Passkey Down: President Ford is Dead

[Vidal]

Book I - America in Waiting: The Remainder of Nixon's Term

Chapter I

In the Wake of Fromme's Bullet

Lynette Fromme, better known as “Squeaky,” was ready to go down in history as the first woman to assassinate a president. Fromme was concerned about environmental issues and believed that the clearest way to send a signal about the need for clean air and clean water was to assassinate Gerald Ford, the 38th president. At Sacramento’s Capitol Park, Fromme got a clear shot of the president who was walking with his entourage to the California State Capitol to see Governor Jerry Brown. When she was close enough to the president, Fromme raised her handgun and fired two quick shots. Both bullets pierced Ford’s chest and he dropped instantly. The Secret Service sprung into action. Agent Larry Buendorf immediately moved to restrain Fromme. In their flailing, Fromme fired a third bullet, instantly killing Buendorf. She began to sprint, but others in the crowd tackled her to the ground until Secret Service agents moved in to confiscate Fromme’s weapon and place her under arrest.

Gerald Ford was in the back of an ambulance racing toward Mercy General Hospital in Sacramento. He was barely responding to agents as they attempted to talk to him. In Washington, First Lady Betty Ford was immediately notified that her husband was shot and Vice President Nelson Rockefeller was moved to a secure location in the White House. When the ambulance arrived at the hospital, nurses moved in to save Ford’s life, immediately wheeling him in for surgery. The president was alive, though barely breathing. Doctors had not yet begun the operation when Ford flatlined. He had lost a significant amount of blood and one bullet was stuck in the president’s lung. He died before doctors could attempt to save his life.

When Betty Ford heard the news she collapsed onto a couch in the White House Residence, where she began weeping. Downstairs, Nelson Rockefeller received the news from Deputy White House Chief of Staff Dick Cheney who was not in California for the trip. Rockefeller said his priority was to speak to the First Lady, which he did. He traveled to the Residence where he sat on the sofa next to the First Lady and wrapped her in an embrace. Ford cried on the new president’s shoulder for several minutes before she pulled away, “We need to swear you in now,” she said, a grave look on her face. Rockefeller nodded in his head and the two walked to the Blue Room of the White House where Nelson Rockefeller took the Oath of Office and became the 39th President of the United States. Rockefeller made no public remarks at the time of his swearing-in. He would address the nation from the Oval Office that evening.

The assassin, Squaky Fromme, was quickly loaded into a police vehicle after her arrest.​

The president’s body was flown back to Washington on Air Force One. Betty Ford and her children joined President Rockefeller and the new First Lady, Happy, on the tarmac of Andrews Air Force Base. The sun was setting as members of the military carried the flag-draped coffin off of the plane. The ceremony was covered live on all of the networks. Just shy of 13 months in office, Ford would not go down as one of the longest-serving presidents in history, but his decision to pardon Richard Nixon proved to be one of the most respected decisions a president ever made. In the wake of his death, the American public gained an appreciation for the affable Jerry Ford.

Rockefeller’s address to the nation that Friday night was brief, but the new president hoped to quell the distress among the American people. “My fellow Americans: I feel a great sense of remorse tonight. The assassination of President Gerald R. Ford is a great shock and a great blow to our nation. Gerald Ford was a man of integrity, sincerity, openness, and dedication. For nearly 13 months, he served our nation with humility and brought us out of one of our darkest moments,” Rockefeller began. He continued: “I know not why the almighty Father summoned Gerald Ford home today, but I know our nation was fortunate to have him as long as we did. My admiration of President Ford’s selfless service to this country cannot be understated.”

Taking a deep breath, the new president transitioned to remarks about his own presidency and the perilous time for the country: “Once again our nation finds itself in a presidential transition. It is my intention to provide stability to this office in order to steady the ship of state. Our challenges tonight are unprecedented but they are not insurmountable. It is in the fiber of every American to rise up and overcome these problems. We will do just that. As I said when I became the Vice President of this land, ‘There is nothing wrong with America that Americans cannot right.’ I hold that to be true today, even in one of our darkest days.” The president moved to finish his brief remarks.

“In closing,” Rockefeller said, “the thoughts and prayers of my family and our nation are with Betty Ford tonight – a First Lady who served our country with warmth and courage. We extend them further to President Ford’s children and their families as well. It is the responsibility of all Americans to ensure Gerald Ford did not die in vain.” The lights went out. The cameras were off. Nelson Rockefeller turned to Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld, “I’m going to bed. Tomorrow, we’re getting into this.”

The next morning Betty Ford woke to plan the national funeral of her husband. It was the second time in 12 years that the nation would come together for a state funeral for a slain president. Ford wanted a respectable affair for her husband, but she was not interested in the elaborate display that was afforded to John F. Kennedy per the wishes of his wife, Jacqueline. The funeral was scheduled for Monday, September 8th, 1975, three days after the assassination of President Ford. On Sunday the 7th, Ford’s body was to lie in state at the U.S. Capitol building. Unlike Kennedy’s body, the casket was transported in a hearse as part of a larger motorcade. There was no horse-drawn caisson. Ford’s casket lied in repose outside the House Chamber, the first time in history. It was a nod to Ford’s long service in the House of Representatives. [1] After a period of repose, his body was carried to the Capitol Rotunda, like Lincoln’s and Kennedy’s before him.

President Ford's casket laid in repose in the Rotunda of the U.S. Capitol Building the Sunday before his state funeral.​

Monday morning, the funeral motorcade made its way from the Capitol Building to the Washington National Cathedral. Unlike Kennedy’s funeral, there was no marching in the streets, though onlookers lined the route to say goodbye to the president. When the pallbearers moved to take the body out of the hearse, the U.S. Coast Guard Band played “Hail to the Chief” and “Nearer, My God, to Thee.” [2] White House Chief of Staff Donald Rumsfeld, former President Richard Nixon, and President Nelson Rockefeller then eulogized the 38th president. At the conclusion of the service, Ford’s body was loaded onto Air Force One and brought to Grand Rapids, Michigan, where his body was buried in a private service with Ford’s closest friends and family. When the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library and Museum was dedicated in 1978, the president’s body was relocated to his final resting place on the grounds.

The responsibilities of planning the funeral fell to Mrs. Ford. As she crafted the affair, President Rockefeller met on Saturday morning with Rumsfeld and Cheney to determine how best to move forward. George Hinman, a longtime aide to the vice president, was also in the meeting. There was a great deal of animosity between Rumsfeld and Rockefeller, however. Rockefeller’s belief in an autonomous vice president drew the ire of Rumsfeld and others in the White House. [3] In the meeting, Rumsfeld announced his intention to step down from his job as White House Chief of Staff once President Rockefeller had a chance to settle into the position as president. Rockefeller thanked Rumsfeld for his candor and decision. [4]

Rockefeller began the conversation by wanting everyone’s thoughts on the vice presidency. Rumsfeld had himself suggested Rockefeller for the position when Ford was tasked with finding a new vice president. Now, he was again running through a list of who's who in Washington. Cheney was the first to address the elephant in the room: Ronald Reagan. The former California governor was preparing a bid for the White House that would attract the support of the New Right. Cheney believed that if Rockefeller had any presidential ambitions of his own, he should reach out to Reagan and offer him the vice presidency. Rockefeller was not prepared to make such a concession. Not only because he did not want to give in to Reagan’s primary threat, but he also did not believe that Reagan would make a good president in the event something were to happen to him. Hinman mentioned George H.W. Bush, the U.S. Ambassador to China. Bush came from a well-respected northeast political family. In other words, he was too similar to Rockefeller. Instead, the president wanted a qualified candidate who could pose regional and ideological balance to his Administration.

