The Amalingian Empire: The Story of the Gothic-Roman Empire

The last update was quite interesting and it made a lot of sense. One thing through the Rhomanians placed the displaced Heruli in Serbia around Beograd, what happen to them here?



Yes but on the other hand Gaul suffer from twin disasters, a depopulating war and a plague, and the regikon named Gaul on the map did not have a large population the Britain. Plus a lot of Bretons will likely love the idea of receiving "Roman" protection again, rather than continue a losing war against a very unplerasant bunch of Germanic invaders.



I agree, the problem is that if he doesn't settle someone there, the Franks move in again, and he also have another problem, Neustria already had a lot of Frankish enclaves and as these are yeomen raather than serfs, they will reproduce faster than their Romance neighbours. At the same time the Goths have destroyed the Romance language strongholds, the cities and towns, so the war and depopulation have strengthen the Frankish position, so the Goths really need to move someone else in.



Make sense



The problem is that he need yeomen in Gaul, and Gallo-Romans was not yeomen.



Make sense, plus Paris is really not important, yes it have a good strategic and defensive position, but it's really a town in the middle of a wasteland, it really don't have any importance. So leaving it as ruins make sense, through in time a new town will likely be established there.

My suggestion of settlers in Gaul are these in order of likelihood and how good idea it is to choose them.

Bretons: These have several benefit, they're use to fighting, they like the Roman empire (which the Goths realms now are both de jura and facto). At the same time their primitive decentral state structure mean that they're unlikely to unite and try to throw the Goths out and at the same time make them need the Goths as allies against Frankish expansion.

Alemannians/Swabians: They have a lot of the same thing going for them, warlike primitive decentral structure, of course they have no love of the empire, but make up for it by hating the franks with the fury of a thousand suns. Offer them land and they will settle. They would be my second choice.

Jutes/Angles/Saxons: they have many of the same benefits, but at the same time, they have shown it's really a bad idea to settle them on your land (example; Britain).

Thuringians/Bavarians: With Slavic expansion they're moving around, they could be settled as confederalis in Gaul. My opinion would be that it would be a very bad idea, they have a relative advanced state structure and settle them in Gaul would risk to be as stupid, as it were for the romans to settle the Goths in Roman territories.

The Slavs: Bad idea, too few and too primitive state structure.

All of these are good points, and deserve a much more thurougj and thought out response than what I'm able to write at the moment (I'm using my phone). And so, i will simply say this for the time being: why do I suspect I may have accidently just screwed over the Romance tongues of Gaul in this TL, way more than i actually intended?

The way this is going, we may only have Romance being apoken in *Italy, Hispania and, possibly, Vandalia (and I'm not as certain about the later as i used to be, although i find it still likely)
 
I was wondering if you had done that too. So many Gallo-Romans dying, and concentrated settlement of Goths and Franks via Theodemir's policies and Franks being forced into a smaller, core territory.

Also, please keep this up. It's amazingly wonderful work! I need to comment more, I know. Just know you have many loyal readers, myself included.

(incidentally I assume *Italy does not contain what was Cisalpine Gaul due to Ravenna being the main Gothic city and many Goths settling by it...)
 
I was wondering if you had done that too. So many Gallo-Romans dying, and concentrated settlement of Goths and Franks via Theodemir's policies and Franks being forced into a smaller, core territory.

Also, please keep this up. It's amazingly wonderful work! I need to comment more, I know. Just know you have many loyal readers, myself included.

(incidentally I assume *Italy does not contain what was Cisalpine Gaul due to Ravenna being the main Gothic city and many Goths settling by it...)

Yup, that's the correct assumption; if you look at the last map posted, you can see the extent of the administrative unit of Gotland before the creation of Lombardy.

Also, thanks! It's nice to know people are reading and enjoying this wor, especially seeing as i havented generated nearly as much discussion as certain other TLs(I'm assuming rhe topic is the main reason.). Keep reading, and i hope you enjoy what happens nect!
 
