Splitters!
- Thread starter Pete U
- Start date
In the run up to the General Election, this publication will, of course, run in depth profiles and analysis of the seven main parties, their leaders and policies. However, we aware that there are a plethora of regionalist parties, and a brief overview of these provides a political amuse bouche before we get to the first of the main courses next week
Scotland
The fractious modern history of the various parties claiming to represent Scottish Nationalism is often traced back to the mid-sixties, when hopes had been high of the Scottish National Party making a breakthrough, and starting to challenge for seats. However, no such breakthrough was forthcoming – the seats selected for fighting were often personal hobby-horses, rather than realistically winnable (or at least deposit retainable), and the party’s finances were being slowly drained. Once the recriminations started, it became clear that the various factions within the party had little in common beyond independence, and the gradual factionalisation began, initially along a heady mixture of left/right fault lines, and ego-driven personal enmities.
It took until the 1974 court ruling for the initial split to be resolved, but the damage had been done, leaving Scottish Nationalism in a terminal decline, the continual butt of political jokes. The bitterness and rancour engendered during this time has remained, and has prevented any kind of coalition from forming. Indeed, it tends to be a cause for celebration among the faithful if any of the parties retain their deposit (or get beyond double figures in votes).
There are currently 14 clearly pro-Independence parties with declared candidates, with at least one nationalist candidate standing in each of the 52 Scottish constituencies.
Official Scottish National Party: [Leader: Brendan O’Hara ] The ‘winners’, if such a word can be used here, of the legal battles of the early 70s about which group was the real SNP, and therefore had the rights to the name, assets and, most importantly, bequests. The OSNP is left wing, sitting somewhere between Labour and the Social Democrats with their current policies, with a swathe of public spending commitments to be financed by a Sovereign Oil Fund. They are most active within the central belt, and are have candidates listed in 34 constituencies, none of which are further north than Stirling. Currently have 33 sitting councillors at various levels of local government.
Continuity Scottish Nationalists: [Leader: Michelle Mone] The losers of the SNP assets court case, the more conservative elements of the old SNP retained some strength in the more affluent areas of Edinburgh and Glasgow, across the borders and in some areas of the Highlands. Although they came close to extinction in the late 70s and early 80s, their vision of a Business Friendly Scottish Powerhouse has garnered some support, especially from those who see the government’s economic policy as too London-centric. Their activity is somewhat patchwork, with 23 candidates spread through Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Inverness and the Borders. Currently have 18 councillors.
Freedom! : [Leader: Tom Farmer] Founded in 1996, Freedom! (the exclamation mark is always part of the name) took their naming inspiration from Braveheart, and their political inspiration from United States Libertarians. As their ideology (thrusting entrepreneurship, small state, low taxes) was clear from the start, they are one of the few groups not to have splintered since they were founded, and they have maintained an active and vociferous membership through throughout. However, this hasn’t translated into electoral success. They are standing 11 candidates, all in major cities. They currently have 1 councillor, who is a defector from the Continuity Scottish Nationalists.
Independent Scotland: [Leader: Nicola Sturgeon] A Glasgow based grouping who split from the OSNP in the 1983 on the issue of gradualism – Independent Scotland see any proposed devolution as ‘a sop to placate the Scottish nation’, rather than as a stepping stone to independence, which is the position of the OSNP. Instead, Independent Scotland’s position can be summarised as ‘Full Secession Now!”. Standing 6 candidates, all in the Greater Glasgow area. Probably the largest Scottish Nationalist grouping to never have managed an elected official.
Socialists for Scotland: [Leader: Joe FitzPatrick] Effectively, the Dundee branch of the OSNP, which split in 1991 as they regarded the main party as ‘insufficiently committed to a socialist Scotland’. Highly motivated at a local level, SfS have managed to save their deposit a number of times, and have achieved 13.7% of the vote in Dundee West in the 1996 General Election. Since the early 2000s, they are the only nationalists significantly active in Dundee. However, they have never managed to stand a candidate outside of Tayside. Standing in both Dundee seats, and currently have 5 elected councillors.
Alba an-asgaidh (Free Scotland): [Leader: Alasdair Moireasdan] The second major fracturing of the old SNP was along language lines, and the discussion as to whether English or Gaelic shouldbe the primary tongue. Although this initially led to the creation of Pàrtaidh Nàiseanta na h-Alba in 1981, a further off-shoot has proved far more successful. Alba an-asgaidh were founded in 1983 after a personality clash at senior levels, and have easily eclipsed their parent grouping. Based out of Inverness, and with a presence all across the Highlands and Islands, they have achieved some respectable results, with the second highest deposit saved percentage after SfS. They are standing in 18 seats, mostly across the Highlands, and currently have 7 elected councillors.
Pàrtaidh Nàiseanta na h-Alba [Scottish Nationalist Party]: [Leader: Alasdair Allan] The original ‘GaelNats’, leaving the OSNP in 1981 over the language dispute, with a primary policy of Gaelic as the language of Scotland (technically Alba). Personality clashes in the youth of the Party led to a further split, and the PSA laboured on in the shadow of the more successful AA. Also headquartered in Inverness, the PSA is little more than a local voice, standing in 3 Highland seats this election, and are not expected to retain any deposits. They have 1 elected councillor.
Scottish Liberation Front: [Leader: Colin Fox] Arguably the most militant of the Nationalist groupings, the SLF has often sailed very close to the wind, whilst never advocating actual political violence. Most of their statements and positions blame London/Westminster/The English for any and all perceived problems. Formally headquartered in Glasgow, the SLF is most active in Airdrie and Coatbridge, and is standing 2 candidates. They have never had an elected official.
Independence for Scotland: [Leader: Andy Wightman] Formed in 2004 as ‘The vanguard of a pan-European network of co-operative nationalist parties’, IfS is, in reality, the personal hobby-horse of its founder and leader. Most of their policies are a mixture of green, new age and utopian ideals. Based in Falkirk, and standing a single candidate there. They have never had an elected official.
Celtic Union: [Scottish Co-ordinator: David Coburn] Although the Celtic Union describes its aim as “The Liberation of the Oppressed Peoples of Celtic Europe”, and has active groupings in Wales, Northern Ireland, The Republic of Ireland, Normandy and Brittany, the Scottish section is a mere afterthought, having failed to gain traction amidst the plethora of competition. Nominally based in Edinburgh, and standing a single candidate in Edinburgh Pentlands.
IndyNOW!: [Leader: Mhairi Black] The self-proclaimed ‘Party for Scotland’s Youth’, and the highest profile ‘one person and their dog’ party, due to a highly active and provocative twitter account. Standing a single candidate in Paisley.
Scotland First: [Leader: Alex Salmond] Under a slogan of ‘Scotland for the Scots’, Salmond cuts a lonely figure in on the fringes of nationalism. Standing a single candidate in Stirling.