When Cheney and Rumsfeld left the meeting, Rockefeller and Hinman debated several names, including Rumsfeld himself. Rockefeller narrowed it down to two potential candidates: Senators Howard Baker and Bob Dole. He would meet with both of them after Ford’s funeral. Rockefeller’s consideration of ideological and geographical balance was the first indication that the new president was intent on mounting a bid for the White House in 1976. Sixteen years after his first attempt, Rockefeller was now significantly to the left of much of the Republican Party. In order to win the nomination and win reelection to the White House, he would need to not only beat Ronald Reagan but also unify the Republican Party ahead of the November general election. Though Nixon had done it, there was a serious question over whether or not Rockefeller could also succeed.

Once President, Nelson Rockefeller moved quickly to consolidate power by replacing Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State.​

Rockefeller also believed that if he were to win the White House, he would need to completely distance himself from the presidency of Nixon while wrapping himself in the memory of the slain Ford, whom he intended to paint as a martyr for civility in politics. As vice president, Rockefeller had grown increasingly agitated with Secretary of Defense Jim Schlesinger, who had also come to annoy Rumsfeld and Ford. At the same time, Rockefeller was not about to allow Henry Kissinger the kind of unlimited influence over foreign policy that he experienced under Presidents Nixon and Ford. Not long after Ford’s body was buried in Michigan, his successor asked for the resignations of the entire cabinet. He did not intend to accept all of them, but he did decide to replace Kissinger and Schlesinger. Kissinger also lost his role as national security adviser.

At a ceremony in the White House Rose Garden, Rockefeller made three high-profile nominations. First, he announced his decision to name Robert Dole as the next Vice President of the United States. Dole went on to an easy confirmation vote from the members of the House and his colleagues in the United States Senate. He did not receive a single vote against him. Next, Rockefeller announced that Bush was to replace Henry Kissinger at the Department of State. Senate Democrats were weary of Bush’s rising political fortunes, but he was ultimately confirmed with little opposition. To replace Schlesinger at the Department of Defense, President Rockefeller appointed the Deputy Secretary of Defense, Bill Clements, whom Schlesinger had entrusted with much of the job’s bureaucratic demands.

Rockefeller’s move symbolized a clear transition to a stronger presidency. The removal of Kissinger from the height of influence to no office whatsoever marked an enormous shift in the distribution of power in Washington. Bush’s appointment as Secretary of State was another nod to the establishment Republican wing while Dole’s nomination to the vice presidency was an attempt by Rockefeller to reach out to conservative Republicans. Dole, though not a member of the New Right, was seen as to the right of Rockefeller (though that was admittedly not difficult).

In California, Ronald Reagan watched with growing concern about how he would mount a presidential bid against Rockefeller. He had intended to launch his campaign in November, but was concerned that such an announcement would appear insensitive – that he wasn’t giving Rockefeller the time he needed to heal the country. Any later, however, and Reagan began to run into the primary season. He would continue his unofficial campaign for the presidency while his advisers planned how best to proceed given the changing situation in the United States. It did not help that Rockefeller’s approval ratings after his first month on the job hovered near 80%. The new president had taken office decisively and moved to put America on surer footing. He was wasting no time and he was commanding the respect his office entitled him. It remained to be seen how, if at all, Reagan could adapt his strategy to accommodate for Rockefeller.

[1] Ford’s casket did lie in repose outside the House Chamber during his 2006 state funeral.

[2] The detail of the Coast Guard Band is in line with Ford’s 2006 state funeral.

[3] This according to Donald Rumsfeld’s Known and Unknown, 185.

[4] Rumsfeld was already planning to leave the Administration in September 1975. The assassination of Ford and ascension of Rockefeller, whom Rumsfeld did not get along with, seems a natural time for Rumsfeld to leave Washington. (Rumsfeld, Donald. Known and Unknown, 193)

 

[Vidal]

Book I - America in Waiting: The Remainder of Nixon's Term

Chapter II

The Candidate from Sacramento

Ronald Reagan was convinced he would be the next president, but he wasn’t sure whether now was his time. The time was certainly ripe for the rise of the New Right within the Republican Party. The pursuit of the Panama Canal Treaty was a unifying moment for conservatives as they rallied to oppose the efforts of the Ford Administration to hand over control of the Canal to Panama. Rockefeller was sure to continue this policy. Senator Jesse Helms watched Rockefeller’s ascension to the presidency with disdain, convinced that the party needed a challenge from the right more than ever before. Reagan was his guy. The ex-governor, however, wasn’t as convinced that he could make a play for the Republican nomination in the wake of a national tragedy.

For his part, Nelson Rockefeller believed that Ronald Reagan was a thorn in his side. He did not believe that Reagan had much of a claim to the Republican nomination, but after pursuing the White House for more than a decade, Rockefeller was not prepared to risk his hold on power. Rockefeller invited Reagan to the White House twice after Ford’s death. Once after Ford’s funeral and another time two weeks later for a discussion on policy. Together, Rockefeller and Reagan held a press conference where Reagan was forced to heap praise on Rockefeller for “bringing the country together.” Rockefeller thanked Reagan for the praise and the meeting and promised to heed some of his advice on policy matters.

In fact, Rockefeller moved quickly to cut off the Reagan primary campaign before it sprung to life. He met with Jack Kemp, the leading proponent of Reagan’s economic philosophy in the House, and together they announced a plan to reform the tax code in the United States. Rockefeller announced a reduction in the corporate tax to be included in the president’s first budget proposal. While Rockefeller did not fool anyone into believing he was now a conservative, he was working hard to appease conservative Republicans on the Hill and around the country.

Senator Jesse Helms was not moved. Convinced that Rockefeller would ignore the demands of the conservatives once reelected, Helms called Reagan and urged him to announce his challenge for the nomination. Reagan remained concerned about the appearance of seeking the Republican nomination just two months after Gerald Ford was assassinated. Helms told Reagan that if Rockefeller were the Republican nominee, he would start a third party and find another candidate, perhaps James Buckley from New York, to carry the banner across the finish line. Reagan believed such an effort was a waste of time. No one was going to beat Rockefeller if he made it to the general election, nor would a far-right candidate pose much of a threat to the president.

Governor Ronald Reagan was planning on challenging President Ford for the nomination when Ford was assassinated.​

Ronald Reagan decided he was not going to challenge Nelson Rockefeller just two weeks into November 1975, but he decided to keep his decision a secret between he and his wife for as long as he could so as to keep a high national profile. While he attended events in New Hampshire and other important primary states, the Rockefeller White House grew increasingly worried that Reagan was about to jump into the race. They made a decision that ultimately backfired. They went on the offensive. In an interview with the Washington Post, one Rockefeller campaign aide was asked his thoughts on the upcoming challenge of Ronald Reagan from the right. The interviewer described Reagan as an “exceptionally conservative voice.” The aide responded that Governor Reagan’s record in California was “barely half as conservative” as folklore had it. He specifically invoked Reagan’s decision to sign the nation’s most liberal abortion law in 1967. Reagan was outraged at the comment and decided he was going to challenge Rockefeller to “shut the bastard up.”