Chapter 19 A Young Emperor, and a Younger Empire
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Romanticized depiction of Amalaric I, by Thormund Clovisson, 1769


Chapter 19
A Young Emperor, and a Younger Empire

“For the brightness of Theodebert was brilliant to behold
With mercy and might he moved through the world
Kind to his kin yet callous towards none
A creature of Christ he who is crowned with light
He gave glory to the Goths with good word and need.”
- The Lay of Theodebert, attributed to Amalaric I

The Glory of Emaneric’s Heirs: the Lectures of Dr. Valamir Fralet
Trans. Edwin Smith
Bern [OTL: Verona, Italy]: Skipmann and Sons Publishing, 1997


In 559, as Theodemir the Great lay dying, his heir, Amalaric was still a young man of but 25, having been born mere months after the death of Theodemir’s cousin Amalaric of the Visigoths, his name sake. Amalaric, who would always style himself as Emperor Amalaric I in order to step above cultural and ethnic divides, would go on to leave an indelible mark upon the character of the restored Western Empire; crafting it, in effect, if not name, into a truly Gothic Empire. In the process, he would leave himself one of the most controversial figures of the Restoration Era to modern scholars.

However, before proceeding any further, I feel it would be beneficial to look at the world through the eyes of young Amalaric, as he first comes into his own as King of the Goths. Born sometime in 534, Amalaric came of age during a time of massive change in Western Europe. The second son of the King of both the Ostrogoths and Visigoths, he was not favored to ever take the throne and, for much of his life, received an education befitting a prince, but a prince who was destined to play a secondary role in history.

Even as a young man, Amalaric must have been aware that the Goths were in the process of securing their domination of Western Europe. At the time of his birth, the Goths had ruled Italy for over fifty years, and the Western Goths of Aquitaine had been settled in that country for even longer. Although memories of the invasion must have still remained strong, there would have been few alive to tell Amalaric firsthand accounts of the struggle. To the mind of the young man, the Gothic home in Northern Italia must have seemed a near eternal thing.

Much like his brother, the ill-fated Theodebert, Amalaric received a first rate education. Although likely taught by a wide variety of scholars from both the Roman and Gothic cultures, the one which seemed to have had the greatest impact was Wulfila Stabo, the close advisor and biographer of Theodemir the Great, who would also go down in history as the first great writer in the Gothic tongue. [FN1]

It is from Wulfila that we receive our first physical description of Amalaric as a young man:

“He was tall for his age, taller even than his own father. Amalaric possessed the noble features of his predecessors, including a strong chin, nose, and fair skin. However, whereas the hair of his father and brother had been the color of sand upon the beach, Amalaric’s was thick and black, which he wore to the shoulder. He was generally quiet, and possessed deep, piercing, grey eyes which possessed a wisdom far beyond his age. Members of the court tool to calling him Hrukjan, which means Crow, for his complexion and demeanor.” – The Life of Theodemir the Great.

Like many younger sons, Amalaric must have grown up in the shadow of his favored younger brother. However, unlike in many noble families, Amalaric and Theodebert seem to have formed a strong bond from a young age, according to both Wulfila as well as Amalaric’s own writings; a poem, likely composed late in his own life and rediscovered in the 19th century, details the exploits of his older brother, and appear to be an attempt to compose a lay of the type which were fashionable throughout the Germanic world at the time. Even in the last years of his reign, Amalaric continued to struggle to find a suitable way to honor the memory of his fallen brother, eventually dedicating the Church of Christ the Redeemer in Ravenna to Theodebert’s memory, and having his brother’s bones entombed there. [FN2]

By all accounts, Amalaric was less of a fighter than either his Father or Brother, more comfortable with the world of scholarship than the battlefield. Despite this, Wulfila reports that the young prince demanded to accompany Theodemir on his campaigns against the Franks following Theodebert’s death, and was given responsibilities during the siege of Paris and the Harrying of Gaul. During his reign, he would show himself willing to go to war, as befit a Germanic King, but would also seek to secure peace through diplomatic means.



Amalaric’s initial succession came without much difficulty. Having been accepted by Co-Ruler throughout Gotland, he quickly established his authority within the realm, and then turned to Rome, where the Senate followed suite and named him King of the Romans. However, a faction quickly emerged with the intent to limit the power of the new Gothic King, by declaring that it was the Senate’s prerogative to crown an Emperor.

Leading Senators argued that, since the vestments of Roman power had been returned to the West by the Emperor in the East, that the ability to transfer those vestments rested with the oldest surviving establishment in the West; namely, the Senate and the leading families of the city which continued to hold power. Although this faction has usually been presented as being Anti-Goth, the truth appears to be much more nuanced than that. Leading members of the political rebellion included members of the Anicia family, who remained powerful nobles in both the East and the West. [FN3]

Amalaric proved true to his character, and attempted to negotiate an end to the crisis. Although he formally chose to not take the title of Emperor, for the time, he placed pressure upon Senatorial families which were known to be close to the Goths, pushing them towards formally passing a motion which would decree that the Senate had no power to inhibit the passing of the title of Emperor during succession. Meanwhile, he organized a group of lawyers to argue his own point. Only as a last resort, did he suggest that the army could be called to suppress a potential rebellion against his own power.