League of Free Scots: [Leader: George Galloway] Possibly an even lonelier figure than Salmond, Galloway has been in no less than seven other nationalist groups, before starting his latest venture in 2014. Standing a single candidate in Glasgow Kelvin.
Lìog Saorsa na h-Alba [Scottish Freedom League]: [Leader: Angus MacNeil] The newest ScotNat party, only active since 2016, and apparently little more than two men in a flat in Ullapool and a website. Standing a single candidate in Na h-Eileanan an Iar.
Scotland
The fractious modern history of the various parties claiming to represent Scottish Nationalism is often traced back to the mid-sixties, when hopes had been high of the Scottish National Party making a breakthrough, and starting to challenge for seats. However, no such breakthrough was forthcoming – the seats selected for fighting were often personal hobby-horses, rather than realistically winnable (or at least deposit retainable), and the party’s finances were being slowly drained. Once the recriminations started, it became clear that the various factions within the party had little in common beyond independence, and the gradual factionalisation began, initially along a heady mixture of left/right fault lines, and ego-driven personal enmities.
It took until the 1974 court ruling for the initial split to be resolved, but the damage had been done, leaving Scottish Nationalism in a terminal decline, the continual butt of political jokes. The bitterness and rancour engendered during this time has remained, and has prevented any kind of coalition from forming. Indeed, it tends to be a cause for celebration among the faithful if any of the parties retain their deposit (or get beyond double figures in votes).
There are currently 14 clearly pro-Independence parties with declared candidates, with at least one nationalist candidate standing in each of the 52 Scottish constituencies.
Official Scottish National Party: [Leader: Brendan O’Hara ] The ‘winners’, if such a word can be used here, of the legal battles of the early 70s about which group was the real SNP, and therefore had the rights to the name, assets and, most importantly, bequests. The OSNP is left wing, sitting somewhere between Labour and the Social Democrats with their current policies, with a swathe of public spending commitments to be financed by a Sovereign Oil Fund. They are most active within the central belt, and are have candidates listed in 34 constituencies, none of which are further north than Stirling. Currently have 33 sitting councillors at various levels of local government.
Continuity Scottish Nationalists: [Leader: Michelle Mone] The losers of the SNP assets court case, the more conservative elements of the old SNP retained some strength in the more affluent areas of Edinburgh and Glasgow, across the borders and in some areas of the Highlands. Although they came close to extinction in the late 70s and early 80s, their vision of a Business Friendly Scottish Powerhouse has garnered some support, especially from those who see the government’s economic policy as too London-centric. Their activity is somewhat patchwork, with 23 candidates spread through Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Inverness and the Borders. Currently have 18 councillors.
Freedom! : [Leader: Tom Farmer] Founded in 1996, Freedom! (the exclamation mark is always part of the name) took their naming inspiration from Braveheart, and their political inspiration from United States Libertarians. As their ideology (thrusting entrepreneurship, small state, low taxes) was clear from the start, they are one of the few groups not to have splintered since they were founded, and they have maintained an active and vociferous membership through throughout. However, this hasn’t translated into electoral success. They are standing 11 candidates, all in major cities. They currently have 1 councillor, who is a defector from the Continuity Scottish Nationalists.
Independent Scotland: [Leader: Nicola Sturgeon] A Glasgow based grouping who split from the OSNP in the 1983 on the issue of gradualism – Independent Scotland see any proposed devolution as ‘a sop to placate the Scottish nation’, rather than as a stepping stone to independence, which is the position of the OSNP. Instead, Independent Scotland’s position can be summarised as ‘Full Secession Now!”. Standing 6 candidates, all in the Greater Glasgow area. Probably the largest Scottish Nationalist grouping to never have managed an elected official.
Socialists for Scotland: [Leader: Joe FitzPatrick] Effectively, the Dundee branch of the OSNP, which split in 1991 as they regarded the main party as ‘insufficiently committed to a socialist Scotland’. Highly motivated at a local level, SfS have managed to save their deposit a number of times, and have achieved 13.7% of the vote in Dundee West in the 1996 General Election. Since the early 2000s, they are the only nationalists significantly active in Dundee. However, they have never managed to stand a candidate outside of Tayside. Standing in both Dundee seats, and currently have 5 elected councillors.
Alba an-asgaidh (Free Scotland): [Leader: Alasdair Moireasdan] The second major fracturing of the old SNP was along language lines, and the discussion as to whether English or Gaelic shouldbe the primary tongue. Although this initially led to the creation of Pàrtaidh Nàiseanta na h-Alba in 1981, a further off-shoot has proved far more successful. Alba an-asgaidh were founded in 1983 after a personality clash at senior levels, and have easily eclipsed their parent grouping. Based out of Inverness, and with a presence all across the Highlands and Islands, they have achieved some respectable results, with the second highest deposit saved percentage after SfS. They are standing in 18 seats, mostly across the Highlands, and currently have 7 elected councillors.
Pàrtaidh Nàiseanta na h-Alba [Scottish Nationalist Party]: [Leader: Alasdair Allan] The original ‘GaelNats’, leaving the OSNP in 1981 over the language dispute, with a primary policy of Gaelic as the language of Scotland (technically Alba). Personality clashes in the youth of the Party led to a further split, and the PSA laboured on in the shadow of the more successful AA. Also headquartered in Inverness, the PSA is little more than a local voice, standing in 3 Highland seats this election, and are not expected to retain any deposits. They have 1 elected councillor.
Scottish Liberation Front: [Leader: Colin Fox] Arguably the most militant of the Nationalist groupings, the SLF has often sailed very close to the wind, whilst never advocating actual political violence. Most of their statements and positions blame London/Westminster/The English for any and all perceived problems. Formally headquartered in Glasgow, the SLF is most active in Airdrie and Coatbridge, and is standing 2 candidates. They have never had an elected official.
Independence for Scotland: [Leader: Andy Wightman] Formed in 2004 as ‘The vanguard of a pan-European network of co-operative nationalist parties’, IfS is, in reality, the personal hobby-horse of its founder and leader. Most of their policies are a mixture of green, new age and utopian ideals. Based in Falkirk, and standing a single candidate there. They have never had an elected official.
Celtic Union: [Scottish Co-ordinator: David Coburn] Although the Celtic Union describes its aim as “The Liberation of the Oppressed Peoples of Celtic Europe”, and has active groupings in Wales, Northern Ireland, The Republic of Ireland, Normandy and Brittany, the Scottish section is a mere afterthought, having failed to gain traction amidst the plethora of competition. Nominally based in Edinburgh, and standing a single candidate in Edinburgh Pentlands.