The president was equally furious. He fired the aide from the campaign and phoned Reagan directly to apologize. Rockefeller was the last person to want a debate about abortion brought into the Republican primary. In the second week of December, Ronald Reagan traveled to New Hampshire once more where he declared his intention to seek the Republican nomination at Saint Anselm College. Though Reagan had built a large campaign apparatus, his late entry hurt his candidacy. His announcement barely predated the busy Christmas and New Year season. Reagan did not return to the campaign trail until the second week of January – a month after he began his campaign.

President Rockefeller moved quickly to discredit Reagan’s campaign as opportunistic. Republican lawmakers gave interviews with print and television to decry Reagan’s decision. Though Senators Helms and Strom Thurmond came to Reagan’s defense, many others said Reagan should have put his personal ambition aside for the good of the party and the nation. “We don’t need another bitter campaign,” Howard Baker, the top Republican in the Senate, remarked. Ronald Reagan was largely on his own in his quest to defeat the sitting president, but he was not going to go down without a fight.

Reagan hit Rockefeller on the Rockefeller Commission, an investigation into the practices of the FBI and the CIA. “I have to ask, don’t you think there’s a bigger threat posed by the people the FBI and the CIA are looking into than by the FBI and the CIA?” [1] His campaign was painting Rockefeller as unpatriotic. The Rockefeller campaign responded by attacking Reagan’s tacit support for cover-ups. “I did hear that,” the president said in response to a question about Reagan’s attack on the Rockefeller Commission. “I think what you see here is someone who doesn’t recognize the grave risk Watergate opposed to this great American democracy. The American people have to know where their president is on issues like these, and I am always going to be on the side of transparency in government.” Reagan’s base still supported his position, but Rockefeller had won over many Republicans (and independents) with his response.

The campaign for the Republican nomination, between President Rockfeller and Governor Reagan, turned extremely negative.​

“And who knows? If we can get Washington out of the classroom, maybe we can get God back in.” [2] The audience went wild with applause. Ronald Reagan was running an unabashedly conservative campaign. In the South, he talked about morality. Up north, he hit Rockefeller on American values – the Rockefeller Commission, the Panama Canal, and other matters where Reagan said the president was “leaving us out to dry.” Reagan also took issue with Secretary of State George Bush who had been meeting with Soviet leaders in an effort to resolve the Cold War. “We have to start playing tough with these people or they’re gonna walk all over us,” he told one audience in New Hampshire.

Rockefeller hit Reagan equally hard and campaigned aggressively in New Hampshire, determined to win the first-in-the-nation primary. He traveled to a breakfast event in Concord where he slammed Reagan’s “temperament” and suggested that the best thing for the nation was stability at the top. “We’ve gone through a lot in the last four years. I’m the third president in as many years. Public confidence has been understandably shaken. We need to remind the American people that the Republican Party, like no other party, is capable of leading America in this dark national time. I am the candidate to do that,” he said. Rockefeller’s message was a success with establishment types and party leaders. Bob Dole, the new vice president, campaigned equally hard for Rockefeller on a similar message. It was unclear whether or not the message would resonate with voters. Polling of the New Hampshire primary showed a close match between the president and Reagan. It was going to come down to the wire. [3]

Reagan was running on a small government message and began hitting Rockefeller on wasteful spending. He repeatedly referenced Linda Taylor, who Reagan claimed had “80 names, 30 addresses, 12 Social Security cards, and is collecting veteran’s benefits on four non-existing deceased husbands.” [4] The president chose not to engage directly with Regan on the topic of welfare fraud. Instead, he included a pitch in his stump speech about wasteful government spending. “Ronald Reagan,” he told crowds, “believes in no government. That’s a fine opinion. I believe in a government that serves the people, and that includes a government that doesn’t waste the tax dollars of our hard-working people!” While another Rockefeller may have engaged directly with Reagan on the merits of welfare legislation, the president was restrained, hoping that he could do what he had to do and say what needed to be said in order to skate through to a presidential nomination. He was finally president; he wasn’t going to let Ronald Reagan steal it from him.

On the eve of the New Hampshire primary, Reagan was in the North Country, campaigning in more rural areas of the state. One reporter asked him how he felt. A confident Reagan beamed, “I feel very good. Very good. I think our campaign’s going to have a lot of momentum coming out of here.” The Rockefeller campaign did everything it could to lower expectations. Senator Richard Schweicker, who was campaigning for the president in New Hampshire, said he wouldn’t be surprised if Reagan won. “After all, he’s out here campaigning all the time. President Rockefeller has a day job – and he’s doing a damn fine job of it if I may say so myself.”

On February 24th, voters across the Granite State went to the polls. The trajectory of the presidential election was on the ballot. Democrats were seeing a wide-open field. Though Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter came out on top in Iowa, it was anyone’s guess if he could sustain that lead going into New Hampshire. For the Republicans, if Rockefeller lost in New Hampshire it would likely be the end of his campaign. If the moderate couldn’t win in the northeast, he couldn’t win anywhere. Likewise, the Reagan campaign made New Hampshire a central part of its strategy. While a loss in the state would not end his campaign, Ronald Reagan was counting on victory. When polls closed, Mel Thomson, Reagan’s campaign chairman, appeared on WMUR where he said he expected the governor to win by five points. [5]

Reagan's campaign strategy relied on winning New Hampshire to deliver an immediate knockout punch of President Rockefeller.​

At 11:00 in the evening, the Manchester Union Leader declared victory for Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter. The Republican race was far less certain. At midnight, Rockefeller led Reagan by just 400 votes. Hours later, the president surged further, beating his primary challenger by more than 3,000 votes in the end. [6] Reagan was defeated. The papers soon ran the story that the Reagan campaign was in trouble. Suddenly, Reagan and his staff reversed course. They were never expected to do so well in New Hampshire, they said. The state’s location lent itself to Rockefeller and his political views. They argued Reagan’s near-victory was the story, not his defeat.

It was difficult for Reagan to put the cat back in the bag, however. He had already touted success and was now seen as having suffered a major setback in his bid for the presidency. On March 2nd, the president easily won the contests in Massachusetts and Vermont. The March 9th primary in Florida posed a major contest for both candidates. Polling suggested it leaned to Reagan, but the president had momentum and conservatives began doubting whether or not Reagan could really pull off a victory over the establishment. They weren’t about to toss their vote to Rockefeller, but many were content with staying home, convinced that they didn’t need to go through the trouble of voting because Reagan couldn’t win.

Reagan and his team recognized this problem and moved quickly to make Florida a top priority for them. Their initial strategy relied on a victory in the three major primaries right out of the gate: New Hampshire, Florida, and Illinois. [7] Without New Hampshire, they were struggling. Without Florida, they were done. If Reagan couldn’t beat Rockefeller in any significant contest after months on the campaign trail, it wasn’t worth the effort. His campaign team advised Reagan to hit Rockefeller where it hurt: his personal life. An attack on Rockefeller’s extramarital activities and his divorce would rally Reagan’s evangelical base. There was just one problem: Reagan, too, was divorced. Without the family values sword, Reagan chugged along, delivering the same stump speech and flashing his signature smile. It didn’t work. Reagan lost again in Florida. Meanwhile, Rockefeller’s message that he was a steady hand was working with Republican voters who thought Rockefeller was their best chance against the Democrats in November.

[1] This was a line repeated by Reagan according to Rick Perlstein’s The Invisible Bridge (I’ve lost the page number, unfortunately).

[2] This is an actual line from Regan’s 1976 stump speech. See Rick Perlstein’s The Invisible Bridge, 697.