Amalaric’s gambit proved successful and, eventually, the Senate agreed with his arguments, and passed a resolution reaffirming the right of the Imperial title to pass from Emperor to his chosen heir; although it did suggest that, in a time of disputed succession, the Senate might be called upon to arbitrate between the different parties.

Having received the news, only then, in 560 did Amalaric officially begin to title himself Emperor, as is shown by the official coinage of that period. Having secured his position through legal and political means, rather than overtly military ones, the new Emperor must have felt himself secure in his own power. Months later, he set to Hispania to oversee the military campaign against the Suebi which had been planned by Theodemir during the final months of his life.



In the summer of 560, Amalaric amassed an army in Hispania for the intent purpose of subjugating the Suebin Kingdom of the west coast, and bringing the land remnants of the continental West under his authority. The plan for the invasion was simple enough, and calls for a direct strike upon the capital of Braga, while a second army would move against the Kingdom’s southern flank.

The forces of Amalaric met those of Vermund II upon the banks of the Minho River. However, rather than give battle, the Suebian King sent messengers to Amalaric, and offered to bow to the Emperor’s authority, and accept the position of Federates, as long as Veremund was allowed to retain his throne and authority within the territories of his Kingdom. After days of negotiations, which Wulfila records in his fragmented “Biography of Amalaric,” a peace was reached; Veremund would be allowed to retain his title and lands in exchange for the Suebians acknowledging the Emperor of Rome as their sovereign lord, an exchange of prisoners, including the King’s heir Veremir, as well as a yearly tribute to Ravenna and a promise to supply troops in times of war. Coupled with his dealings with the Lombards, the deal with the Suebians shows Amalaric’s willingness to use diplomacy, as well as the vestiges of Roman Law to secure his own power. [FN4]

Amalaric had managed to win the war without fighting a single battle. Coupled with his victories over the Senate in Rome, it must have been a heady time, and reaffirmed his power throughout the kingdom. Returning to Ravenna, the Emperor must have felt himself nearly invincible. This would explain the overreaches which he would attempt in the next two years, leading to the first great crisis of his reign, and possibly shed light upon the measures he would take once he was once again secure upon his own throne. [FN5]


[FN1] The Goths actually had a literate class before taking Italy. Under the reign of Theodemir, and the setting up of a college in Ravenna for the express purpose of translating Roman works into Gothic, as well as training scholars and churchmen, there is now an operating class of scholars and civil servants who work mainly within the Gothic language. They do not hold the same prestige and esteem of their Latin speaking counterparts, of course, but they are a growing force, and being relied upon more and more heavily by the Gothic Court. The fact that the Arian Church uses Gothic as its language of liturgy only adds to the strength of this growing class.

[FN2] I am figuring that Theodebert eventually gets named as a Saint by the Arian Church (in my readings, I see no reason to assume the Arian Church did not recognize Saints). This, of course, hasn’t happened yet, but, when it does Theodebert will likely become the patron saint of the Amaling dynasty and, through them, all of Gotland.

[FN3] The Anicia family was one of the most prominent families in the Roman Empire. In addition to producing the scholar Beothius, they were also tied, by marriage, to the Eastern Emperor Hypatius. The fact that Theodemir returned their confiscated lands following his Father’s death, has made them fairly loyal to the throne. This act should be seen as less of an attack against the Goths, and more as an attempt to carve out more authority for the resurgent Senate. Amalaric recognizes it as such, and is actually very lenient towards his opponents, in an effort to show his support for the Latin elements of the Empire.

[FN4] Shades of Game of Thrones and the “King who Knelt” here, I admit. However, I figure that the Suebi should know they have no chance of really standing up against the full power of the Western Empire. At the same time, Amalaric has little to gain from a prolonged confrontation which will just bleed his own armies. Since the notion of Federation has already been used by Theodemir with the Bretons, this would be a perfect opportunity to employ it. It not only shows the new Emperor’s leniency, but also gains a fully functioning region for the Empire.

