I just remembered the Christian Communists are in Rosa's coalition ITTL. There's going to be some major friction there on social issues- Rosa was (I believe) strongly in favor of legalizing abortion and homosexuality, which the Christian Communists would probably be very much against. She'll be hard pressed to keep them from walking out over that.
Rosa's Reich - Red Germany
- Thread starter GlobalHumanism
- Start date
Chapter V (1919) | Part I (The Grand Coalition)
Chapter V: The Grand Coalition
______________
Time Period: July 10th - August 10th, 1919
______________
Time Period: July 10th - August 10th, 1919
The official announcement of the Grand Coalition immediately sparked several worker uprisings across Germany. Factory workers and disaffected soldiers in the Free People’s State of Wurttemberg marched from their factories and seized the local government offices on July 13th, forcing the resignation of state president Wilhem Blos on July 14th. With the red flag of the communist party being raised above the provincial capital buildings, the workers quickly declared its unification with the Union of Berlin Council Republics. The Free State of Anhalt did the same on July 15th.
Simultaneously, a massive naval revolt off the cost of Mecklenburg-Schwerin caused the collapse of Hugo Wendorff’s SPD regime on July 16th, prompting a local clique of wealthy merchants and ship building industrialists seize power via the use of the provincial Reichsarmee garrison. On July 19th, local SPD politician Johannes Stelling was chosen as Wendorff’s replacement as he ushered in a reactionary crackdown against the mutineers.
In Schleswig-Holstein, a Danish uprising in northern half of the province quickly caused the collapse of the state presidency administration on July 17th. Using the pretext to reclaim lost territory, on July 20th several Danish ministers began to lobby Prime Minister Zahle for a police action to help secure the national border.
However, with Zahle making a statement to the Danish Parliament detailing his administration’s continued commitment to complete neutrality on July 20th, an incensed King Christian X moved to depose him on July 22nd. With the custodial conservative government of Otto Liebe immediately taking his place, a call to advance into the revolutionary province was made to the Royal Danish Army, buttressed by massive support among the Danish populace.
______________
______________
With Oldenburg joining the Entente-backed Essen government earlier in the year, on July 15th workers in the Hannover province of the Free State of Prussia launched a general strike against the provincial German People’s Party presidency of Gustav Stressemann. Believing that it was his intention to do the same, and emboldened by the success of the leftist revolution, thousands gathered outside his government residence and demanded his resignation. Fearing a repeat of Ebert’s fate in Berlin, Stressemenn telegraphed the office of the British Foreign Secretary to request material aid to fund a counter force. After a series of internal debates within his cabinet and after consulting both with both Clemenceau and Wilson, Lloyd George agreed, but instead ordered several Royal Navy ships to break their blockade positions and more move into the Port of Hanover first.
Arriving on July 23rd, several hundred naval troops disembarked and began to march towards the provincial capital of Braunschweig. Though Stressemann had simultaneously demanded the provincial German police and Reichsarmee garrisons to do the same, once news of the occupation of Hamburg and the disembarking of British had begun to spread, many mutinied and instead marched on Hamburg to relieve the city. Organizing themselves under the leadership of local firebrand Werner Schrader, the disaffected soldiers took an oath of solidarity with the Junker-White Army on July 25th.
With Prussia disintegrating, and under immense pressure from the French, on August 1st the SPD presidency in the province of Westphalia declared its separation from provincial authority and joined the Essen government.
Back in Berlin, after dispatching Grand Coalition party officers to Wurttemberg on July 15th, Rosa ordered the German Red Army to re-organize itself into three separate battalions. With Thalmann, the Bavarian detachment, and the Polish Red Militia remaining in a defensive stance on the Oder in two of the battalions, the third, under the recently appointed commander Hermann Remmele was ordered to move on Mecklenburg-Schwerin.
“Stelling’s regime must be dismantled before they massacre our revolutionary comrades,” demanded Radek to Remmele on July 22nd. With the adjacent state of Mecklenburg-Strelitz falling tot he revolution on August 1st, German naval officers in Lubeck occupied the central provincial port and declared its allegiance to the Grand Coalition on August 5th. On August 10th, Stelling’s and Remmele’s forces met outside Schwerin.
______________
Simultaneously, a massive naval revolt off the cost of Mecklenburg-Schwerin caused the collapse of Hugo Wendorff’s SPD regime on July 16th, prompting a local clique of wealthy merchants and ship building industrialists seize power via the use of the provincial Reichsarmee garrison. On July 19th, local SPD politician Johannes Stelling was chosen as Wendorff’s replacement as he ushered in a reactionary crackdown against the mutineers.
