merchant dissolvement; pushing for the perpetuation of a native merchant class and having several well-placed previsions--put together by Maria Doukiana herself--that particularly attacked the Venetians and their way of trading; putting limits on land parcels and prescribed districts. This would drastically reduce the Venetian's capacity to draw funds from their endeavours within the state unless it was particularly sanctioned--in which the Empire would then have firm control.
It was an uphill battle though, as years of gradual efforts--likely begun slowly during John III's infirmity--were hard to dislodge; taking months to begin making a dent--all the while the east was beginning to feel the pressure of further raids from Seljuk forces due to the declining authority of the weakening Arslan III; the aged Sultan barely capable of keeping apart his two sons let alone dragging enough weight to stop his people from raiding. In this, John Komnenos and his eccentrics proved vital in turning back much of the raids before they could cause damage.
It was in July that things with Venice began to reach a boiling point, as by now the growing spynetwork in use by Maria Doukiana had pinpointed the issue in Plastis and excised him via the use of the equivalency of a treason trial--tearing out several other officials who were becoming cancers to the administration through subtle pocket-lining. Without Plastis to play the game with them Venice was going to keep loosing ground, so it was in late July that the official Maso Agnolo alongside his translator were sent to have an audience with the Emperor on these matters.
Dragases himself prepared extensively for this meeting upon hearing of it's inevitability; burying himself in texts to pick up whatever he could to use against the Venetians. So much was done that Maso was actually left waiting a decent week by the Emperor before he was allowed to speak in his presence; a fact which had supposedly irritated the official [4]. What would follow was an event which would prove to define and highlight Dragases as a character, while putting in motion the shift forward in Italy.
Maso was livid, it seemed, his mannerisms blunt and disrespectful without provocation at first--even as Dragases sat silently and listened. Maria, speaking for Dragases pressed the Venetian on what kind of deal or effort he was trying to press for, yet instead of making a constructive argument the official first began with insinuations towards the Emperor's inferiority due to his age--and then pressed onwards.
The Venetian was warned, yet he seemed to worked up after a week of what he considered sever slights to listen, his words becoming beratements against the Emperor who himself simply sat there and said nothing. Much of it was true; Dragases was a child, and in-experienced--alongside several other notions. He would not give into childish desire and lash out; one's regal bearing was built on reactions--and yet, when Maso then dared to turn his gaze to Maria Asen, Dragases' wife, that is when the Emperor suddenly stood up.
It was a tense moment, as the Venetian's words seemed lost in his throat--until his pride and ego could not take it any longer and he made a direct insult to the Emperor. In the words of the translator it was along the lines of; "Why trust those of the Grypas House when they marry into Bulgarian stock twice in the same line". It was an insult that Dragases himself could not let pass, as it insinuated that his wife was lesser than what he saw as Venetian filth--and his sudden move to lash out with a cloaked dagger and take the man's heart with a firm thrust, set forward things.
The Venetian Doge, Jacopo Tiepolo, successor of the noted 'restorer' of Venice; Pietro Ziani, was outraged when he heard the news--even though the translator made a keen effort to make measured tones on the matter. The stink raised, as the Doge effectively flailed at the noted 'injustice' would cause the sitting Pope Innocent VI much grief--as he was forced to deal with both Frederick II, a friend of the Grypads, trying to meddle in his notions in order to get him to denounce Venice's anger--and Jacopo, who wrote constant and impassioned letters to the Pontiff demanding justice be called for.
In a surprising move, Innocent IV simply up and left his post in Italy; taking refuge in France at the offer of Louis IX. While Louis himself was also a friend of both Frederick II, and the Grypads as a whole, he was also an ambitious man. He had been pressing for another Crusade; one to outdo the last, yet had not the chit to 'cash in' for this notion. He'd seen a chance to gain favour with the Papacy, and took it, and such a thing would cause great friction with the aging Frederick II.
It wasn't a pretty notion, as by the Christmas Celebrations of that year things were heating up in the west--all because one Venetian had had his blackened heart stabbed in.
--
[1] Dragases' rather overhanded nickname, besides 'The Axe', and 'Whitebeard', was simply 'The Greatest'. It was a term he himself did not use, and in fact discouraged, but it gained enough weight by the end of his long and epochic reign that it was remembered.
[2] John Vrontoi is the primary source used for much of Dragases' reign. As a noble who's ancestors had their titles and palaces torn away by Dragases' grandfather Romanos V he held an inherent grudge against the boy-Emperor, and frequently wrote personal notes and musings on the matter. As Dragases himself aged, and matured, John's opinion eased on the Emperor and his letters and musing would eventually deal with the Emperor in a more neutral light; with the historian notably adding addendums to his earlier works to compensate for this new view. Most of his surviving works were rediscovered in 1891 during an excavation of the older sections of Constantinople.