Of course, the fact that a native King still holds power might eventually cause problems for the Gothic Emperors; but that is a bit further in the future. For the time being, the Suebian King has every reason, and intention, to honor the word of the agreement. For the full extent of the Suebian Kingdom being absorbed, please see the last map.

[FN5] Foreshadowing!!!!!!
 
Will he have a policy of encouraging the Germanic nobility to intermarry with each other.
The eventual language spoken in Gaul should be interesting, I'm sure it will be a form of german. There might also be some small Gallo-Romance local languages.
 
Will he have a policy of encouraging the Germanic nobility to intermarry with each other.
The eventual language spoken in Gaul should be interesting, I'm sure it will be a form of german. There might also be some small Gallo-Romance local languages.

The eventual language spoken in Gaul (well, the remains of Gaul) will be determined by who settles the region. I could well see the Bretons pushing in further than I have initially had them, for instance, although I'm unsure of how far they will penetrate.

Of course, to make a counter-argument; in OTL Italy was devastated by the Gothic Wars, the Plague of Justinian and Lombard Invasions, and yet Northern Italy today speaks a Romance tongue and not Lombardish.
 
First of all, great job on the timeline! I look forward to more butterflies flapping their wings around the great Gothic age :).

Secondly, why would Beowulf be butterflied by the Goths' preeminence in mainland Europe? Just curious.
 
First of all, great job on the timeline! I look forward to more butterflies flapping their wings around the great Gothic age :).

Secondly, why would Beowulf be butterflied by the Goths' preeminence in mainland Europe? Just curious.

A good question; unfortunately, I'm running a bit late for work at the moment, and the answer is a bit involved. I'll get back to you later tonight with a detailed response.

Thanks for the comments though! The migration era has always been one of my favorites throughout history, even since I was a kid. Its nice to see my amateur research paying off to some extent (and, the nice thing is, the more I work on this TL, the more research I've being forced to do; giving me the perfect excuse to delve into the subject even more :p )
 
The eventual language spoken in Gaul (well, the remains of Gaul) will be determined by who settles the region. I could well see the Bretons pushing in further than I have initially had them, for instance, although I'm unsure of how far they will penetrate.

Of course, to make a counter-argument; in OTL Italy was devastated by the Gothic Wars, the Plague of Justinian and Lombard Invasions, and yet Northern Italy today speaks a Romance tongue and not Lombardish.

Yes this is what could happen : as the Gaul you outlined is really the core area of oïl languages and was quite well populated. The region is agriculturaly very rich (Parisian basin) and Paris was not as important as today : a city like Meaux or Sens could become the prime city. Even if the romans are more touched by the wars, they still outnumber by a large margin the Germans. See what happened after the great Plague : the society was changed but not broken.
I would expect an earlier liberation of the serf as the region can only get richer : so you would have a lot of ex-serf most of them romance speaking, owning their land which would lead to a new aristocracy, romance speaking.

Otherwise the TL is very good, even if I am a bit skeptical of the long term survivance of a distinct gothic identity in southern France and Catalonia. Feel free to surprise us.
 
So, I have another query;
Although I might have overlooked it, is the Gothic king actually being addressed as Emperor by his contemporaries? Or is it just the terminology from modern-day works?

The situation in and of itself might create an interesting diplomatic impasse with Constantinople, akin to what happened with Charlemagne OTL…
 
Yes this is what could happen : as the Gaul you outlined is really the core area of oïl languages and was quite well populated. The region is agriculturaly very rich (Parisian basin) and Paris was not as important as today : a city like Meaux or Sens could become the prime city. Even if the romans are more touched by the wars, they still outnumber by a large margin the Germans. See what happened after the great Plague : the society was changed but not broken.
I would expect an earlier liberation of the serf as the region can only get richer : so you would have a lot of ex-serf most of them romance speaking, owning their land which would lead to a new aristocracy, romance speaking.

Otherwise the TL is very good, even if I am a bit skeptical of the long term survivance of a distinct gothic identity in southern France and Catalonia. Feel free to surprise us.

I need to do some research on the population of the region. I believe i estimated, previously, that roughly sixty percent of the population, or more, died in the Harrying as well as the subsequent plague (not to mention subsequent effects, such as famine, malnutrition and so forth). This happening in the span of a few short years is going to be catastrophic to the society of the region, but it may be able to recover under the right conditions. Of course, the death was not spread evenly over the land either; the landa around Paris received the worst of it, while those further to the South likely came off relatively better.