In Schleswig-Holstein, a Danish uprising in northern half of the province quickly caused the collapse of the state presidency administration on July 17th. Using the pretext to reclaim lost territory, on July 20th several Danish ministers began to lobby Prime Minister Zahle for a police action to help secure the national border.
However, with Zahle making a statement to the Danish Parliament detailing his administration’s continued commitment to complete neutrality on July 20th, an incensed King Christian X moved to depose him on July 22nd. With the custodial conservative government of Otto Liebe immediately taking his place, a call to advance into the revolutionary province was made to the Royal Danish Army, buttressed by massive support among the Danish populace.
______________
______________
With Oldenburg joining the Entente-backed Essen government earlier in the year, on July 15th workers in the Hannover province of the Free State of Prussia launched a general strike against the provincial German People’s Party presidency of Gustav Stressemann. Believing that it was his intention to do the same, and emboldened by the success of the leftist revolution, thousands gathered outside his government residence and demanded his resignation. Fearing a repeat of Ebert’s fate in Berlin, Stressemenn telegraphed the office of the British Foreign Secretary to request material aid to fund a counter force. After a series of internal debates within his cabinet and after consulting both with both Clemenceau and Wilson, Lloyd George agreed, but instead ordered several Royal Navy ships to break their blockade positions and more move into the Port of Hanover first.
Arriving on July 23rd, several hundred naval troops disembarked and began to march towards the provincial capital of Braunschweig. Though Stressemann had simultaneously demanded the provincial German police and Reichsarmee garrisons to do the same, once news of the occupation of Hamburg and the disembarking of British had begun to spread, many mutinied and instead marched on Hamburg to relieve the city. Organizing themselves under the leadership of local firebrand Werner Schrader, the disaffected soldiers took an oath of solidarity with the Junker-White Army on July 25th.
With Prussia disintegrating, and under immense pressure from the French, on August 1st the SPD presidency in the province of Westphalia declared its separation from provincial authority and joined the Essen government.
Back in Berlin, after dispatching Grand Coalition party officers to Wurttemberg on July 15th, Rosa ordered the German Red Army to re-organize itself into three separate battalions. With Thalmann, the Bavarian detachment, and the Polish Red Militia remaining in a defensive stance on the Oder in two of the battalions, the third, under the recently appointed commander Hermann Remmele was ordered to move on Mecklenburg-Schwerin.
“Stelling’s regime must be dismantled before they massacre our revolutionary comrades,” demanded Radek to Remmele on July 22nd. With the adjacent state of Mecklenburg-Strelitz falling tot he revolution on August 1st, German naval officers in Lubeck occupied the central provincial port and declared its allegiance to the Grand Coalition on August 5th. On August 10th, Stelling’s and Remmele’s forces met outside Schwerin.
______________
Last edited:
The stated goal was to try to come to terms with the other disparate voices active in the German Revolution, including factions of the recently deposed SPD. Though the likelyhood of that was slim at best, Rosa, as true to her conciliatory nature, hope that an alliance with other groups would help lend legitimacy to her movement. Remember, we not talking about a top down, hard approach like the Bolsheviki, but one that at least tacitly seeks participation from society (German society) at large.
Last edited:
Agreed. With Denmark moving in on Schleswig-Golestein, along with Essen, the Junkers and the Brits breathing down her neck, she'll be hard pressed to send troops to relieve Bela of his mistakes. Moreover, their was a voting juncture where readers could choose whom to primarily focus a diplomatic mission on, and it was the Polish Communist Party (KRPR) that won out. Though it may not be the end of Bela per se. Let's wait and see.
Well if the German and Italian revolutions succeed, I think the Hungarian white terror can be militarily crushed soon enough.
I don't see this having massive support from the Danish populace at all, if anything it's going to backfire on Christian X very badly. He tried to do something similar OTL and it didn't go so well.
Pulling this move ITTL could lead directly to revolution TBH.
What is Norway's Labour Party (affiliated to the Comintern 1918-1923 OTL) up to while all this is happening?
Chapter V (1919) | Part II (International Events)
Chapter V: The Grand Coalition
______________
Time Period: July 10th - August 10th, 1919
With Schwerin’s city limits in sight on the morning of August 11th, Remmele ordered his troops to advance. “I want the city in our hands within two days,” he demanded to his subordinates.