[3] In OTL, the New Hampshire primary was a neck-and-neck battle through and through. Reagan awoke predicting victory on the morning of February 24th while neither the Ford nor Reagan camps were particularly confident. (Cannon, Lou. Governor Reagan: His Rise to Power, 416)

[4] Linda Taylor, and Reagan’s use of her was an effective part of his New Hampshire primary campaign according to Rick Perlstein’s The Invisible Bridge, 603.

[5] Thomson did do this, but it was before voting started. (Perlstein, Rick. The Invisible Bridge, 620)

[6] Ford only beat Reagan by 1,500 votes in New Hampshire. I’d like to defend Rockefeller’s larger victory here: He is a more gifted campaigner and more inclined to take the fight to Reagan. Another POD is that Nixon does not go to China just days before the New Hampshire primary as he did IOTL, which was believed to help Reagan slightly. It’s also possible that some independent voters crossed over and voted in the Republican primary as opposed to the Democratic primary as they like Rockefeller’s moderate record and he does not carry the baggage of Watergate.

[7] This according to Rick Perlstein’s The Invisible Bridge, 631.

 

[Vidal]

Book I - America in Waiting: The Remainder of Nixon's Term

Chapter III

The March to Kansas City

One of President Nelson Rockefeller’s first challenges in office was saving his hometown, New York City. For a decade the city was struggling with an unrealistic amount of spending and now the general economic woes of the nation, unemployment was above 12% in the city that never slept. The problem compounded itself and by 1974, the city was on the verge of bankruptcy. The position of the Ford Administration, despite the pleas of its vice president, was simple: Let New York go bankrupt. For Rockefeller, such a position would not suffice. Within days of taking office, Rockefeller was hard at work with Senator Jack Javits of New York and others to hammer out a plan to save the city.

In October 1975, President Rockefeller attended a National Press Club breakfast where he made a promise, “As long as I am president, New York City will not go under.” At the end of the month, he and Javits held a press conference in the White House briefing room and Rockefeller outlined his plan to save the city. Through 1977, New York City would be provided direct aid by the federal government. The aid took the form of loans that had to be paid back with interest at the end of each year. The loans would cease on June 30, 1977. Rockefeller assumed that six months into his reelection he could pass a bigger and more permanent mechanism to save New York when he didn’t need to worry about a Republican primary and he had more political capital to spend. Reagan immediately criticized the plan. “I’ve been traveling around the nation and I hear a lot of people asking me why New York isn’t going bankrupt and all I have to tell this is, ‘Look who’s in the White House.”

New York Governor Hugh Carey and Mayor Abe Beame lobbied the Ford Administration extensively for NYC to receive federal aid.​

In his announcement of the plan, Rockefeller made clear that his plan was not only about saving New York City but also about saving the United States economy. “If we were to allow the City of New York to go bankrupt, we would be putting the entire nation on a difficult economic footing. In fact, it could set off a domino effect that collapsed multiple businesses and perhaps other municipalities. As President of the United States, I have a responsibility to make sure that doesn’t happen,” he said. Not everyone believed it. A bailout of New York was largely unacceptable to most Americans, but Rockefeller’s balanced approach seemed to provide short-term aid so that the city could get back on its feet. It was palatable to most Americans, except for the Republican base.

In the wake of his loss in Florida, Ronald Reagan decided to resurrect his argument that Rockefeller was a candidate for the East Coast establishment. He traveled to his birth state, Illinois, to make the argument that voters in the Midwest could only count on one man: Ronald Reagan. The candidate visited Tampico High School, a school he did not attend, where he told reporters, “Oh my, such memories, here. You could get bathed in a warm bath of nostalgia.” [1] Rockefeller, seeing news coverage of the event turned to an aide, “Does this guy do anything besides bullshit?”

Despite losses in every contest except Iowa, Reagan was optimistic about his campaign’s chances. He was confident he would win in Illinois, though he’d learned not to say as much. Unfortunately, his campaign had to face a bitter reality: They were out of money. In his campaign stops, Reagan started hitting Rockefeller on his bailout of New York. “We can’t have a president,” Reagan said, “who is only concerned about his hometown!” The statement was awkward in that Reagan delivered it in his own birth state, but generally, voters ignored the inconsistency and agreed with Reagan that it was time for someone other than the Eastern elite to be represented in Washington.

Even when some said he couldn't win, Reagan persisted in his campaign for the Republican nomination.​

On Meet the Press, Reagan downplayed expectations. “I don’t think we need to win anything more than 40 percent of the vote,” he said on the program. [2] The Rockefeller campaign found it ridiculous. Dick Cheney, now a top member of the president’s campaign team, called the suggestion that Ronald Reagan could afford to lose Illinois “absolutely insane.” “The governor,” he said, “was born in the state. He has kept good relations with it. It’s a state naturally tailored to his politics. If Ronald Reagan can’t win Illinois, he can’t win the nomination. It’s that simple.” Privately, Rockefeller’s camp felt assured that they would win Illinois but wanted to make sure Reagan would not win by merely beating expectations.

Reagan came in second with about 43% of the vote in Illinois. The Reagan campaign declared it a victory. No one else did. His campaign was out of money and running out of time. The night of his defeat in Illinois, Ronald Reagan received an unexpected bit of advice from his wife, Nancy, who urged him to drop out of the race and end his campaign. She believed that by remaining in the race, Reagan was embarrassing himself and preventing any future presidential bid. “You’ve lost, Ronnie. It’s time to go home.” Reagan was furious. Why would he end his campaign? He had nothing to go back to. It made sense for him to remain a candidate until the Convention in Kansas City. There was a week before North Carolina, but the Reagan campaign barely had enough money to make it to the state. Advertisements were out of the question. Meanwhile, the Rockefeller campaign was rolling in cash. The Eastern establishment was thrilled to pour money into his effort that they could enjoy a final hurrah before, as Rockefeller put it, the Republican Party went the way of the “kooks.”

In North Carolina, it was hard for the Reagan team to remain optimistic. Conservative voters were likely to stay home, as they didn’t see a path to the nomination for their candidate. Senator Jesse Helms, however, was not content with allowing North Carolina, his home state, to be the final nail in the coffin for Reagan. He mobilized his apparatus in the state and delivered it to Reagan by five points. The Reagan campaign was ecstatic and the candidate enjoyed a new burst of energy and momentum – as well as cash. Conservatives started donating him money. Cheney characterized the Rockefeller campaign’s response, “At some point you have to look at the fact Reagan only won by five points in one of the country’s most conservative states. He doesn’t have a path to the nomination.”

With massive victories in New York, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania, Rockefeller reaffirmed his path to the nomination. The beginning of May would not be easy for the president, however. He lost in Texas, Georgia, Indiana, and Nebraska. It was an embarrassing stretch for the president, but Rockefeller recognized he had no natural constituency in those states. He came back and hit Reagan with wins in West Virginia, Maryland, and Michigan. West Virginia was a state few expected him to win, but he hung on against Reagan by dumping thousands into get out the vote efforts. He was now tapping into his vast personal fortune to defeat Reagan.