Unfortunately, I haven't been able to find any sources for the population of the region during the era before the wars, which is making it difficult to conceptualize some of the effects. Since the conditions in Gaul are very important to whats going on, i dont want to commit myself one way or another until I'm sure.

At the very least, I think it is safe to say that it will take Gaul at least two generations to recover.

One minor quibble; Visigoth settlements were pulled out of Hispania during the reign of Theodemir, party to concentrate gothic settlement more, but also for reasons of security: rebel nobles had a nasty tendency in OTL and ATL of fleeing to estates south of the mountains to take up arms against the kings.
 
So, I have another query;
Although I might have overlooked it, is the Gothic king actually being addressed as Emperor by his contemporaries? Or is it just the terminology from modern-day works?

The situation in and of itself might create an interesting diplomatic impasse with Constantinople, akin to what happened with Charlemagne OTL…

Theodemir retook the Imperial title of the West after helpung Germanus secure the Eastern Throne; so, yes, he and, so far, his son openly call themselves Emperor. This is, as you say, going to have some interesting diplomatic repercussions with the East. Constantinople is more akin to viewing the situation as "One Empire, ruled by Two Emperors, with the East being Senior" where as Ravenna is more likely to hold the view of "Two Empires, ruled by seperate Emperors, although sharing bonds on brotherhood" to put it somewhat opaquely.
 
Theodemir retook the Imperial title of the West after helpung Germanus secure the Eastern Throne; so, yes, he and, so far, his son openly call themselves Emperor. This is, as you say, going to have some interesting diplomatic repercussions with the East. Constantinople is more akin to viewing the situation as "One Empire, ruled by Two Emperors, with the East being Senior" where as Ravenna is more likely to hold the view of "Two Empires, ruled by seperate Emperors, although sharing bonds on brotherhood" to put it somewhat opaquely.

Ah! Silly me!
 
Chapter 20 The Crow’s Carrion Call
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Amalric's Retreat, 19th Century sketch by Aiden O'Sullivan

Chapter 20
The Crow’s Carrion Call

“Should we sink now, into the ignominy of defeat, know this: we shall forever be scorned by our ancestors who came to this land and made it their own. Heed my words, for the Waelings shall show no mercy; they will make carrion of our sons, and slaves of our daughters, and the living will surly envy the living! The Waelings are wicked and craven, and know only the peace of the sword!” – Empress Brunhilde the Bold



The Glory of Emaneric’s Heirs: the Lectures of Dr. Valamir Fralet
Trans. Edwin Smith
Bern [OTL: Verona, Italy]: Skipmann and Sons Publishing, 1997

Shortly after his return of the campaign against the Suebi, likely in the year 561, Amalaric received word that the Lombards had been crushed in battle against the Gepids and were seekingly asylum within the Empire. This must have struck Amalaric as a magnificent opportunity; the Lombards had survived their defeat as a coherent entity, and giving them succor would likely win their loyalty for the next generation, at least. Finally, the region of Dalmatia, had been greatly ravaged during Theodemir and Germanus’ war for the crown of Rhomania. Settling the Lombards in this territory would bring order to the region, and they settlers would be able to act as a bulwark against any aggression by the Gepids, Avars or Rhomans.

The news was not well received within the Latin population of the Empire. According to Sigisbairht the Frodgibands, in his “History of the Goths,” composed in the late 8th century:

“The coming of the Lombards caused the Romans great anxiety. They feared that Amalaric was building a coalition of Germans against them, and sought to dominate the West through these allies, at the expense of the Romans. Although they feared to rebel, and draw the ire of the new Emperor, they none the less began to talk amongst themselves.” – “History of the Goths” by Sigibrairt the Frodquithan. [FN1]

Amalaric appeared either unaware to the whispering against him, or chose to deafen himself to the opposition. Two years later, in 663, the Orthodox Pope Simplicius II passed away; and news of this event must have been met with great relief in the court in Ravenna. Simplicius had feuded openly with Theodemir the Great, had openly protested the Gothic king’s assuming of the title of Emperor, and been a foe of the Arian church.

As the Western Orthodox bishops met to select Simplicius’ successor, Amalaric made his move, traveled to Rome with a force of Gothic militia. He claimed this force was meant merely to secure the deliberations from violence by the Roman mob and other outside forces, which made marred previous papal elections. However, the election of Pelagius I, who was well known to speak about peaceful relations between the Arian and Orthodox communities, convinced many that Amalaric had influenced the proceedings with his show of force.