______________
Elsewhere across Europe, the rapidity of political shifts occurring within the German Revolution reaped significant effects on various environments of revolutionary discourse.
Belgium
The declaration of The Grand Coalition in Berlin quickly sparked the revolutionary segments of the Belgian armed forces to begin planning for a similar uprising in their home country. As the nation had endured several crippling years of German occupation, moral solidarity with the multi-ethnic make-up of the German Communist regime was pervasive among leftist groups, with a single group, led by Flemish communist War Van Overstraeten emerging at the forefront in the summer of 1919. With National Elections scheduled for November 1919, he and group debated internally on how best to affect its outcome.
Moreover, the conciliatory deal struck between the leftists of the German revolution also pushed those within the Belgium to do the same. On July 20th, War Van Overstraeten, along with anarchist Joseph Jacquemotte, and a clique of leftist radical from the populist Belgian Labor Party agreed to unify as a the Belgian Luxemburgist Party and began preparations to contest in the upcoming parliamentary elections.
______________
France
Much like within Belgium, the trans-party deal struck by German Council Communist Party gave pause to those harboring rivalries within traditional French-Leftist discourse.
The French Section of the Workers’ International, which since 1914 had been suffering from severe internal division on ideology vis-à-vis French participation in The Great War, was faced with yet another dilemma. Clemenceau’s indefinite postponement of the Versailles Peace Conference, coupled with his unilateral moves to push French soldiers further into occupying German lands had forced the pacifist faction of the party to once again push the leadership to publically announce its disagreement with governments increasingly imperialist wartime policy. Fearing what electoral wrath such a bold decision may precipitate on the eve of the November 1919 elections, the leadership called an emergency party Congress on August 1st.
______________
Sweden
The Left Party, a fledgling collection of disaffected socialists that had split from the Swedish Social Democractic Left Party in 1917, were in awe of Rosa’s rapid success. Seeking to emulate her party’s organization, they reformed themselves at the Swedish Luxemburgist Party on July 25th, 1919.
______________
Norway
Johan Castberg of the Radical People’s Party, reeling politically from the losses of two out of three parliamentary seats in the 1918 elections, was struggling to have his party contest in the nation’s municipal elections. Unable to ideologically reach across the aisle with any major party within Norwegian political discourse, on July 15th, he began to write Foreign Relations office of the Union of Berlin Council Republics offering political recognition in favor of material aid. After a meeting Rosa and Erich Bloch on the matter, she agreed, under the condition Castberg make major changes to his intra party structure.
After losing several high ranking member due to the proposed changes, on August 10th, the Radical People’s Party was renamed to the Council Communist Party of Norway with Johan Castberg as its first General Secretary.
______________
Finland
Though in March 1919, the Christian Workers’ Union of Finland party gained two seats in the fledgling Finnish Parliament, the party was in dire straits. Pressure from the Social Democratic Party was incentivizing the leadership to merge the CWU with them. However, party leader Antti Kaarne, spurred on by declaration of the The Grand Coalition, pushed her party comrades to remain firm in their stance.
Additionally, the more radical sections of the Social Democratic Party began to loudly voice their displeasure at the centrist/moderate policies of the party leadership. With another, more decentralized and democratic version of Marxism spreading successfully in the heart of Europe, these members argued that they could do the same in Finland, without turning Free Finland over to the Bolshevik abyss.
Unable to come to terms with the moderate, on July 29th, the Radicals split from the party and in concert with Antti Kaarne, formed the Socialist Workers Party of Finland; occupying 20 seats within the parliament.
______________
______________
Time Period: July 10th - August 10th, 1919
With Schwerin’s city limits in sight on the morning of August 11th, Remmele ordered his troops to advance. “I want the city in our hands within two days,” he demanded to his subordinates.
______________
Elsewhere across Europe, the rapidity of political shifts occurring within the German Revolution reaped significant effects on various environments of revolutionary discourse.
Belgium
The declaration of The Grand Coalition in Berlin quickly sparked the revolutionary segments of the Belgian armed forces to begin planning for a similar uprising in their home country. As the nation had endured several crippling years of German occupation, moral solidarity with the multi-ethnic make-up of the German Communist regime was pervasive among leftist groups, with a single group, led by Flemish communist War Van Overstraeten emerging at the forefront in the summer of 1919. With National Elections scheduled for November 1919, he and group debated internally on how best to affect its outcome.