[3] Arsenios and Maria proved heavy factors in Dragases' development; with the ascetic tendencies of Arsenios, alongside Maria's own cunning but just ones, becoming core parts of Dragases' person. Functionally, however, the fact that Maria had opted to stay in court meant that her only child with her husband was conceived later than expected.
[4] The only real accounts of what transpires here are those based on the word of the surviving translator; however they're generally believed, as the man would go to great lengths to explain the situation in clear detail without too much flourish. It has been speculated that perhaps he was bribed by either Dragases, or Frederick II--or, in the minds of those that think too much; both--to write such a favourable account.
Within the first month of the new year things were beginning to firmly heat up, as that sense of 'calm' that had washed over the court with the sudden crowning of a new Emperor dissipated. Romanos V himself had not been without his difficulties, but his quick and firm actions alongside his victories spoke for him, in turn his son John III was a fully formed man with his own charisma and drive by the time he became Emperor, and thus the momentum persisted. This was not so for Dragases, he was a boy who had grasped the crown for himself after brutally killing his own attacker; he had no backing of military glory or an inherent charisma built up--he simply had his name.
Theodore himself proved an invaluable buffer between the harder elements of the court and his nephew, however the functionality of it simply didn't line up. He was a man of duties; he had a wife, as well as correspondences with his loyal second-in-command John Vatatzes to write in order to give some oversight to the direction of the Western Army--he couldn't continue on pulling double duty with this.
By early February the notions had gotten heavy for the Prefect of the West, with Dragases detecting this during one of their dinners following a particularly heavy day of working out and smoothing the lines drawn by John III's intricate but functional resource and tax system. In this the Emperor demanded that his uncle return to his duties as Prefect; with the trustworthy Patriarch Arsenios being trusted to help guide the boy onwards alongside Theodore's wife Maria Doukaina [3] at her own insistence.
It was a hard thing for Theodore to leave his family behind at such a crucial time, yet he well-knew that his presence in Bulgaria was vital for its continued integration. Even this aside, the Western Army needed him like the Eastern Army needed John Komnenos; each Prefect played a role in shaping their respective armies into machines for the glory of the Empire, as without them at the head officers and soldiers might get it in their heads to play to the seeming 'handbook' and make a move on the purple themselves.
Without Theodore there things began to get more obvious in their manner; as all those families who had been stripped of their titles, lands and palaces in Romanos' economizing and purges were starting to make demands--especially now that their faction leader Constantine Doukas was dead and they had a secondary 'reason' to be angry. Into his vacuum the court official Manuel Plastis took the reigns; starting to make deals outside of his purview in order to increase his backing-funds and put more pressure on the Empire.
Such motions went unnoticed as the internal court was far too busy wrangling John III's efforts down into a functional beast they could handle and then perpetuate; as the functionality of it provided the Empire with more resources than before--which was becoming an effective lifeline to the gradual rebuilding, and consolidating efforts that the Grypads were known for--a thing that would be expected of Dragases when he was fully of age. It's importance was only more so because John III had left the treasury much closer to empty than he'd found it, and to avoid serious economic issues the Empire had to keep 'chugging' as it was; yet a downturn was gradually happening within the merchant communities of the Empire.
It had been the Genoese who brought the underlying issue to Dragases' attention; a merchant people who held a grudge against the Venetians for past slights left unchecked. They had discovered, through their own efforts to integrate themselves with the Empire, that Plastis had been gradually offering more and more backdoor concessions to the gradually rebuilding Venetians who were in turn effectively siphoning off merchant wealth from the Empire like a parasite. The fact that such happenings were even possible, even at the hands of a decently high court official such as Plastis, perturbed Dragases and his inner court.
It was clear that corruption had begun to fester in the 'corners', likely, in Dragases' mind, during the time of his father's infirmity.
In April of 1245, after much deliberation and planning, the Emperor would release a wideranging Chrysosbull that would begin to crackdown on homeland merchant dissolvement; pushing for the perpetuation of a native merchant class and having several well-placed previsions--put together by Maria Doukiana herself--that particularly attacked the Venetians and their way of trading; putting limits on land parcels and prescribed districts. This would drastically reduce the Venetian's capacity to draw funds from their endeavours within the state unless it was particularly sanctioned--in which the Empire would then have firm control.
It was an uphill battle though, as years of gradual efforts--likely begun slowly during John III's infirmity--were hard to dislodge; taking months to begin making a dent--all the while the east was beginning to feel the pressure of further raids from Seljuk forces due to the declining authority of the weakening Arslan III; the aged Sultan barely capable of keeping apart his two sons let alone dragging enough weight to stop his people from raiding. In this, John Komnenos and his eccentrics proved vital in turning back much of the raids before they could cause damage.