If so, Amalaric was simply exercising is prerogative as Emperor of Rome. However, in the West, the action was unprecedented, as the Roman Orthodox Church had been free from the meddling of an Emperor for nearly a century. Even Theodemir, after assuming the title of Emperor, and at the height of his own power, had refused to interfere with the workings of the Orthodox Church; even when the Pope was an outspoken foe of his rule.

However, it’s important to note that Amalaric had not sought to impose an Arian upon the Western Church, but had simply chosen to support a candidate which would be supportive of his own rule. By this time, the schism between the Arians and Western Orthodox churches had likely grown too great to mend by forcing an Arian upon the Western church. In every way, the new Emperor was still following the rule of the Declaration of Rome which had established religious tolerance between the Arian and Orthodox communities within the realm.

The Orthodox within the realm refused to see it in this light. For years there had been great dissatisfaction amongst the Orthodox clergy at the prominence of the Arian faith. With Theodemir’s victory over the Franks, Arianism had become the prestige faith amongst the German peoples, and had been pushing back the Orthodox in most non-Latin territories in Europe. in the minds of the faithful, the new Emperor was seeking to dominate the one true church, and force upon them an unsavory candidate as Bishop of Rome. Riots immediately sprouted in Rome, and several other Italian cities, when news reached of the “Black Conclave.” [FN2]

According to Sigisbrairt, “The Emperor was confused by the turmoil, and greatly wounded by the refusal of his subjects to recognize the authority of Pelagius. Although he wished to reach peace with the Latins of the Empire, the Emperor could not allow civil disobedience to diminish his power. Reluctantly, he ordered his soldiers, bolstered with supporters of the Senate, to engage the rioters and drive them back to their homes.” Although Amalaric’s soldiers quelled the initial riots, there was a longstanding grievance forming amongst the Latins within the Empire.

Amalaric spent the remainder of 561 traveling between his courts in Ravenna, Rome and Toulouse. In October of that year Queen Brunhilde gave birth to Amalaric’s first son, who he named Theodebert after his own brother. In 562, news reached the Emperor of renewed raids by the Franks deep into Gaul, which was still suffering from the depopulation wrought by the Harrying of Gaul. Amalaric quickly marshaled his forces and set forth to beat back the Frankish raiders.

By the end of the military season, the Emperor had beat back two Frankish incursions, and decided to winter his forces in Sens, which had escaped the worst of his father’s depredations against Gaul. By the time the winter had ended, he would find himself fighting for his very life and crown.



Although the realm of Gotland had been established by Theodemir the Great, and many of the great Gallo-Roman and Italian-Roman landlords had been bought out and resettled by the state, a number of prominent landholders still remained within the region. By some estimations, the Goths still made up only 60 to 65 percent of the nobility of Gotland during the middle of the 7th century. Nearly all of these nobles were of the Orthodox faith, and most deeply resented the imposing of Gothic law upon them. When the Goths were strong under Theodemir, they had been cowed into obedience; but the actions of Amalaric had convinced many that they held one last chance to throw of the Gothic yoke and reestablish true Roman rule in the West.

Throughout the winter of 662/3, the rebels marshaled their forces and declared their intention of restoring a Roman Emperor to the throne of the West. Hearing the news, Amalric gathered his own forces and hurried south. He met the rebels at the town of Bourg, and engaged in the Battle of the Bulakrs. It was here that Amalaric suffered the first great military defeat of his reign. [FN3]

Sigibrairt has this to say of the encounter:

“Seeing the rebels in front of him, Amalaric was driven to a great wrath, much like those of his own Father, and ordered his loyal Reiks to attack directly. However, the rebels had hidden a third of their army within the forests and, seeing the Emperor’s forces engaged, they surged out and caught the Goths by surprise and drove them from the field.”

The Battle of Bulakrs was to go down as one of the more famous military encounter during the reign of Amalaric, largely due to a Lay which was, likely, written decades after the actual battle, which lists the valiant efforts of the Goths to push back against the rebels, as well as lists all of the dead which includes members of Amalaric’s own household and, not surprisingly, given when it was first composed, the names of the founders of several prominent Gothic houses.

Despite its importance in folklore, the actual sight of the Battle of Bulakrs, has never been fully determined. The name seems to suggest that it took place in a large field or pasture, which isn’t surprising as the region around Bourg is known to this day for his cattle industry. Several prominent spots have been suggested and, it seems, each has received a commemorative marker for the sake of local antiquarians and tourists, but historians have been unable pin down the actual site.