Moreover, the conciliatory deal struck between the leftists of the German revolution also pushed those within the Belgium to do the same. On July 20th, War Van Overstraeten, along with anarchist Joseph Jacquemotte, and a clique of leftist radical from the populist Belgian Labor Party agreed to unify as a the Belgian Luxemburgist Party and began preparations to contest in the upcoming parliamentary elections.
______________
France
Much like within Belgium, the trans-party deal struck by German Council Communist Party gave pause to those harboring rivalries within traditional French-Leftist discourse.
The French Section of the Workers’ International, which since 1914 had been suffering from severe internal division on ideology vis-à-vis French participation in The Great War, was faced with yet another dilemma. Clemenceau’s indefinite postponement of the Versailles Peace Conference, coupled with his unilateral moves to push French soldiers further into occupying German lands had forced the pacifist faction of the party to once again push the leadership to publically announce its disagreement with governments increasingly imperialist wartime policy. Fearing what electoral wrath such a bold decision may precipitate on the eve of the November 1919 elections, the leadership called an emergency party Congress on August 1st.
______________
Sweden
The Left Party, a fledgling collection of disaffected socialists that had split from the Swedish Social Democractic Left Party in 1917, were in awe of Rosa’s rapid success. Seeking to emulate her party’s organization, they reformed themselves at the Swedish Luxemburgist Party on July 25th, 1919.
______________
Norway
Johan Castberg of the Radical People’s Party, reeling politically from the losses of two out of three parliamentary seats in the 1918 elections, was struggling to have his party contest in the nation’s municipal elections. Unable to ideologically reach across the aisle with any major party within Norwegian political discourse, on July 15th, he began to write Foreign Relations office of the Union of Berlin Council Republics offering political recognition in favor of material aid. After a meeting Rosa and Erich Bloch on the matter, she agreed, under the condition Castberg make major changes to his intra party structure.
After losing several high ranking member due to the proposed changes, on August 10th, the Radical People’s Party was renamed to the Council Communist Party of Norway with Johan Castberg as its first General Secretary.
______________
Finland
Though in March 1919, the Christian Workers’ Union of Finland party gained two seats in the fledgling Finnish Parliament, the party was in dire straits. Pressure from the Social Democratic Party was incentivizing the leadership to merge the CWU with them. However, party leader Antti Kaarne, spurred on by declaration of the The Grand Coalition, pushed her party comrades to remain firm in their stance.
Additionally, the more radical sections of the Social Democratic Party began to loudly voice their displeasure at the centrist/moderate policies of the party leadership. With another, more decentralized and democratic version of Marxism spreading successfully in the heart of Europe, these members argued that they could do the same in Finland, without turning Free Finland over to the Bolshevik abyss.
Unable to come to terms with the moderate, on July 29th, the Radicals split from the party and in concert with Antti Kaarne, formed the Socialist Workers Party of Finland; occupying 20 seats within the parliament.
______________
Soviet Russia
Lenin’s gambit to divert forces from the Southern front of the Russian Civil War toward the center axis of advance on Warsaw gave White Army General Denkin, and the French expeditionary forces that had occupied Odessa to assist him, critical breathing room to prepare for a summer assault on Moscow. With Kharkov and Belgorod falling to the Whites quickly in early May, Clemenceau, who had up until then considered the withdrawal of his from the theater, decided to keep them in place on May 5th.
At the same time, news of the Bolshevik withdrawal caused the Ukrainian anarchist Black Army, under the leadership of Nestor Makno declared complete independence from Soviet central government in mid-April, an act immediately considered seditious by the Lenin and central soviet government.
In the North and in the Baltics, Red Army defeats at the hands of both the White Russian Army and a variety of nationalist armies forced the Bolsheviks to retreat on several fronts. With Estonia already free of Red Army forces in January, Latvia too was liberated in late May, leaving both to declare free republics in by June 5th, 1919.
With the Siberian Front also slowly turning into a quagmire, Lenin’s addressed the Central Committee on June 12th, detailing a plan to assault Poland with the full might of the Red Army.
“The success of our comrades in Germany has lead me one to this sole conclusion; in order for our revolution; our global revolution to achieve final victory over the reactionaries and bourgeois imperialist powers, we must unite our causes. Therefore I’ve have tasked Jukums Vacietis and the Revolutionary Military Council with designing an offensive operation against Josef Pilsudski’s dictatorship in Warsaw set to commence in August of this year,” he said.
“The betrayals on the Ukrainian Front, and the losses we have suffered in the Baltics and Far East have proven the folly of a weak defensive strategy; from hence forth our position will be primarily offensive!” he concluded as most of the central committee applauded, Trotsky and his clique of supporters in particular.