IndyNOW!: [Leader: Mhairi Black] The self-proclaimed ‘Party for Scotland’s Youth’, and the highest profile ‘one person and their dog’ party, due to a highly active and provocative twitter account. Standing a single candidate in Paisley.
Scotland First: [Leader: Alex Salmond] Under a slogan of ‘Scotland for the Scots’, Salmond cuts a lonely figure in on the fringes of nationalism. Standing a single candidate in Stirling.
League of Free Scots: [Leader: George Galloway] Possibly an even lonelier figure than Salmond, Galloway has been in no less than seven other nationalist groups, before starting his latest venture in 2014. Standing a single candidate in Glasgow Kelvin.
Lìog Saorsa na h-Alba [Scottish Freedom League]: [Leader: Angus MacNeil] The newest ScotNat party, only active since 2016, and apparently little more than two men in a flat in Ullapool and a website. Standing a single candidate in Na h-Eileanan an Iar.
Thanks - I've only got two or three other updates to do, so I'm hoping to get it finished in a reasonable time frame
Wales
Nationalism in Wales has never been as prevalent in modern British politics as the Scottish version, and although the splintering of the community started at the same time (according to modern political historians), it has been less divisive, and more of a gradual thing. The high water mark of united Welsh Nationalism was also in the mid-60s, when by-election results in the high teens were a regular occurrence. However, as the SNP began its long slide into disparate groups, the same tensions were present in Wales, they just took longer to manifest. While the Welsh fragmentation has been far more amicable and gentle than their northern colleagues, the lack of seriousness has been projected across this strand of nationalism as well.
Plaid Cymru – Party Of Wales: [Leader: Siân Gwenllian] The oldest continuously existing Welsh Nationalist party, and the one with the most electoral success, if success is counted as held deposits and a smattering of councillors across the Principality. Active in the majority of welsh constituencies, PC has retained a national presence despite not one but two significant splits in its history. A commitment to stepwise routes to independence, and a broadly leftist economic platform has defined PC for the last three decades. Currently have 27 elected councillors across Wales, and are standing in 32 constituencies.
Plaid Genediaethol Cymru [National Party Of Wales]: [Leader: Jill Evans] Unlike in Scotland, the initial split in Welsh Nationalism was around not around political stance (on the whole, the movement has remained steadfastly left wing) but around speed of movement. Official PC policy has remained that a Welsh Parliament is a first step towards full independence, but a significant minority wanted to move faster. The 1972 Caernarfon Declaration caught many by surprise, but the creation of new party took about a third of the Plaid Cyrmu membership in a couple of months. PGC has steadfastly held to the single-step approach ever since. Currently have 11 elected councillors, and are standing in 26 constituencies.
Y Mudiad Cymreig [The Welsh Movement]: [Leader: Llyr Huws Gruffydd] The second split from Plaid Cymru was driven by language, specifically the small but vocal members who believed independence was fundamentally linked with the primacy of the Welsh language. When the party retained a commitment to a bilingual future in 1979, a splinter group formed, initially centred around Pembroke and Cardiff, but spreading along the coasts to create active branches in Aberystwyth, Swansea and Newport. Y Mudiad Cymreig have struggled to gain a national voice, and have been surprisingly ineffectual at recruiting in areas with higher levels of Welsh speakers. Currently have 2 councillors, and are standing in 11 constituencies.
Llais Y Bobl [People’s Voice]: [Leader: Leanne Wood] Eventually, Welsh nationalism would begin to separate along broader political times. As the harsh economic realities of the early 1980s bit, the mining communities of the valleys were hit particularly hard, and the prevailing political opinion was moving to the left. The existing nationalist parties failed to react, and, in 1983, the vacuum was filled by a new group, espousing a truly socialist future for an independent Wales. Llais Y Bobl have remained strong in their homelands, but attempts to establish themselves outside of the valleys have been beaten back by the larger groupings. Currently have 6 councillors, but are only standing in 3 constituencies.
Celtic Union: [Welsh Co-ordinator: Bethan Jenkins] The Pan-Nationalist/Regionalist group have been active in Wales since 1987, but have failed to operate much beyond Cardiff and Swansea. While not as ineffectual as their Scottish operation, CU(W) seems unable to leverage the success seen in the French regions. As in Scotland, they have never had an elected representative in Wales. Standing in 4 constituencies.
Liberty: [Leader: Neil Hamilton] As Freedom! began to attract headlines as a non-left Scottish Nationalist party, a small group of like-minded people saw the opportunity for a similarly ‘market-led’ strain of Welsh nationalism. Founded in 2001 in Cardiff, with a relatively high profile launch, Liberty has not gained much traction in the intervening years, even with a series of high profile backers from the Welsh business community. Liberty have never has an elected representative, and are standing in 3 constituencies.
Llais Gwynedd [Voice of Gwynedd]: [Leader: Owain Williams] Based in Bala, Llais Gwynedd straddle the boundary between a nationalist and a regionalist group. Formed in 2004 as a local pressure group, the party surprisingly won a number of seats on Gwynedd Council, overtaking PGC as the largest Welsh speaking group. While focussed on issues specific to Gwynedd, they have realised that they share a number of policies with Llais Y Bobl, and have entered into a tentative information and strategy sharing agreement for the upcoming election. Currently have 7 elected councillors, and are standing in a single constituency.
Free Wales Alliance: [Leader: Gruffydd Maredudd Bowen Rhys ] The latest ‘grouping’ to emerge, Free Wales Alliance has little more than an online presence, and enough members to get its leader nominated as a candidate in Cardiff Central.
Nationalism in Wales has never been as prevalent in modern British politics as the Scottish version, and although the splintering of the community started at the same time (according to modern political historians), it has been less divisive, and more of a gradual thing. The high water mark of united Welsh Nationalism was also in the mid-60s, when by-election results in the high teens were a regular occurrence. However, as the SNP began its long slide into disparate groups, the same tensions were present in Wales, they just took longer to manifest. While the Welsh fragmentation has been far more amicable and gentle than their northern colleagues, the lack of seriousness has been projected across this strand of nationalism as well.
Plaid Cymru – Party Of Wales: [Leader: Siân Gwenllian] The oldest continuously existing Welsh Nationalist party, and the one with the most electoral success, if success is counted as held deposits and a smattering of councillors across the Principality. Active in the majority of welsh constituencies, PC has retained a national presence despite not one but two significant splits in its history. A commitment to stepwise routes to independence, and a broadly leftist economic platform has defined PC for the last three decades. Currently have 27 elected councillors across Wales, and are standing in 32 constituencies.
Plaid Genediaethol Cymru [National Party Of Wales]: [Leader: Jill Evans] Unlike in Scotland, the initial split in Welsh Nationalism was around not around political stance (on the whole, the movement has remained steadfastly left wing) but around speed of movement. Official PC policy has remained that a Welsh Parliament is a first step towards full independence, but a significant minority wanted to move faster. The 1972 Caernarfon Declaration caught many by surprise, but the creation of new party took about a third of the Plaid Cyrmu membership in a couple of months. PGC has steadfastly held to the single-step approach ever since. Currently have 11 elected councillors, and are standing in 26 constituencies.