It was in July that things with Venice began to reach a boiling point, as by now the growing spynetwork in use by Maria Doukiana had pinpointed the issue in Plastis and excised him via the use of the equivalency of a treason trial--tearing out several other officials who were becoming cancers to the administration through subtle pocket-lining. Without Plastis to play the game with them Venice was going to keep loosing ground, so it was in late July that the official Maso Agnolo alongside his translator were sent to have an audience with the Emperor on these matters.
Dragases himself prepared extensively for this meeting upon hearing of it's inevitability; burying himself in texts to pick up whatever he could to use against the Venetians. So much was done that Maso was actually left waiting a decent week by the Emperor before he was allowed to speak in his presence; a fact which had supposedly irritated the official [4]. What would follow was an event which would prove to define and highlight Dragases as a character, while putting in motion the shift forward in Italy.
Maso was livid, it seemed, his mannerisms blunt and disrespectful without provocation at first--even as Dragases sat silently and listened. Maria, speaking for Dragases pressed the Venetian on what kind of deal or effort he was trying to press for, yet instead of making a constructive argument the official first began with insinuations towards the Emperor's inferiority due to his age--and then pressed onwards.
The Venetian was warned, yet he seemed to worked up after a week of what he considered sever slights to listen, his words becoming beratements against the Emperor who himself simply sat there and said nothing. Much of it was true; Dragases was a child, and in-experienced--alongside several other notions. He would not give into childish desire and lash out; one's regal bearing was built on reactions--and yet, when Maso then dared to turn his gaze to Maria Asen, Dragases' wife, that is when the Emperor suddenly stood up.
It was a tense moment, as the Venetian's words seemed lost in his throat--until his pride and ego could not take it any longer and he made a direct insult to the Emperor. In the words of the translator it was along the lines of; "Why trust those of the Grypas House when they marry into Bulgarian stock twice in the same line". It was an insult that Dragases himself could not let pass, as it insinuated that his wife was lesser than what he saw as Venetian filth--and his sudden move to lash out with a cloaked dagger and take the man's heart with a firm thrust, set forward things.
The Venetian Doge, Jacopo Tiepolo, successor of the noted 'restorer' of Venice; Pietro Ziani, was outraged when he heard the news--even though the translator made a keen effort to make measured tones on the matter. The stink raised, as the Doge effectively flailed at the noted 'injustice' would cause the sitting Pope Innocent VI much grief--as he was forced to deal with both Frederick II, a friend of the Grypads, trying to meddle in his notions in order to get him to denounce Venice's anger--and Jacopo, who wrote constant and impassioned letters to the Pontiff demanding justice be called for.
In a surprising move, Innocent IV simply up and left his post in Italy; taking refuge in France at the offer of Louis IX. While Louis himself was also a friend of both Frederick II, and the Grypads as a whole, he was also an ambitious man. He had been pressing for another Crusade; one to outdo the last, yet had not the chit to 'cash in' for this notion. He'd seen a chance to gain favour with the Papacy, and took it, and such a thing would cause great friction with the aging Frederick II.
It wasn't a pretty notion, as by the Christmas Celebrations of that year things were heating up in the west--all because one Venetian had had his blackened heart stabbed in.
--
[1] Dragases' rather overhanded nickname, besides 'The Axe', and 'Whitebeard', was simply 'The Greatest'. It was a term he himself did not use, and in fact discouraged, but it gained enough weight by the end of his long and epochic reign that it was remembered.
[2] John Vrontoi is the primary source used for much of Dragases' reign. As a noble who's ancestors had their titles and palaces torn away by Dragases' grandfather Romanos V he held an inherent grudge against the boy-Emperor, and frequently wrote personal notes and musings on the matter. As Dragases himself aged, and matured, John's opinion eased on the Emperor and his letters and musing would eventually deal with the Emperor in a more neutral light; with the historian notably adding addendums to his earlier works to compensate for this new view. Most of his surviving works were rediscovered in 1891 during an excavation of the older sections of Constantinople.
[3] Arsenios and Maria proved heavy factors in Dragases' development; with the ascetic tendencies of Arsenios, alongside Maria's own cunning but just ones, becoming core parts of Dragases' person. Functionally, however, the fact that Maria had opted to stay in court meant that her only child with her husband was conceived later than expected.
[4] The only real accounts of what transpires here are those based on the word of the surviving translator; however they're generally believed, as the man would go to great lengths to explain the situation in clear detail without too much flourish. It has been speculated that perhaps he was bribed by either Dragases, or Frederick II--or, in the minds of those that think too much; both--to write such a favourable account.
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Hah! Looks like Pope is getting sick of dealing with all the constant bickering.