By mid-July, 80,000 Red Army troops, under the direct leadership of Leon Trotsky, had amassed west of Smolensk.
______________
Italy
The solidarity strike that took place in various factories of Turin on February 1st, immediately spread to several adjacent provinces in Northern Italy. Pushed on by the rapid expansion of the German Council Republic, the workers began to demand similar freedoms and rights afforded to the workers of the Berlin and the workers of its Bavarian counter-part. With Vittorio Orlando’s premiership already under immense public scrutiny for the lack of progress in acquiring irredentist claims in Fiume, he resigned on March 3rd. Without a government in place, and with the strikes in the north threatening to turn into a outright insurrection against the monarchy, on March 15th Victor Emmanuel III ordered the army put down the strikes using any means necessary.
When word of the operation reached Nicola Bombacci and the leadership of the Italian Socialist Party, they publicly threatened to walk out of the Chamber of Deputies if the campaign was carried out.
After intense negotiations, on April 1st Francesco Nitti was appointed as a compromise Prime Minister. Charged with quelling the strikes through diplomacy, Nitti was given until June to end the protests.
However, with provinces in Germany continuing to fall to the Luxemburgists, and likewise revolutionary fervor spreading to the Italian Army positioned along the borders in the north, Nitti was unable to stem the tide. Witnessing this, and forseeing that a violent crackdown ushered in by the King would potentially lead to the indefinite postponement of the scheduled November 1919 elections, Bombacci and the party leadership urgently approached the militant sections of the Italian Syndicalist Union with the intention of seeking aid in acquiring arms for the workers. By the end of June a deal was struck between the two groups.
With economy in the North teetering toward utter collapse, on July 4th, the King made the proclamation of the anti-insurrectionist operation official, and ordered 20,000 troops to march from Rome first onto Milan and then onto Turin.
______________
Last edited:
Now I guess is time to wait and see how Italy handles this.Chapter V: The Grand Coalition
______________
Time Period: July 10th - August 10th, 1919
With Schwerin’s city limits in site on the morning of August 11th, Remmele ordered his troops to advance. “I want the city in our hands by within two days,” he said demanded to his subordinates.
• • •
Elsewhere across Europe, the rapidity of political shifts occurring within the German Revolution reaped significant effects on various environments of revolutionary discourse.
Belgium
The declaration of The Grand Coalition in Berlin quickly sparked the revolutionary segments of the Belgian armed forces to begin planning for a similar uprising in their home country. As the nation had endured several crippling years of German occupation, moral solidarity with the multi-ethnic make-up of the German Communist regime was pervasive among leftist groups, with a single group, led by Flemish communist War Van Overstraeten emerging at the forefront in the summer of 1919. With National Elections scheduled for November 1919, he and group debated internally on best to affect its outcome.
Moreover, the conciliatory deal struck between the leftists of the German revolution also pushed those within the Belgium to do the same. On July 20th, War Van Overstraeten, along with anarchist Joseph Jacquemotte, and a clique of leftist radical from the populist Belgian Labor Party agreed to unify as a the Belgian Luxemburgist Party and began preparations to contest in the upcoming parliamentary elections.
France
Much like within Belgium, the trans-party deal struck by German Council Communist Party gave pause to those harboring rivalries within traditional French-Leftist discourse.
The French Section of the Workers’ International, which since 1914 had been suffering from severe internal division on ideology vis-à-vis French participation in The Great War, was faced with yet another dilemma. Clemenceau’s indefinite postponement of the Versailles Peace Conference, coupled with his unilateral moves to push French soldiers further into occupying German lands had forced the pacifist faction of the party to once again push the leadership to publically announce its disagreement with governments increasingly imperialist wartime policy. Fearing what electoral wrath such a bold decision may precipitate on the eve of the November 1919 elections, the leadership called an emergency party Congress on August 1st.
Sweden
The Left Party, a fledgling collection of disaffected socialists that had split from the Swedish Social Democractic Left Party in 1917, were in awe of Rosa’s rapid success. Seeking to emulate her party’s organization, they reformed themselves at the Swedish Luxemburgist Party on July 25th, 1919.
Norway
Johan Castberg of the Radical People’s Party, reeling politically from the losses of two out of three parliamentary seats in the 1918 elections, was struggling to have his party contest in the nation’s municipal elections. Unable to ideologically reach across the aisle with any major party within Norwegian political discourse, on July 15th, he began to write Foreign Relations office of the Union of Berlin Council Republics offering political recognition in favor of material aid. After a meeting Rosa and Erich Bloch on the matter, she agreed, under the condition Castberg make major changes to his intra party structure.