Y Mudiad Cymreig [The Welsh Movement]: [Leader: Llyr Huws Gruffydd] The second split from Plaid Cymru was driven by language, specifically the small but vocal members who believed independence was fundamentally linked with the primacy of the Welsh language. When the party retained a commitment to a bilingual future in 1979, a splinter group formed, initially centred around Pembroke and Cardiff, but spreading along the coasts to create active branches in Aberystwyth, Swansea and Newport. Y Mudiad Cymreig have struggled to gain a national voice, and have been surprisingly ineffectual at recruiting in areas with higher levels of Welsh speakers. Currently have 2 councillors, and are standing in 11 constituencies.
Llais Y Bobl [People’s Voice]: [Leader: Leanne Wood] Eventually, Welsh nationalism would begin to separate along broader political times. As the harsh economic realities of the early 1980s bit, the mining communities of the valleys were hit particularly hard, and the prevailing political opinion was moving to the left. The existing nationalist parties failed to react, and, in 1983, the vacuum was filled by a new group, espousing a truly socialist future for an independent Wales. Llais Y Bobl have remained strong in their homelands, but attempts to establish themselves outside of the valleys have been beaten back by the larger groupings. Currently have 6 councillors, but are only standing in 3 constituencies.
Celtic Union: [Welsh Co-ordinator: Bethan Jenkins] The Pan-Nationalist/Regionalist group have been active in Wales since 1987, but have failed to operate much beyond Cardiff and Swansea. While not as ineffectual as their Scottish operation, CU(W) seems unable to leverage the success seen in the French regions. As in Scotland, they have never had an elected representative in Wales. Standing in 4 constituencies.
Liberty: [Leader: Neil Hamilton] As Freedom! began to attract headlines as a non-left Scottish Nationalist party, a small group of like-minded people saw the opportunity for a similarly ‘market-led’ strain of Welsh nationalism. Founded in 2001 in Cardiff, with a relatively high profile launch, Liberty has not gained much traction in the intervening years, even with a series of high profile backers from the Welsh business community. Liberty have never has an elected representative, and are standing in 3 constituencies.
Llais Gwynedd [Voice of Gwynedd]: [Leader: Owain Williams] Based in Bala, Llais Gwynedd straddle the boundary between a nationalist and a regionalist group. Formed in 2004 as a local pressure group, the party surprisingly won a number of seats on Gwynedd Council, overtaking PGC as the largest Welsh speaking group. While focussed on issues specific to Gwynedd, they have realised that they share a number of policies with Llais Y Bobl, and have entered into a tentative information and strategy sharing agreement for the upcoming election. Currently have 7 elected councillors, and are standing in a single constituency.
Free Wales Alliance: [Leader: Gruffydd Maredudd Bowen Rhys ] The latest ‘grouping’ to emerge, Free Wales Alliance has little more than an online presence, and enough members to get its leader nominated as a candidate in Cardiff Central.
England (Part 1)
English Nationalism/Regionalism is a strange beast, an odd collection of groups ranging from national organisations (with coverage so patchy it is similar to the early mobile networks), through regionalist groupings, down to the mass of county/locale parties.
‘True’ nationalism is mostly subsumed into the British chest-beating of the UKP (who we will cover when we get to the main parties), and, without strong Celtic nationalist entities, English ‘independence’ has very limited reach beyond the die-hards of the handful of active groups.
Potentially more interesting are the federalists and regionalists, some of whom operate at an England-wide level, while a patchwork of organisations supporting specific regions also exist.
In our penultimate review, we will take a look at the various English Nationalist and Regionalist parties, who operate in this strange hinterland
English Independence Party: [Leader: Nicholas Griffin] In the late 1960s, when it looked like Nationalism in other nations might still become a significant factor in UK politics, there was a burgeoning school of thought which reasoned that England needed a specific counter balance to ensure that the interests of the English were at the forefront of this discussion. The failure of Scottish and Welsh devolution meant this never really became part of the mainstream of political debate. Founded in 1968, the EIP has kept the flag flying (or at least off the ground) for the idea of an English Parliament, normally framed as part of a federalised UK and ‘balance between our four great nations’. Often regarded as a pressure group rather than a viable political party, they have never had an elected representative, and are planning to stand in 17 constituencies, mostly in London
Liberty For England: [Leader: James Dyson] Whereas Scottish and Welsh nationalism has tended to have a left-wing slant, there has always been an element of English Nationalism which has been more economically liberal. LFE were found in 1988, on the premise that England was “shackled by funding the welfare dependency of the Celts” and promoting the idea of a low tax, business friendly England attracting business from all over the world, believing that market reforms had not gone nearly far enough. Their limited support is mostly found in and around London, but even there deposits have been hard to hold. They have never had an elected representative, and are standing in 11 London constituencies.
English National Party: [Leader: Robin Tilbrook] Founded in 1997, the ENP tried to tap into the anti-Europe sentiment that has sustained the UKP since 1973. However, whereas the UKP has parleyed this into national relevance and a small amount of electoral success (although never enough to threaten the status quo), the ENP’s focus on a purely English version of independence has failed to gain much interest outside of a few local strongholds. Based in Stoke, the ENP have no current elected officials and are standing in 3 constituencies.
Federalist Party: [Leader: Nigel Farage] The Federalist Party is one of the stranger beasts of British politics. Taking inspiration from German Länder and Swiss Cantons, the Federalist vision imagines a UK into (roughly) equally populated areas (currently 19), with consistent devolved powers and responsibilities at an appropriate level. As with many less mainstream political parties, the Federalists have split a couple of times since their founding in 2001, around top-down vs bottom up leadership and implementation, and also about the level of devolution. They have never had an elected official, and are standing in 16 constituencies spread around the country.
English Regional Council: [Chair: Peter Johnson] Split from the Federalists in 2008, aiming to build from the grassroots up, establishing strong regional groupings before consolidating into a national organisation. Active in Newcastle, Leeds, Birmingham and Exeter, and generally operating in competition to other grouping. They have never had an elected official, and are standing in 7 constituencies spread around the country.
DevoMAX: [Leader: Steve Radford] Established in 2013, DevoMAX are another party aiming to use social media and the internet to build a following. Specifically targeting a younger membership ‘to build for llong term success’, their lack of success is not surprising when all polling data indicates that under-30s are even less interested in regional devolution than the population in general. Their flagship policy is tiered devolution of powers at the ‘parish’, ‘county’ and ‘region’ level, with Parliament having a ‘severely reduced influence’ (although what that means is not specified). This is the first election DevoMAX are standing in, and they have 3 candidates, all in London.