President Rockefeller ran a massive campaign effort to win the Republican nomination in 1976 despite the political headwinds.​

Rockefeller quickly realized that in order to end Reagan’s campaign, he had to beat him on his own turf. The president spent millions of dollars in Kentucky, Nevada, Oregon, and Tennessee ahead of the May 25th primaries there. He campaigned aggressively the week of the primary contests. He was certain that if he could just pick off some of them from Reagan, he would prove that Reagan barely appealed to his own base. Dole, too, campaigned hard. Without surrogates and without money, Reagan found it difficult to compete. He was running a message-oriented campaign, but too many voters were going without hearing his message. Again, in an effort to encourage conservatives to stay home, Rockefeller’s team reiterated that “Reagan was fighting a losing battle” that would only hurt the Republicans going into their fight against the Democrats in November. Rockefeller bested Reagan in Kentucky, Nevada, and Oregon. Reagan beat Rockefeller in Tennessee.

The primary contest ended in California where Reagan beat Rockefeller. It was on to Kansas City as no candidate had enough delegates to win the nomination outright. The president had a pit in his stomach – that he was about to lose the presidency after having just gained it. In the time between the California primary and the Republican National Convention, both candidates entertained delegates as best they could in hopes of schmoozing their way across the finish line. Rockefeller, especially, used his wealth to impress delegates. He invited many of those on the fence to the White House and his penthouse in New York.

Heading into the Republican Convention, Rockefeller’s team had several priorities. The first was to get the Mississippi delegation, a bloc of thirty votes, to undo their unit rule, allowing them to cast their votes individually. It was doubtful Rockefeller could win the majority of them and thereby take the 30 votes. Instead, he needed the votes of individual delegates so that he could still have 10-14 votes counted. Cheney, Rockefeller’s shrewd campaign manager, cut enough deals within the delegation to ensure they could unbind themselves from the winner-take-all plan. Many were unwilling to support Rockefeller outright, but Cheney persuaded them to agree to the rule change. Perhaps, some said later, with a literal exchange of cash. [3]

Ahead of the Convention, Dick Cheney made a bold suggestion to Rockefeller: Drop Dole and name Congressman Jack Kemp as his nominee for vice president. Rockefeller feared that doing so would alienate Dole himself as well as other conservative Republicans who didn’t quite fit into the New Right. Rockefeller thanked Cheney for the suggestion but said he was keeping Dole. Cheney pressed him, “Why on Earth are you so content with Bob Dole being vice president?” Rockefeller replied simply, “I could die.” He was unwilling to leave the White House in the hands of a Reagan or a Kemp. It was bad enough he couldn’t get away with leaving it to Bush.

The Republican National Convention opened amid chaos in Kansas City. On the first day of the Convention, Reagan, convinced he could not win unless he stole delegates from Rockefeller, announced he was naming Dick Schweicker, who endorsed and campaigned for Rockefeller in the primaries, as his running mate. Schweicker appeared with Reagan to say the two were united for victory in November. More than a few Rockefeller delegates looked at the ticket and respected Reagan for reaching out to them. Still, they’d rather have Rockefeller as the nominee. The nomination was most well received by traditionally conservative voters who now came around to the idea Reagan wasn’t as radical as the rest of the New Right.

Reagan's decision to name Senator Dick Schweicker as his running mate backfired spectacularly, possibly costing him the nomination.​

Reagan’s announcement came without consultation of Senator Jesse Helms, the man who won North Carolina for the former governor and was a key part of his Convention strategy. Helms was enraged and phoned Reagan. “If I had wanted Rockefeller to be on the bottom of the ticket, I would’ve told you to pick him!” He slammed down the phone and called James Buckley, the conservative senator of New York. He wanted Buckley to run a campaign on the floor to steal the nomination away from Reagan and Rockefeller. Buckley could take a substantial number of New York delegates and others from the Northeast and, combined with the Southern delegates Helms had in tow, could come out on top on the first ballot and by the third ballot sway enough people to his side to become the nominee. Buckley was less convinced and was concerned about upsetting the New York Republicans ahead of his Senate campaign there. With Buckley out, Helms took matters into his own hands.

“Rockefeller’s going to win this damn nomination,” he angrily told some North Carolina delegates. “I need you to vote for me on the floor instead of Reagan so that I can run a third party campaign and stop this guy in November.” The delegates fell in line. Meanwhile, Reagan was outraged that Helms had so brazenly abandoned his campaign at the 11th hour. Without Helms’ support, the South was gone. Reagan needed to get ahold of Helms. John Sears, Reagan’s campaign manager, found out where Helms was staying. Reagan and his entourage loaded into vehicles and drove off to corner Helms. When someone in Reagan’s campaign gave Helms the heads up, he left his hotel room and headed for the Convention Hall. Reagan missed him by minutes.

When the balloting started, Reagan knew that he would go down in defeat. Helms carried a great number of delegates from the South with him. Rockefeller, however, was not fully aware of Helms’ decision to enter the race until the nomination speeches were made. Up until that point, he was under the impression that the Schweicker deal had cost him the nomination. On the first ballot of the Convention, Nelson Rockefeller received 1,160 votes. Ronald Reagan finished with 872 delegates. Jesse Helms took 92 delegates. Nelson Rockefeller was the Republican nominee for president. [4]

[1] This according to Rick Perlstein’s The Invisible Bridge, 619.

[2] Reagan did this ahead of the Illinois primary IOTL as well. (Perlstein, Rick. The Invisible Bridge, 636)

[3] Cheney and Rockefeller did not get along while Rockefeller was the vice president. In fact, when the audio system cut out as Rockefeller gave his address at the OTL Convention, the candidate attributed it to Cheney. (Perlstein, Rick. The Invisible Bridge, 774) However, with Ford dead, Cheney would likely want to hold on to power. Still doubtful that Reagan could wrest the nomination from a sitting president, I find it conceivable that Cheney would try and get in Rockefeller’s good graces. Rockefeller, needing someone of Cheney’s ilk to help him win the nomination of a now more conservative party, would likely suck it up and appreciate Cheney’s value. It’s a very transactional relationship at this point.

[4] Another point of divergence is that Reagan is not given the opportunity to address the Convention. His famous 1976 remarks that cemented his iconic role within the GOP go unsaid.

 

[Vidal]

Book I - America in Waiting: The Remainder of Nixon's Term

Chapter IV

To The Finish

As janitors and crew swept up the fallen confetti and popped the remaining balloons in Kansas City, Senator Jesse Helms awoke with a new mission. He may have just cost Ronald Reagan the Republican nomination (though he tended to think he didn’t), but at least he had not compromised on his principles. Reagan, in his eyes, was weak and ineffectual. If you weren’t willing to stick to the conservative platform, you had no place leading the conservative movement. John Sears, Reagan’s campaign manager, agreed to come on as Helms’ campaign manager. Immediately, they would need to get to work on securing ballot access in as many states as possible. They had little time, but Helms’ extensive donor list enabled them to raise the money needed to hire canvassers to get the needed signatures. Helms announced his running mate, Maryland Congressman Bob Bauman, two days after the Republican National Convention.

Ronald Reagan returned to California dejected and confused. He had gone from nearly becoming the Republican nominee to thoroughly unsure of his role within the Republican Party. He as tempted to endorse Helms and campaign for him, but if Reagan wanted to win the Republican nomination in 1980, he would need to be a Party man. He endorsed Rockefeller, only further angering Helms. Largely, though, Reagan faded from the national spotlight, awaiting a chance to return should Rockefeller lose the election.

The Rockefeller campaign was thrilled by Helms’ entrance. In fact, Rockefeller sent volunteers to help Helms get on the ballot in Southern states where he believed Helms would draw supporters away from the regional candidate, Democrat Jimmy Carter. In many ways, Carter was a more conservative candidate than Rockefeller. The president hoped to exploit Helms’ candidacy to his advantage by tying Carter and Helms together ideologically, giving him room for half of the middle and the left. In fact, some Democratic lawmakers privately confessed they were considering voting for Rockefeller.