After losing several high ranking member due to the proposed changes, on August 10th, the Radical People’s Party was renamed to the Council Communist Party of Norway with Johan Castberg as its first General Secretary.
Finland
Though in March 1919, the Christian Workers’ Union of Finland party gained two seats in the fledgling Finnish Parliament, the party was in dire straits. Pressure from the Social Democratic Party was incentivizing the leadership to merge the CWU with them. However, party leader Antti Kaarne, spurred on by declaration of the The Grand Coalition, pushed her party comrades to remain firm in their stance.
Additionally, the more radical sections of the Social Democratic Party began to loudly voice their displeasure at the centrist/moderate policies of the party leadership. With another, more decentralized and democratic version of Marxism spreading successfully in the heart of Europe, these members argued that they could do the same in Finland, without turning Free Finland over to the Bolshevik abyss.
Unable to come to terms with the moderate, on July 29th, the Radicals split from the party and in concert with Antti Kaarne, formed the Socialist Workers Party of Finland; occupying 20 seats within the parliament.
______________
![CENTER]](https://www.eduskunta.fi/FI/tietoaeduskunnasta/historia/PublishingImages/valiokunta%20no24%20kokousr.jpg [/CENTER])
There'll be a part 2. It was getting very long so I chose to break it up.
The Belgian situation in particular looks promising, I don’t know much about OTL Van Overstraeten but a combination of parliamentary and armed approaches is very smart. As Sinn Fein would later put it, “would anyone object if we came to power with a ballot in one hand and a rifle in the other?”
I wonder if the situation in the neighboring Netherlands will get too dangerous for the Kaiser to continue staying there. Even if it doesn’t go into outright revolution, I would imagine the Dutch government wouldn’t exactly want him around- them sheltering him is a big fat recruiting poster for the Dutch left. Though who else would even take him at this point? Is it too much to hope for that he eventually gets brought back to Red Germany to face justice for his crimes?
I wonder if the situation in the neighboring Netherlands will get too dangerous for the Kaiser to continue staying there. Even if it doesn’t go into outright revolution, I would imagine the Dutch government wouldn’t exactly want him around- them sheltering him is a big fat recruiting poster for the Dutch left. Though who else would even take him at this point? Is it too much to hope for that he eventually gets brought back to Red Germany to face justice for his crimes?
Last edited:
Heh. Even OTL Wilhelm was charged with war crimes at Versailles, the Dutch government just never extradited him. Once the Reds win the civil war and if the domestic situation in the Netherlands is bad enough they could be driven to hand him over.
Redshank Galloglass
Banned
Very nice, though TBH I would have sided with the SPD over the ChristComs and the Anarchists. They face a much tougher opposition now, IMO. The NazBols will be annoying but can be dealt with.
Strasserists should have their heads acquainted with the pavement just like Nazis.
The goal is also spreading revolution and siding with the SPD would not have been conducive to inspiring revolutionaries. If anything it'd kill the revolutionary wave by showing a surrender to the right and turn the Spartacists from heroes to sellouts.
Right now if we play our cards right we could have the whole of Scandinavia, the Low countries and Italy delivered to the revolution. Maybe France too. If the wave engulfs France and Italy too, that would make reprisal from Britain, America and Japan far, far harder.
Redshank Galloglass
Banned
I, respectfully, disagree. I think "revolutionary waves" are just the luck of the draw and you should focus on consolidating power in the areas you know you can win. Having much of the SPD-sympathizing German Army against you, frankly, is a very bad thing, and it could lead to the German Revolution ending like the Spartacist Uprising, especially if the White Forces manage to get international support from the Entente.
It's going to be a far harder road for Rosa and her people now that they have chosen to uphold an abstract concept of "ideological purity" which is the bane of the Left-Wing's existence, as we have seen OTL.
I agree re: the strategic question of consolidating power in the areas you know you can win (let's not count the revolutionary chickens in France just yet), but I don't understand how a coalition that spans the spectrum from anarchists to Karl Kautsky to Ernst Thalmann is based on ideological purity. If anything it's the exact opposite.
Redshank Galloglass
Banned
By ideological purity, I meant sticking to rather alienating radical sections of the Left rather than trying to include moderate leftists who appealed to many former freikorps members and reichswehr soldiers who could have possibly deserted in large numbers had Rosa decided to coalition with the SPD.