Wessex Regional Party: [Leader: Alan Whitehead] The oldest and most high profile of the local regionalist groups, the Wessex Regionalists (as they were known) were founded in 1985. The definition of ‘Wessex’ had varied over the years, which has prevented any co-operation with the Cornish parties, or the ‘neighbouring’ Home Counties Party (see below), where the status of Hampshire is a bitter bone of contention. The WRP have had success in council elections, although they currently have no elected representatives. They are standing in 8 constituencies.
Southern League: [Leader: Alan Sked] Modelled on the Lega Nord in Italy, the Southern League has consistently held the position that London (and some surrounding areas) are being held back by having to subsidise the rest of the UK, and that only by allowing greater freedom for the economic engine of the nation can true growth and freedom be achieved. This vision has never translated into votes, with the SL regularly polling in double or even single digits in the few elections they stand in. Standing in 2 constituencies at the upcoming election.
Home Counties Party: [Leader: Henry Vann] Founded in 2014, the HCP is based in Bedford, and is being promoted as ‘a Home Counties voice in the rising clamour for regional devolution’. Standing a single candidate in the election.
Anglian Party: [Leader: Steve Coogan] A long running personal project is the best way to describe the Anglian Party, seeking more power for Norfolk, Suffolk and sometime Cambridgeshire. Coogan holds the official record for the most elections unsuccessfully contested, at 256 and counting. Standing in Norwich North.
West Midlands Future: [Leader: Sion Simon] Previously known as West Midlands Forward, before that as West Midlands Congress, and before that as The West Midlands Party. WMF have performed equally poorly in all elections regardless of which name they have been using at the time, and always less well than Birmingham specific candidates. Standing in 3 constituencies.
LeNoDe: [Leader: Nicky Morgan] ‘Building The East Midlands Success’ – a new party seeking devolved powers for three cities (Leicester, Nottingham and Derby) to ‘set appropriate strategy to fuel prosperity via a paradigm shift in local political power’ via ‘leveraging synergies and driving investment opportunity and community value’. Standing 6 candidates, 2 in each city.
Cumberland And Northumberland Devolution Organisation (CAN-DO!): [Leader: Tim Farron] Founded in 2010, CAN-DO is hoping to build to be the building block of a series of organisations representing the rural voice of England, recognising the fundamental differences between urban and rural dwellers. Standing in 3 constituencies.
English Nationalism/Regionalism is a strange beast, an odd collection of groups ranging from national organisations (with coverage so patchy it is similar to the early mobile networks), through regionalist groupings, down to the mass of county/locale parties.
‘True’ nationalism is mostly subsumed into the British chest-beating of the UKP (who we will cover when we get to the main parties), and, without strong Celtic nationalist entities, English ‘independence’ has very limited reach beyond the die-hards of the handful of active groups.
Potentially more interesting are the federalists and regionalists, some of whom operate at an England-wide level, while a patchwork of organisations supporting specific regions also exist.
In our penultimate review, we will take a look at the various English Nationalist and Regionalist parties, who operate in this strange hinterland
English Independence Party: [Leader: Nicholas Griffin] In the late 1960s, when it looked like Nationalism in other nations might still become a significant factor in UK politics, there was a burgeoning school of thought which reasoned that England needed a specific counter balance to ensure that the interests of the English were at the forefront of this discussion. The failure of Scottish and Welsh devolution meant this never really became part of the mainstream of political debate. Founded in 1968, the EIP has kept the flag flying (or at least off the ground) for the idea of an English Parliament, normally framed as part of a federalised UK and ‘balance between our four great nations’. Often regarded as a pressure group rather than a viable political party, they have never had an elected representative, and are planning to stand in 17 constituencies, mostly in London
Liberty For England: [Leader: James Dyson] Whereas Scottish and Welsh nationalism has tended to have a left-wing slant, there has always been an element of English Nationalism which has been more economically liberal. LFE were found in 1988, on the premise that England was “shackled by funding the welfare dependency of the Celts” and promoting the idea of a low tax, business friendly England attracting business from all over the world, believing that market reforms had not gone nearly far enough. Their limited support is mostly found in and around London, but even there deposits have been hard to hold. They have never had an elected representative, and are standing in 11 London constituencies.
English National Party: [Leader: Robin Tilbrook] Founded in 1997, the ENP tried to tap into the anti-Europe sentiment that has sustained the UKP since 1973. However, whereas the UKP has parleyed this into national relevance and a small amount of electoral success (although never enough to threaten the status quo), the ENP’s focus on a purely English version of independence has failed to gain much interest outside of a few local strongholds. Based in Stoke, the ENP have no current elected officials and are standing in 3 constituencies.
Federalist Party: [Leader: Nigel Farage] The Federalist Party is one of the stranger beasts of British politics. Taking inspiration from German Länder and Swiss Cantons, the Federalist vision imagines a UK into (roughly) equally populated areas (currently 19), with consistent devolved powers and responsibilities at an appropriate level. As with many less mainstream political parties, the Federalists have split a couple of times since their founding in 2001, around top-down vs bottom up leadership and implementation, and also about the level of devolution. They have never had an elected official, and are standing in 16 constituencies spread around the country.
English Regional Council: [Chair: Peter Johnson] Split from the Federalists in 2008, aiming to build from the grassroots up, establishing strong regional groupings before consolidating into a national organisation. Active in Newcastle, Leeds, Birmingham and Exeter, and generally operating in competition to other grouping. They have never had an elected official, and are standing in 7 constituencies spread around the country.
DevoMAX: [Leader: Steve Radford] Established in 2013, DevoMAX are another party aiming to use social media and the internet to build a following. Specifically targeting a younger membership ‘to build for llong term success’, their lack of success is not surprising when all polling data indicates that under-30s are even less interested in regional devolution than the population in general. Their flagship policy is tiered devolution of powers at the ‘parish’, ‘county’ and ‘region’ level, with Parliament having a ‘severely reduced influence’ (although what that means is not specified). This is the first election DevoMAX are standing in, and they have 3 candidates, all in London.
Wessex Regional Party: [Leader: Alan Whitehead] The oldest and most high profile of the local regionalist groups, the Wessex Regionalists (as they were known) were founded in 1985. The definition of ‘Wessex’ had varied over the years, which has prevented any co-operation with the Cornish parties, or the ‘neighbouring’ Home Counties Party (see below), where the status of Hampshire is a bitter bone of contention. The WRP have had success in council elections, although they currently have no elected representatives. They are standing in 8 constituencies.