Amalaric was able to withdraw his force and keep it from being a complete route, but his army had been badly beaten. Although historians recount many stories of Amalaric’s flight and subsequent battles against the rebels who continued to harry his army as it retreated, he was eventually able to pull north to a safe location. The rebels, perhaps overestimating their own strength, marched through Gotland, calling for allies; they were met by indifference, at best, from Gothic lords, and oftentimes, violence. Still, they pressed on and, through a show of force, were able to secure the surrender of Massalbaurgs without a fight. At Massalbaurgs, the rebels announced their support for local lord Flavius Mauronitus as Emperor, and then marched upon Ravenna. [FN4]



The Siege of Ravenna has long been remembered in the history of the Goths for its heroism. During the height of the siege, Empress Brunhilde, took control of the defenses, after giving a rousing speech to the defenders where she held her young son over the walls and declared, “should you wish to surrender, then do so. But know this; I shall die as an Empress and my son as a Prince. I should rather throw us both from these walls and die free, than suffer the depredations of the Walings!” The entirety of the speech owed much to classical oration, and can be found in Sigibraiht and later works. [FN5]

For his part, the Emperor spent the next several months in Lyons, meeting with supporters and building a new army. The entire time, he was in contact with supporters throughout Gotland and Italia, who gave him news of the progress of the siege. By April of 563, early for campaigning in the region, Amalaric led his army south and into Gotland proper, where they were met by supporters who swelled their ranks.

They arrived in Ravenna in June and were met with a horror. The rebel army had been reduced greatly by disease and malnutrition. Expecting Ravenna to fall quickly, the rebels had not planned for a prolonged settlement. In this, Flavius Mauronitus must have been, in some part, at fault, for he proved an incompetent commander; his name, remembered as Flavio, is remembered in Waling folklore to this day as a tragic buffoon, and as a traitorous coward in Gothic lore, to this very day.

Truly, the potential revolution had been doomed when the Roman Senate met and chose to not respond to Flavius’ requests for aid in the siege. Whether out of loyalty or fear, the Senate had declared its full support for Amalaric. Without the soldiers and, more importantly, supplies, that Italia could provide, the siege bled out, especially with the emergence of those diseases which had destroyed sieges so often in the past. [FN6]

Finding his foes in such condition, Amalaric fell upon them and quickly dispersed the rebel army, capturing those leaders who had not died in battle, and had them executed. Flavius, the self styled Emperor of Rome, was bound between four horses and ripped apart, and his skull was gilded, and remained in the Gothic palace for years.

Although small rebellions would sputter for years, especially within Hispania, Amalaric had met the first great crisis of his rule and won. The lessons he would learn from the encounter would help shape the policies of his reign until the very end, and greatly reshape the Empire for generations to come.


[FN1] translated into English, the name would be Sigbert the Wisdomspeaker, or Loremaster. Just another attempt to create a Gothic term which, as far as I can determine, did not come down to us!

[FN2] For those of you who had mentioned that the relations between the Arians and Orthodox had been too smooth, may I submit for your approval, the Black Conclave and its repercussions. I always figured that there would be a growing tension in the realm between the two faiths, only quelled by the power of Theodemir. Once he was out of the picture … well, it just takes one dumb move to set that powder keg alight,

[FN3] This region is known for its Cattle and Chickens to this very day, and so having a battle at a cow pasture doesn’t seem all that unlikely. Finding a suitable Gothic name was somewhat difficult. Akrs was a Gothic word for field, but I could not come up with a definite word for Cow or Bull. I eventually settled on ‘Bul’ which is similar enough to other Germanic languages and, I figured, the name might have been slurred through history somewhat. Also, this Battle exists for those who think that the Goths may have had too easy of a run in the last few decades; trust me, they can lose battles, will lose plenty more before it’s all done, and are very very human.

[FN4] The Mauronitus were a prominent family in Marseilles during the period of late Antiquity. Here, one of their members gets a bit too ambitious for his own good and, as often the case with people of that sort, proves that he is not nearly as capable as he believes. Massalbaurgs is a *Gothic name for the city as Marseilles, which is in common usage in the *present of the ATL.

[FN5] Strong warrior women in late Antiquity may be a bit hard to swallow (no matter what Hollywood keeps trying to tell us), but a weak woman by the name of Brunhilde? That is just unfathomable! Also, if you really believe she spoke just these words … well, you know very little of the practices of ancient and medieval chroniclers! Whatever the case, Brunhilde overcomes expectations of her gender, and manages to secure the city against the rebels. Expect to see more of her in the future!