Democrat Jimmy Carter campaigning for the White House in 1976.​

The 1976 campaign was significant for this very reason. Neither candidate neatly fit into the ideological boundaries of their time. Carter, a Southerner, was part of the New South, but still attended a segregated church. Rockefeller, a liberal Republican, was of a dying breed. In fact, it was likely that he would be the last moderate Republican nominated, but if he were elected in November, it was possible that the moderates might return to the Republican Party and the New Right could form their own party or rejoin the Democrats. The future of it all was very uncertain. Those questions would be left to political scientists and historians, however. In the meantime, there was a three-way race for the presidency.

The Rockefeller/Dole ticket again emphasized Rockefeller’s stable leadership and the need for the White House to remain in trusted hands. Rockefeller had been around for decades. The American people knew him and could trust him. He’d run the Rockefeller Commission to bring transparency to government in the wake of Watergate. Carter was an unknown. His candidacy began with the question of, “Jimmy who?” and many Americans still didn’t know him by the time the general election campaign kicked off. Though some Americans, still reeling from Watergate, thought the country needed a fresh start, many more were convinced that after the resignation of one president and the assassination of another, it was time to project strength from the Oval Office. Rockefeller certainly did that. It would be tough to overstate how much the assassination of Gerald Ford shocked the American psyche. It was the fourth high profile political assassination in ten years. For many, it brought back the images of Robert Kennedy, bleeding on the kitchen floor of Los Angele’s Ambassador Hotel. Carter appealed on the basis of a new start – a chance to put that history behind them. Rockefeller appealed to voters because he was someone they could trust to do the job and halt the instability gripping the nation. Jesse Helms was just too radical for most voters outside of the South.

For much of September, the race progressed without incident. Carter’s running mate Walter Mondale hit Rockefeller for moving to the right. Most voters found the attempts to label Rockefeller as too conservative laughable. After all, conservatives literally created a third party to challenge Rockefeller. The Rockefeller campaign stayed on message almost painfully. Every campaign ad, every stump speech, and every interview answer seemed to say the same thing: When America needed a leader; Nelson Rockefeller stepped up to the plate. Plus, Carter’s Watergate message was falling short. Without criticizing the pardon of Nixon (which could not be connected to Rockefeller), Carter just seemed to be emphasizing his peanut farm. The Republican Party, with Rockefeller at the helm, was sufficiently distanced from Watergate.

Senator Jesse Helms ran for the presidency as an independent; he was the most conservative candidate in the race.​

In early October, Rockefeller led and Carter felt it was time to drift from his comfort zone. He sat for an interview in Playboy where he committed one of the greatest gaffes in presidential politics. Asked about his views on sin, Carter replied that he had “committed adultery in my heart many times.” And confessed he looked at many women with lust. Somehow Jimmy Carter managed to the morality argument to a man who divorced his first wife so he could marry his mistress. Carter’s campaign staff was distraught. Hamilton Jordan, the campaign manager, remarked how “only Carter” could think talking about lust in Playboy magazine would win him votes. “The most religious candidate of our generation,” Jordan said in disbelief, “somehow lost on the question of morality to a serial cheater. Un-fucking-believable. Actually, I take that back. Not with Jimmy.”

Unfortunately for Carter, the candidates were unable to come to an agreement on any televised debates, which may have given Carter the platform to come back. Neither side particularly wanted them. Carter’s staff thought he would do poorly against the more polished Rockefeller. The Republicans didn’t want to put Carter on equal footing as the president. Helms, for his part, demanded a national debate, but while Carter himself wanted to debate Helms, his staff said that the image of Carter on stage with a third party candidate and without Rockefeller would diminish his standing against Rockefeller. “It’ll look like the kids are running amok while Rockefeller is the only responsible candidate,” Jordan explained.

While Carter himself wanted to debate Rockefeller, his campaign team worried about how he'd do against the president.​

The polls indicated that the national popular vote was anyone’s for the taking and when voting ended on Election Day, neither side was sure who would come out on top. Early on, everyone realized it was going to be a close fight. The percentage of the vote Helms was able to land would prove key in several states. Rather quickly, Helms was declared the winner of his native North Carolina, taking 13 electoral votes away from the Democrats who were widely expected to carry the South. Rockefeller took most of the Northeast, including his home state of New York. Carter, however, was able to hold on to Massachusetts and Rhode Island, states that wouldn’t budge from the Democratic column no matter how liberal the Republican was. He also managed to take Maine where his outsider image and Southern charm proved more relatable than Rockefeller’s penthouse appeal.

Reporters quickly identified the closest states of the night: Pennsylvania, Ohio, Texas, and California – a combined 123 electoral votes that had the ability to decide the election. Carter would likely need all of them to win the election given Helms scored electoral victories in Arkansas, Mississippi, and South Carolina (21 electoral votes that would have afforded Carter the ability to lose Ohio or Pennsylvania). At the White House, Rockefeller looked with horror as Texas and its 26 electoral votes were called for Carter. Of course, no Democrat in recent memory had ever made it to the White House without Texas. It was more important for Democrats than it was for Republicans.

Without Texas, however, Oregon’s six electoral votes were more important. Rockefeller sat at 211 electoral votes and Carter had 190. Carter had to win California’s 45 electoral votes in order to have a chance. He would need at least Pennsylvania and Ohio to win the election. Rockefeller could afford to lose Oregon but not both Pennsylvania and Ohio if he lost California. The nightmare scenario would be for no candidate to reach 270. If either candidate won California, but not some combination of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Oregon, the election would go to the House to decide the president and the Senate to decide the vice president. Neither Carter nor Rockefeller wanted that outcome.

When the networks called Ohio for Rockefeller, it helped dampen some of that concern. Then, Barbara Walters broke in with an important announcement on ABC News. “We can now call California, and the presidency, for President Nelson Rockefeller.” The president went on to win Pennsylvania and Oregon. Carter, for his part, did reasonably well. Helms drew rather evenly from both sides, but some speculated that had he not been on the ballot in California those Reagan Republican votes could have broken for Carter as opposed to Rockefeller. Perhaps they, with enough votes in Ohio or Pennsylvania, could have tipped the presidency. Helms didn’t give a damn. He was no more upset that Rockefeller had won than he would’ve been had Carter won. In his eyes, the whole election was an enormous waste of time.

President Nelson Rockefeller and the First Lady, Happy, at Rockefeller's victory party on Election Night 1976.​

Carter delivered a gracious concession speech in which he called on the country to unite as it did 200 years earlier at the founding of the nation. “Like our revolutionary heroes before us, we march into this third century for our country with hope and optimism – determined to do all we can as Americans to leave a better nation for our posterity.” The next morning, Rockefeller held a press conference at the White House where he thanked Carter for his words and invited him to the White House for a discussion. It was the first time the candidates would formally meet.

Right away, Rockefeller began working on his new administration. He hoped to push forward major energy legislation, which became a topic of discussion with Carter during the governor’s visit. He also wanted to replace some of the cabinet holdovers with his new people. Bush and Clements would stay on. Cheney, back from the campaign, nabbed a role as the Director of the Office of Management and Budget. Rockefeller asked Lowell Weicker of Connecticut to join his administration as the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, but Weicker expressed a desire to remain in the Senate. Rockefeller decided to appoint former Michigan Governor George Romney to the position.