Southern League: [Leader: Alan Sked] Modelled on the Lega Nord in Italy, the Southern League has consistently held the position that London (and some surrounding areas) are being held back by having to subsidise the rest of the UK, and that only by allowing greater freedom for the economic engine of the nation can true growth and freedom be achieved. This vision has never translated into votes, with the SL regularly polling in double or even single digits in the few elections they stand in. Standing in 2 constituencies at the upcoming election.
Home Counties Party: [Leader: Henry Vann] Founded in 2014, the HCP is based in Bedford, and is being promoted as ‘a Home Counties voice in the rising clamour for regional devolution’. Standing a single candidate in the election.
Anglian Party: [Leader: Steve Coogan] A long running personal project is the best way to describe the Anglian Party, seeking more power for Norfolk, Suffolk and sometime Cambridgeshire. Coogan holds the official record for the most elections unsuccessfully contested, at 256 and counting. Standing in Norwich North.
West Midlands Future: [Leader: Sion Simon] Previously known as West Midlands Forward, before that as West Midlands Congress, and before that as The West Midlands Party. WMF have performed equally poorly in all elections regardless of which name they have been using at the time, and always less well than Birmingham specific candidates. Standing in 3 constituencies.
LeNoDe: [Leader: Nicky Morgan] ‘Building The East Midlands Success’ – a new party seeking devolved powers for three cities (Leicester, Nottingham and Derby) to ‘set appropriate strategy to fuel prosperity via a paradigm shift in local political power’ via ‘leveraging synergies and driving investment opportunity and community value’. Standing 6 candidates, 2 in each city.
Cumberland And Northumberland Devolution Organisation (CAN-DO!): [Leader: Tim Farron] Founded in 2010, CAN-DO is hoping to build to be the building block of a series of organisations representing the rural voice of England, recognising the fundamental differences between urban and rural dwellers. Standing in 3 constituencies.
I have one more level of interestingness to go - county and city only parties
Well I still need to do Cornish nationalism, which only covers a county, rather than a region, and once I had opened that particular door, it turns out there are quite a lot of possibilities (an OTL groups that make as much sense as anything else in this)
Wimble Toot
Banned
You forgot the Lincolnshire Liberation Front, lead by Jim Speechley
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jim_Speechley
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jim_Speechley
Wimble Toot
Banned
Looking forward to 'em!
North Isle of Wight and South Isle of Wight
Them bastids in Ventnor....
North Isle of Wight and South Isle of Wight
Them bastids in Ventnor....
England (Part 2) - County Parties
The final part of our review covers the ‘county’ parties, active in demanding devolution for a distinct area of the country, all smaller than the regionalist areas. Not every county or major city has a devolutionist grouping standing in the General Election, so this represents a patchwork of activists within England. Included in here are the only true regional nationalists, and that is where we begin
Mebyon Kernow: [Leader: Loveday Jenkin] The oldest regionalist party in England, MK was formed in 1951 as a pressure group, and transitioned to a full political party in the early 1970s. As the struggles within the Welsh and Scottish movements led to splits, similar tensions caused rifts within MK. Initially, the choice was between the goal of full independence or some kind of devolved Assembly. The party committed to full secession, and has remained focussed on that goal since then. MK has been reasonably successful on a local level, returning a handful of local and parish councillors on a regular basis. They currently have 14 elected representatives, and are standing in all 6 Cornwall constituencies.
Cornwall’s Future: [Leader: James Whetter] Formally known as The Cornish Nationalist Party, which split from MK in 1977, favouring devolution over full independence. The CNP was in the shadow of the more aggressive and high profile Mebyon Kernow, and this led to a further split along economic lines, with the more left wing members leaving to set up a new group in 1986. The CNP was then seen as moving further to the right through to the late 90s, when tumbling votes (from a small base) and membership led to a rebrand and a purge of some unpleasant characters. Now positioned as a forward thinking, business friendly alternative, CF has 4 elected councillors and are standing in all 6 Cornwall constituencies.
Peninsular People’s Party: [Leader: Andrew Long] Founded in 1986, the PPP has consistently offered a more left wing vision of Cornish devolution, actively seeking engagement from a variety of groups and communities. This patchwork approach has, so far, prevented them achieving a critical mass and pushing beyond localised activists. The PPP has 3 elected councillors and are standing in 4 constituencies.
Celtic Alliance: [Cornwall Co-ordinator: Dick Cole] The Celtic Alliance have tried to establish a presence in Cornwall a number of times, but have never managed to maintain this beyond a single electoral cycle. Their latest attempt has former MK Councillor Dick Cole acting as co-ordinator. Cole left MK in 2004, frustrated by infighting and the lack of a clear vision across Cornish nationalism, and had been inactive in politics until last year, when he launched the CA in Cornwall. Standing in a single constituency at the election.
London Party: [Leader: Anthony Arbour] Founded in 1988, after the abolition of the GLC, primarily as an alliance of businessmen across the capital, concerned about the impact of a lack of central planning, and evolving over time to campaign for greater freedom for business in the economic centre of the UK. Currently have 1 elected councillor, and are standing in 7 constituencies across the capital.
London Independence Party: [Leader: Frank Goldsmith] Goldsmith left the London Party after a failed leadership bid in 2013, and established his own party. Standing in their first election of any kind, the LIP are standing in 3 constituencies, all of which have an London Party candidate as well.
Free London Federation: [Leader: Pete Doherty] Founded in 2003 in Camden, the FLF is a broadly syndicalist fusion of a range of small activist groups, seeking to create a fairer London through reform of the ownership of industry and capital, but only through the GLA. The FLF have been spectacularly unsuccessful in local elections, with their last 3 results returning 17, 14 and 18 votes respectively. Standing in a single constituency.
Yorkshire Party: [Leader: Paul Salveson] Only founded in 2013, the Yorkshire Party has one of the highest profiles of any county level party outside of Cornwall. Their main aim is the establishment of a devolved Yorkshire Parliament, plus a fund controlled by said parliament to fund growth and development, and they have established some links with other county groups. Standing candidates in 20 constituencies across Yorkshire.
Yorkshire FIRST!: [Leader: Jared O’Mara] Expelled from the Yorkshire Party after allegations of financial impropriety, O’Mara set up his own Sheffield –based party in 2016. Widely regarded as little more than a vanity project, O’Mara is standing in Sheffield Hallam at the election.
North-East Independents: [Leader: Thomas Dawson] Split from the Northumbria Party (founded 2003) in 2004, taking most of the membership after NP founder/leader Mike Ashley (a failed businessman) imposed his autocratic vision on the party. Based in the major urban centres, NEI have had some success at council level, and currently have 8 councillors, spread across Hartlepool, Sunderland and Newcastle. Standing in 6 constituencies.
Northumbrian Congress: [Leader: Derek Kennedy] A further split form the North-East Independents, concerned about the group’s focus on urban areas outside of Northumbria. Formed in 2007, they have strived ‘to represent rural Northumbria, so callously ignored by national parties’, but have had little success, even at a local level. Have never had an elected representative, and are standing in 2 constituencies.