[FN6] Why did the Roman Senate not support their co-nationals against the Goths? Maybe because the rebels were a bunch of uncouth hicks, maybe because the Senate was terrified of Amalaric, or possibly because of a whole stew of issues which have largely been lost by history.


Okay, and so now you have seen the beginning of certain forces, which have been building under the reign of Theodemir, finally begin to burst out into the open. This will not be the last time it happens, although it may well be the most dramatic. Hopefully this counters some, well deserved in my mind, criticism that the Goths have had far too easy of a ride so far. The new Emperors may well find that conquering an Empire is much easier than ruling one!
 
Interesting update.
Have you given any thought to the spelling of the Gothic descended language/languages?
Being settled in Romance areas should surely influence how it develops.
 

ingemann

Banned
All of these are good points, and deserve a much more thurougj and thought out response than what I'm able to write at the moment (I'm using my phone). And so, i will simply say this for the time being: why do I suspect I may have accidently just screwed over the Romance tongues of Gaul in this TL, way more than i actually intended?

The way this is going, we may only have Romance being apoken in *Italy, Hispania and, possibly, Vandalia (and I'm not as certain about the later as i used to be, although i find it still likely)

I personal think that several Romance languages will survive
Wallon will likely survive in the area it exist in historical, the dialect is more conservative than most French dialect, which indicate it was more isolated, plus the fact that the area is inferior in soil quality, I think the dialect could survive. Of course the Wallons will likely think of themselves as Franks who just speak a different language rather than Roman.
Franco-Provençal will likely survive in western Burgundy (the eastern highland will be settled by Swabians as in OTL). They too will just see themselves as Romance speaking Burgundians rather than as Romans. This language may end up being called Welsche.
In northern western Iberia something like OTL Spanish/Portuguese will survive it will loan heavy from Basque and Gothic. If it get a name, it will likely be named after what the region end up being called (Suebian maybe)
Southern Spain, "Vandalia" and Italy will (in all likelihood) see the survival of a Romance language it will likely be called Latin, of course it will heavy loan from Gothic and Vandalic.
In the Balkans Romanian will likely survive in along the lower Danube (both on the Wallachian and Bulgarian side of the river), it will likely be named Vlach.


As for Vandalic, I expect it will disappear in the short term, the Vandals will likely adopt the closely related Gothic instead, but outside a few coastal cities I don't expect it to spread in North Africa or in the other Vandal possession.

Another place where Latin will be in retreat will be in Southern Italy, where Greek may win out without the prestige of Latin or the hostility between the Western and Eastern Church.

Yes this is what could happen : as the Gaul you outlined is really the core area of oïl languages and was quite well populated. The region is agriculturaly very rich (Parisian basin) and Paris was not as important as today : a city like Meaux or Sens could become the prime city. Even if the romans are more touched by the wars, they still outnumber by a large margin the Germans. See what happened after the great Plague : the society was changed but not broken.
I would expect an earlier liberation of the serf as the region can only get richer : so you would have a lot of ex-serf most of them romance speaking, owning their land which would lead to a new aristocracy, romance speaking.

Otherwise the TL is very good, even if I am a bit skeptical of the long term survivance of a distinct gothic identity in southern France and Catalonia. Feel free to surprise us.

I think you forget why the Roman peasantry became serf, to seek protection against bandits and raiders. The problem is that the Gallo-Roman peasantry lacked the martial tradition of their Germanic neighbours or even the relearned martial tradition of the Britons (after a long war of survival). If the serf system break down, Gaul will just end up as a fat chicken surronded by very hungry foxes and end up the target of Frankish and Breton raids, and even worse the Jutes and Saxons may discover the easy target along the banks of the Seine river and start a earlier viking age. No the Goths need to place a decentral system of yeomen in Gaul, so that they don't need to place a permjanent military presence in the province. The Bretons would be the best choice for this, as they're mean enough to deal with the average raider and bandits, and only ask for help, when someone really decide to invade.
 
Interesting update.
Have you given any thought to the spelling of the Gothic descended language/languages?
Being settled in Romance areas should surely influence how it develops.

Thanks for the comments! I have given spelling some thought, but dont know enough linguistics to do any more than a bit of playing around. I'd love if someone could gelp me out with this!
 
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