He still wouldn't have been chosen to lead such an important mission if he wasn't astute enough diplomatically. This wasn't some small kingdom they could walk all over, but a solid Empire whose market they wanted to operate in. All and all it read like the rant of an angry drunk than any official at work.
Venice itself within the TL is still a rather arrogant power, even after being humbled. The fact that they recovered so quickly under the astute leadership of Pietro Ziani only perpetuated this.
Notably, the reason Maso acted the way he did is simple Human nature. He was forced to wait a full week without any real inclination of when he'd get to meet the Emperor, and on top of that the whole affair just seemed a wide-ranged insult to the man as he wasn't dealing with an adult who might have a valid reason for snubbing him for that long, but a child-Emperor who was obviously in-experienced. Ego and self-identity is a big factor in how we as Humans react, and when faced with a child who's seemingly done nothing but snub you; regardless of their power, I don't think we can fault him for lashing out.
His inherent racism however is what got him killed.
I like to imagine this story is not how the events actually happened (I mean he probably was pissed for waiting a week but I doubt he would go that far). Instead, this a version created by the Byzantines after his death to further cement his legacy as "The Great"
Just wanted to add that central anatolia still had a sizable christian greek population abt 10 to 20% (see capadocian greeks)
I have been implying little by little that not everything written is entirely 'accurate' to the world itself.
Mhm.
Update
There has been a recent pick-up of events here in South Africa; specifically pertaining to schooling and the like (mostly perpetuated by those stupid enough to indulge themselves as if there isn't a global pandemic going on). In this I've been forced to work overtime alongside my peers to uphold things as they stand.
Now I find myself with a wealth of free time but not the drive to make use of it on this specific TL.
The primary issue with this TL is that it was started when I was first getting into the site and its functions; it lacked planning and in some ways still does--and as time goes on it's getting harder to uphold this expanding TL while it's foundation is one of rotting wood. While I love what I've managed to accomplish here this TL is still far from great and some elements of it have me questioning how you all tolerate me
Either way; I have to rip the bandaid off and say that I'm no longer going to be advancing this TL, which I'm sorry for considering it's right before we get into the good parts.
This isn't the end of my writing, far from it, and I still hold an inherent love for my Romaioi ancestors in the Roman East; so instead I'm looking to put together a new one from the ground up at the Empire's darkest point Post-Heraclius but Pre-4th Crusade; Post-Manzikert--specially the starting point will be 1078.
While I love the Komnenoi, especially John II, playing with this era and inserting in my unique brand of 'custom' characters alongside historical figures is something I'd love to see work in this time of the Empire's history; when it was so battered everyone of note linked themselves together as one extended family to ensure it was upheld and survived (it was this that effectively made every Roman Emperor post-Alexios I related to him either by marriage or blood).
I'd like to have a discussion here on this, and take suggestions on a path to take with it.
Now I find myself with a wealth of free time but not the drive to make use of it on this specific TL.
The primary issue with this TL is that it was started when I was first getting into the site and its functions; it lacked planning and in some ways still does--and as time goes on it's getting harder to uphold this expanding TL while it's foundation is one of rotting wood. While I love what I've managed to accomplish here this TL is still far from great and some elements of it have me questioning how you all tolerate me
Either way; I have to rip the bandaid off and say that I'm no longer going to be advancing this TL, which I'm sorry for considering it's right before we get into the good parts.
This isn't the end of my writing, far from it, and I still hold an inherent love for my Romaioi ancestors in the Roman East; so instead I'm looking to put together a new one from the ground up at the Empire's darkest point Post-Heraclius but Pre-4th Crusade; Post-Manzikert--specially the starting point will be 1078.
While I love the Komnenoi, especially John II, playing with this era and inserting in my unique brand of 'custom' characters alongside historical figures is something I'd love to see work in this time of the Empire's history; when it was so battered everyone of note linked themselves together as one extended family to ensure it was upheld and survived (it was this that effectively made every Roman Emperor post-Alexios I related to him either by marriage or blood).
I'd like to have a discussion here on this, and take suggestions on a path to take with it.
Something post 1078, possibly with the Komnenoi playing a different role than OTL (it's not like Alexius was the only young general who might have been in a good position to become Emperor) but not eliminated certainly could be interesting.
Normans and then crusaders and Pechenengs and who knows what ahead there.
Normans and then crusaders and Pechenengs and who knows what ahead there.
And how would you suggest that is handled? Alexios himself managed to obtain control due to just the right amount of factors pressing forwards in his favour; Constantinople lacked the right amount of defenders, Nikephoros III Botaneiates' letter of abdication which detailed Nikephoros Melissenos should be his succesor being intercepted by George Palaiologos who in turn used it to convince others to back Alexios himself--and then, due to the previous things, Alexios was able to take and then sack Constantinople himself and then become Emperor fully after that pesky 40 day sack-cloth repentence.