Northumbria Party: [Leader: Mike Ashley] The original Northumbria Party is now the smallest North-East group standing at the election, consisting of the leader and his handful of supporters, and mostly kept going through sheer bloodymindedness, given increasingly low numbers of votes. The wishlist of devolved powers remain unchanged, and include local income tax variation and retention. Standing a single candidate in Newcastle upon Tyne Central.
Birmingham Democratic Alliance: [Leader: Jessica Phillips] Founded in 1998, the BDA was a fairly low profile grouping, working at a local level, until a well publicised and acrimonious split in 2007, along what are best described as cultural lines. The BDA emerged with a new leader, and has slowly rebuilt a network across the second city, although results have remained poor. Standing in 4 constituencies.
Birmingham Region Union Movement: [Leader: Mohammed Azim] The other faction emerging from the 2007 BDA split, they have kept a fairly low profile until this year’s election, working mainly on community level activities. Standing in 3 constituencies.
Movement for Manchester: [Leader: Mark Berry] MfM have grown out of the Manchester music scene of the 1980s. Initially they were a pressure group, working with the long-defunct Manchester Peoples Party, focussed on legalisation of drugs, and policing reform. As the MPP fractured and dissolved, MfM began to stand candidates in council elections, with some success, albeit limited. Since 2001, they have been pushing for a devolved Manchester mayoralty, in order to better manage local service provision. Currently have 2 elected councillors, and are standing in three constituencies.
United Manchester: [Leader: George Switzer] The Manchester People’s Party had been formed in the early 80s, a vague collection of generally left-ist ‘alternative’ groups, a party in most senses of the word bar the political. By the end of the decade, a lack of success in various campaigns meant there was little keeping the group together, and it fell apart, spawning a range of temporary (and mostly short lived) parties. United Manchester is the only one of these to be standing in the election, reinvigorated by Switzer. Standing in a single constituency.
Liverpool Unity Party: [Leader: Derek Hatton] The LUP was founded in 1997 as an offshoot from the Lancashire Party, led by Hatton as he felt the main party was too Machester-centric. Hatton had previous been a member of the Labour Party and the Democratic Socialists, but had found a home in neither. The hyper-localised version of socialism he offered found a response in a forlorn city, and the LUP has had regular success at council level. Currently have 5 councillors, and are standing in 4 constituencies.
Lancashire Party: [Leader: Sean Anstee] Founded in 1992, the Lancashire Party has been campaigning for local devolution for over 30 years. However, hardly anyone outside of Lancashire (and not many more in the county) have heard of the group, especially as it appears to have been eclipsed by city based parties. Currently have no councillors, and are standing in 8 constituencies across Lancashire.
It’s Our County (Herefordshire): [Leader: Anthony Powers] Founded in 2013, the Hereford version of It’s Our County made an immediate splash, winning 7 seats in the 2015 local elections, and inspiring a number of similar groupings across the country, some of whom are also standing in the General Election. A national IOC conference (a touch oxymoronic) was held in Hereford earlier this year, and representatives from 17 counties attended. IOC are standing in 2 Herefordshire constituencies.
It’s Our County (Gloucestershire): [Leader: Simon Beckingham] Standing a single candidate in their first election.
It’s Our County (Kent): [Leader: Tracey Emin] Standing a single candidate in their first election.
It’s Our County (Nottinghamshire): [Leader: Tony Egginton] A split from the Nottinghamshire Party, IOC appear to have taken the lion’s share of the activists and energy. Standing in 7 constituencies across the county, in the party’s first election.
Nottinghamshire Party: [Leader: Rachel Madden] Founded in 2011, the Nottinghamshire Party suffered a falling out between the Leader and her Deputy, which led to a split at the end of 2016. Have never had an elected representative, and are standing in 3 constituencies.
IoW Residents Forum: [Leader: David Icke] The former goalkeeper and journalist was originally part of the Island Independents grouping, but their refusal to stand in the General Election led to Icke setting up his own party last year. Icke firmly believes that the unique status of the Isle of Wight means it needs better local control of policy, services and expenditure. Standing in just the one constituency.
Beyond this, there are a further range of local parties not standing in the General election but nonetheless active in local politics. There is barely a county of significant conurbation that doesn’t have a local party, even if many of them are the obsessions of a small group of people. Maybe there is a breakthrough for localism, regionalism of nationalism on the horizon, but it isn’t obvious. Until then, this fractured landscape of rivalry will continue to be a political footnote.
The final part of our review covers the ‘county’ parties, active in demanding devolution for a distinct area of the country, all smaller than the regionalist areas. Not every county or major city has a devolutionist grouping standing in the General Election, so this represents a patchwork of activists within England. Included in here are the only true regional nationalists, and that is where we begin
Mebyon Kernow: [Leader: Loveday Jenkin] The oldest regionalist party in England, MK was formed in 1951 as a pressure group, and transitioned to a full political party in the early 1970s. As the struggles within the Welsh and Scottish movements led to splits, similar tensions caused rifts within MK. Initially, the choice was between the goal of full independence or some kind of devolved Assembly. The party committed to full secession, and has remained focussed on that goal since then. MK has been reasonably successful on a local level, returning a handful of local and parish councillors on a regular basis. They currently have 14 elected representatives, and are standing in all 6 Cornwall constituencies.
Cornwall’s Future: [Leader: James Whetter] Formally known as The Cornish Nationalist Party, which split from MK in 1977, favouring devolution over full independence. The CNP was in the shadow of the more aggressive and high profile Mebyon Kernow, and this led to a further split along economic lines, with the more left wing members leaving to set up a new group in 1986. The CNP was then seen as moving further to the right through to the late 90s, when tumbling votes (from a small base) and membership led to a rebrand and a purge of some unpleasant characters. Now positioned as a forward thinking, business friendly alternative, CF has 4 elected councillors and are standing in all 6 Cornwall constituencies.
Peninsular People’s Party: [Leader: Andrew Long] Founded in 1986, the PPP has consistently offered a more left wing vision of Cornish devolution, actively seeking engagement from a variety of groups and communities. This patchwork approach has, so far, prevented them achieving a critical mass and pushing beyond localised activists. The PPP has 3 elected councillors and are standing in 4 constituencies.
Celtic Alliance: [Cornwall Co-ordinator: Dick Cole] The Celtic Alliance have tried to establish a presence in Cornwall a number of times, but have never managed to maintain this beyond a single electoral cycle. Their latest attempt has former MK Councillor Dick Cole acting as co-ordinator. Cole left MK in 2004, frustrated by infighting and the lack of a clear vision across Cornish nationalism, and had been inactive in politics until last year, when he launched the CA in Cornwall. Standing in a single constituency at the election.