United States Presidential Election, 1976

Nelson A. Rockefeller/Robert Dole (R) ... 314 electoral votes ... 46.6% of the popular vote
James E. Carter/Walter F. Mondale (D) ... 190 electoral votes ... 43.5% of the popular vote
Jesse Helms/Robert E. Bauman (I) ... 34 electoral votes ... 9.9% of the popular vote

United States Senate Elections, 1976
Arizona: Dennis DeConcini, D def. Sam Steiger, R. (D+1)
California: S.I. Hayakawa, R def. Sen. John V. Tunney, D. (R+1)
Connecticut: Sen. Lowell P. Weicker, R def. Gloria Schaffer, D.
Delaware: Sen. William V. Roth, Jr., R def. Thomas C. Maloney, D.
Florida: Sen. Lawton Chiles, D def. John Grady, R.
Hawaii: Spark Matsunaga, D def. William F. Quinn, R. (D+1)
Indiana: Sen. Richard Lugar, R def. Sen. Vance Hartke, D. (R+1)
Maine: Sen. Edmund Muskie, D def. Robert Monks, R.
Maryland: Paul Sarbanes, D def. Sen. John Glenn Beall, Jr., R. (D+1)
Massachusetts: Sen. Ted Kennedy, D def. Michael Robertson, R.
Michigan: Philip Hart, D def. Marvin L. Esch, R.
Minnesota: Sen. Hubert Humphrey, D def. Gerald Brekke, R.
Mississippi: Sen. John C. Stennis, D reelected without opposition.
Missouri: John Danforth, R def. Warren E. Hearnes, D. (R+1)
Montana: John Melcher, D def. Stanley C. Burger, R.
Nebraska: Edward Zorinsky, D def. John McCollister, R. (D+1)
Nevada: Sen. Howard Cannon, D def. David Towell, R.
New Jersey: Sen. Harrison A. Williams, D def. David A. Norcross, R.
New Mexico: Harrison Scmitt, R def. Sen. Joseph Montoya, D. (R+1)
New York: Bell Abzug, D def. Sen. James Buckley, R. (D+1)
North Dakota: Sen. Quentin N. Burdick, D def. Robert Stroup, R.
Ohio: Sen. Robert Taft, Jr., R def. Howard Metzenbaum, D.
Pennsylvania: H. John Heinz III, R def. William J. Green III, D.
Rhode Island: John Chafee, R def. Richard Lorber, D. (R+1)
Tennessee: Jim Sasser, D def. Sen. Bill Brock, R. (D+1)
Texas: Sen. Lloyd Bentsen, D def. Alan Steelman, R.
Utah: Orrin Hatch, R def. Sen. Frank Moss, D. (R+1)
Vermont: Sen. Robert Stafford, R def. Thomas P. Salmon, D.
Virginia: Harry F. Byrd, I def. Elmo Zumwalt, Jr., D.
Washington: Sen. Henry “Scoop” Jackson, D def. George Brown, R.
West Virginia: Sen. Robert Byrd, D reelected without opposition.
Wisconsin: Sen. William Proxmire, D def. Stanley York, R.
Wyoming: Malcolm Wallop, R def. Gale W. McGee, D. (R+1)

Senate composition before election: 61 D, 37 R, 1 Ind. Democrat, 1 Conservative
Senate composition after election: 60 D, 39 R, 1 Ind. Democrat

Senate Majority Leader: Robert Byrd (D-WV)
Senate Majority Whip: Alan Cranston (D-CA)
Senate Minority Leader: Howard Baker (R-TN)
Senate Minority Whip: Ted Stevens (R-AK)

United States House of Representatives Elections, 1976
House composition before election: 291 D, 144 R
House composition after election: 290 D, 145 R (R+1)

Speaker of the House: Tip O’Neill (D-MA)
House Majority Leader: Richard Bolling (D-MO)
House Majority Whip: John Brademas (D-IN)
House Minority Leader: John Rhodes (R-AZ)
House Minority Whip: Robert Michel (R-IL)

United States Gubernatorial Elecitons, 1975
Kentucky: Gov. Julian Carroll, D def. Bob Gable, R.
Louisiana: Gov. Edwin Edwards, D def. Robert G. Jones, D.
Mississippi: Cliff Finch, D def. Gil Carmichael, R.

Governors before election: 36 D, 13 R
Governors after election: 36 D, 13 R

United States Gubernatorial Elections, 1976
Arkansas: Gov. David Pryor, D def. Leon Griffith, R.
Delaware: Pierre S. du Pont IV, R def. Gov. Sherman W. Tribbitt, D. (R+1)
Illinois: James R. Thompson, R def. Michael Howlett, D. (R+1)
Indiana: Gov. Otis Bowen, R def. Larry Conrad, D.
Missouri: Joseph P. Teasdale, D def. Gov. Kit Bond, R. (D+1)
Montana: Gov. Thomas Lee Judge, D def. Robert Woodahl, R.
New Hampshire: Gov. Meldrim Thomson, Jr, R def. Harry Spanos, D.
North Carolina: Jim Hunt, D def. David Flaherty, R. (D+1)
North Dakota: Arthur A. Link, D def. Richard Elkin, R.
Rhode Island: John Garrahy, D def. James Taft, R.
Utah: Scott M. Matheson, D def. Vernon Romney, R.
Vermont: Richard Snelling, R def. Stella Hackel, D. (R+1)
Washington: Dixy Lee Ray, D def. John Spellman, R. (D+1)
West Virginia: Jay Rockefeller, D def. Cecil Underwood, R. (D+1)

Governors before election: 36 D, 13 R
Governors after election: 37 D, 12 R

Cabinet of President Nelson Rockefeller
President: Nelson Rockefeller (1975- )
Vice President: Bob Dole (1975- )
Secretary of State: George H.W. Bush (1975- )
Secretary of Treasury: William E. Simon (1974- )
Secretary of Defense: Bill Clements (1975- )
Attorney General: Edward H. Levi (1975- )
Secretary of the Interior: Thomas S. Kleppe (1975- )
Secretary of Agriculture: John Albert Knebel (1976- )
Secretary of Commerce: Elliot Richardson (1975- )
Secretary of Labor: William Usery Jr. (1976- )
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare: George W. Romney (1977- )
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Carla Anderson Hills (1975- )
Secretary of Transportation: William Thaddeus Coleman Jr. (1975- )
White House Chief of Staff: George Hinman (1975- )
Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Russell Train (1974- )
Director of the Office of Management and Budget: Dick Cheney (1977- )
U.S. Trade Ambassador: Frederick B. Dent (1975- )
U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations: William Scranton (1976- )

 

[Vidal]

Book II - Nixon's Curse: Tumult in the Presidency

Chapter I

Energy Matters

The sun rose with ease on January 20, 1977, as Nelson Rockefeller read the morning paper. The American people had elected him to serve four more years as President of the United States. He looked forward to the challenge. Rockefeller, at 68 years old, was not concerned with whether or not he would again seek the presidency in 1980. Instead, he wanted to do all he could in the next four years. At 11:00 in the morning, Rockefeller and his wife, Happy, joined Bob and Elizabeth Dole for a ride to the Capitol Building where both men would be sworn-in to office for another four years. For each of them, it was their first time having a formal inauguration. The president looked over his remarks for a final time as the motorcade made its way to the Capitol. His message was the same as it had been for the duration of his campaign: Stability.