London Party: [Leader: Anthony Arbour] Founded in 1988, after the abolition of the GLC, primarily as an alliance of businessmen across the capital, concerned about the impact of a lack of central planning, and evolving over time to campaign for greater freedom for business in the economic centre of the UK. Currently have 1 elected councillor, and are standing in 7 constituencies across the capital.
London Independence Party: [Leader: Frank Goldsmith] Goldsmith left the London Party after a failed leadership bid in 2013, and established his own party. Standing in their first election of any kind, the LIP are standing in 3 constituencies, all of which have an London Party candidate as well.
Free London Federation: [Leader: Pete Doherty] Founded in 2003 in Camden, the FLF is a broadly syndicalist fusion of a range of small activist groups, seeking to create a fairer London through reform of the ownership of industry and capital, but only through the GLA. The FLF have been spectacularly unsuccessful in local elections, with their last 3 results returning 17, 14 and 18 votes respectively. Standing in a single constituency.
Yorkshire Party: [Leader: Paul Salveson] Only founded in 2013, the Yorkshire Party has one of the highest profiles of any county level party outside of Cornwall. Their main aim is the establishment of a devolved Yorkshire Parliament, plus a fund controlled by said parliament to fund growth and development, and they have established some links with other county groups. Standing candidates in 20 constituencies across Yorkshire.
Yorkshire FIRST!: [Leader: Jared O’Mara] Expelled from the Yorkshire Party after allegations of financial impropriety, O’Mara set up his own Sheffield –based party in 2016. Widely regarded as little more than a vanity project, O’Mara is standing in Sheffield Hallam at the election.
North-East Independents: [Leader: Thomas Dawson] Split from the Northumbria Party (founded 2003) in 2004, taking most of the membership after NP founder/leader Mike Ashley (a failed businessman) imposed his autocratic vision on the party. Based in the major urban centres, NEI have had some success at council level, and currently have 8 councillors, spread across Hartlepool, Sunderland and Newcastle. Standing in 6 constituencies.
Northumbrian Congress: [Leader: Derek Kennedy] A further split form the North-East Independents, concerned about the group’s focus on urban areas outside of Northumbria. Formed in 2007, they have strived ‘to represent rural Northumbria, so callously ignored by national parties’, but have had little success, even at a local level. Have never had an elected representative, and are standing in 2 constituencies.
Northumbria Party: [Leader: Mike Ashley] The original Northumbria Party is now the smallest North-East group standing at the election, consisting of the leader and his handful of supporters, and mostly kept going through sheer bloodymindedness, given increasingly low numbers of votes. The wishlist of devolved powers remain unchanged, and include local income tax variation and retention. Standing a single candidate in Newcastle upon Tyne Central.
Birmingham Democratic Alliance: [Leader: Jessica Phillips] Founded in 1998, the BDA was a fairly low profile grouping, working at a local level, until a well publicised and acrimonious split in 2007, along what are best described as cultural lines. The BDA emerged with a new leader, and has slowly rebuilt a network across the second city, although results have remained poor. Standing in 4 constituencies.
Birmingham Region Union Movement: [Leader: Mohammed Azim] The other faction emerging from the 2007 BDA split, they have kept a fairly low profile until this year’s election, working mainly on community level activities. Standing in 3 constituencies.
Movement for Manchester: [Leader: Mark Berry] MfM have grown out of the Manchester music scene of the 1980s. Initially they were a pressure group, working with the long-defunct Manchester Peoples Party, focussed on legalisation of drugs, and policing reform. As the MPP fractured and dissolved, MfM began to stand candidates in council elections, with some success, albeit limited. Since 2001, they have been pushing for a devolved Manchester mayoralty, in order to better manage local service provision. Currently have 2 elected councillors, and are standing in three constituencies.
United Manchester: [Leader: George Switzer] The Manchester People’s Party had been formed in the early 80s, a vague collection of generally left-ist ‘alternative’ groups, a party in most senses of the word bar the political. By the end of the decade, a lack of success in various campaigns meant there was little keeping the group together, and it fell apart, spawning a range of temporary (and mostly short lived) parties. United Manchester is the only one of these to be standing in the election, reinvigorated by Switzer. Standing in a single constituency.
Liverpool Unity Party: [Leader: Derek Hatton] The LUP was founded in 1997 as an offshoot from the Lancashire Party, led by Hatton as he felt the main party was too Machester-centric. Hatton had previous been a member of the Labour Party and the Democratic Socialists, but had found a home in neither. The hyper-localised version of socialism he offered found a response in a forlorn city, and the LUP has had regular success at council level. Currently have 5 councillors, and are standing in 4 constituencies.
Lancashire Party: [Leader: Sean Anstee] Founded in 1992, the Lancashire Party has been campaigning for local devolution for over 30 years. However, hardly anyone outside of Lancashire (and not many more in the county) have heard of the group, especially as it appears to have been eclipsed by city based parties. Currently have no councillors, and are standing in 8 constituencies across Lancashire.
It’s Our County (Herefordshire): [Leader: Anthony Powers] Founded in 2013, the Hereford version of It’s Our County made an immediate splash, winning 7 seats in the 2015 local elections, and inspiring a number of similar groupings across the country, some of whom are also standing in the General Election. A national IOC conference (a touch oxymoronic) was held in Hereford earlier this year, and representatives from 17 counties attended. IOC are standing in 2 Herefordshire constituencies.
It’s Our County (Gloucestershire): [Leader: Simon Beckingham] Standing a single candidate in their first election.
It’s Our County (Kent): [Leader: Tracey Emin] Standing a single candidate in their first election.
It’s Our County (Nottinghamshire): [Leader: Tony Egginton] A split from the Nottinghamshire Party, IOC appear to have taken the lion’s share of the activists and energy. Standing in 7 constituencies across the county, in the party’s first election.
Nottinghamshire Party: [Leader: Rachel Madden] Founded in 2011, the Nottinghamshire Party suffered a falling out between the Leader and her Deputy, which led to a split at the end of 2016. Have never had an elected representative, and are standing in 3 constituencies.
IoW Residents Forum: [Leader: David Icke] The former goalkeeper and journalist was originally part of the Island Independents grouping, but their refusal to stand in the General Election led to Icke setting up his own party last year. Icke firmly believes that the unique status of the Isle of Wight means it needs better local control of policy, services and expenditure. Standing in just the one constituency.
Beyond this, there are a further range of local parties not standing in the General election but nonetheless active in local politics. There is barely a county of significant conurbation that doesn’t have a local party, even if many of them are the obsessions of a small group of people. Maybe there is a breakthrough for localism, regionalism of nationalism on the horizon, but it isn’t obvious. Until then, this fractured landscape of rivalry will continue to be a political footnote.