At 11:45 in the morning, Bob Dole took the Oath of Office for a second time as the nation’s vice president. Dole had John Paul Stevens, whom Rockefeller appointed, administer the oath. At its conclusion, Chief Justice Warren Burger called President Rockefeller to the podium so that he could administer the president’s oath of office. As Rockefeller declared, “So help me God,” the crowd before him broke into raucous approval. Rockefeller’s inauguration, which roughly coincided with the bicentennial of the nation, was an elaborate affair and attracted a great many onlookers. The 39th president turned to them to deliver his inaugural remarks.

“Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Nixon, my fellow Americans: Today, we celebrate all that is good in our nation. We celebrate the ability of our nation to come together after a close and well-fought election campaign to reaffirm our commitment to democracy and the will of the people. I am humbled by your expression of confidence. The last four years were years of tumult and uncertainty. Today, we begin a new chapter in our country’s history – a chapter dedicated to stability and security for our nation.” He was interrupted here for applause, before continuing. “When I became president a year and a half ago, I promised you I would do all I could to right the state of ship. I renew that promise to all of you today.”

“I do not,” Rockefeller said, “expect to find all of you supporting the position of my Administration, but I do hope to see you exercising your opinion through peaceful means, through constructive debate, and through participation in this great democracy. There is no challenge so great that the American people cannot confront it and fix it. There is no threat so large that the American people cannot rise to beat it. There is no problem too complex that the American people cannot solve it.”

His remarks were brief, totaling around 12 minutes. Before he finished, Rockefeller addressed the impending debate about the size and role of government. “There are some who say that government should have no role in our lives. There are some who say that it is the government’s responsibility to tell us how to conduct our business. I promise the American people this: a government large enough to help the poor, secure the weak, and heal the sick and a government small enough to make sure no American’s civil liberties or individual autonomy is violated.” He went on, “There will be some who say that government is incapable of solving any problem. I dare them to go to the moon on their own, to fight a war in a one-man army, to build each road and bridge, to teach each child. There are some who believe that government must do everything. I remind them of the importance of the business in our economy and the importance of the family in our nation’s character.” It was characteristically Rockefeller.

The president and first lady during the inaugural parade on January 20, 1977.​

Shortly after his second swearing-in, Rockefeller addressed the United States from the Oval Office to outline his energy proposal. He had alluded to the program’s structure in his January 20th inaugural address, but the details were then negotiated with House and Senate leadership. His address on February 15, 1977, was an attempt to directly persuade the American people to support his energy package so that he could win the votes in Congress he needed for passage. “My fellow Americans: I have chosen to make my speech about the energy problem facing our country directly to you, the people. I do this because I recognize the magnitude of this challenge and the direct affect it has on so many of you.” President Rockefeller then outlined the details of his proposal. It included a $100 billion “quasi-public corporation,” the Energy Independence Authority, to bankroll energy projects. It also included efforts aimed at conservation to reduce the overall use of energy in the country. [1]

“I understand,” Rockefeller admitted, “that many of you do not realize that our country is experiencing this energy problem. Nevertheless, the danger is very real. Like so much danger, it is not self-proclaiming. It does not buzz when we drive our car. It does not sound an alarm when we flip the light switch or turn on the television. But it is there-making us depend on foreign oil for fifty percent of our needs-and thus more vulnerable to another boycott, which under these circumstances would paralyze our economy. It is there in the inadequate supplies of natural gas that stopped factories and chilled homes last winter. It is there feeding inflation, depreciating our dollar and complicating our return to economic recovery and fuller employment.” [2]

To conclude his remarks, Rockefeller attempted to tap the euphoric nature of John F. Kennedy’s moonshot. He knew it was a stretch, but was desperate to get Americans to understand the gravity of the energy predicament. “Some time ago, President Kennedy called on America to reach the moon. It was a worthy an admirable goal. Its success secured America’s victory in the Space Race. Tonight, I make a challenge of equal weight to our country. It is not as glamorous an effort, but I assure the American people it is just as necessary. Thank you, good night, and God bless America.”

It was a plan that Rockefeller first drafted while still vice president, but the assassination of President Ford and the ensuing election prevented the new president from reaching passage. [3] Now, as president, he planned to work overtime to see its passage. However, criticism that began in 1975 carried over to the president’s reintroduction of the plan. Republicans and Democrats alike accused Rockefeller of benefitting his friends. They argued that the Energy Independence Authority lacked any real oversight and would be reduced to a slush fund for special interests to team up with lawmakers and push through pet projects that did little to actually help the United States achieve energy independence. Senate Majority Leader Bob Byrd criticized the plan extensively in a press conference several days after the president’s address. “Nelson Rockefeller promised the people a transparent government when he ran for reelection, but this energy plan is a pay-for-play scheme waiting to happen. In it’s current form, I don’t see how this bill could get through the Senate.” Senator Howard Baker of Tennessee, the top Republican in the body, met with the president to try and explain concerns his delegation had. Many Republicans thought $100 billion for a problem that “didn’t exist” wasn’t at all the kind of fiscally responsible proposal they’d expected. Rockefeller dug his heels in, angered that his own party didn’t have his back.

Henry M. “Scoop” Jackson was an influential senator from Washington. After 1977, his influence increased dramatically. Though typically noted for his hawkish foreign policy, Jackson also served as the Chairman of the new Senate Energy Committee. Luckily for the president, Jackson believed that energy independence had to be a top priority of the Administration and the Congress. Rockefeller began meeting with Jackson frequently in the White House and the two developed a great relationship that would prove useful as objections to Rockefeller’s energy program grew. Jackson worked hard to explain the Congress’ objections to the energy plan. No senator or representative could afford the appearance of impropriety. In fact, in the midst of the energy proposal, the Senate itself was grappling with a rewrite of the Senate code of ethics, which, among other things, changed how senators could make money through speechmaking.

Rockefeller appreciated the concern over transparency and wanted to work with Congressional leadership to craft a plan that provided oversight for the Energy Independence Agency. Some suggested that Rockefeller morph his EIA into a Department of Energy that would be more easily subject to government oversight. Rockefeller was nervous about the creation of bureaucracy – not just for political reasons, but because he recognized the importance of a free market approach to solving the nation’s energy problems. To try and gain support for his legislation, Rockefeller reached out to Speaker of the House Tip O’Neill. The Speaker only reiterated the concerns others had about the legislation. Rockefeller’s program reached a dead end.

Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill was hesitant to endorse the EIA, effectively killing the potential agency.​

The president decided to acquiesce on the issue of a Department of Energy, enraging the New Right. When asked to comment on the new bureaucracy, Ronald Reagan said only, “I’m not surprised. This is exactly why I ran for president.” Senator Jesse Helms gave a 30-minute speech against the department’s creation but stopped short of filibustering the legislation. As the bill creating the Department of Energy worked its way through the House and Senate, Rockefeller worked hard to ensure that the general concept for the EIA remained in tact. The Department’s original budget would include an appropriation for an energy investment program that would provide grants to companies working on domestic energy production. Because this program would be part of a federal department, its appropriations would be public record and subject to scrutiny.

The bill creating the Department of Energy was signed into law on August 5, 1977, after a long and complex debate in the U.S. Congress. President Rockefeller signed the legislation in a major event in the East Room, but promised that it was only part of his Administration’s effort to address the energy problem – a problem that many Americans still doubted. To lead the Department of Energy, Rockefeller wanted to appoint George Romney, his Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, but Romney expressed a desire to stay on at HEW to continue his work there. After considerable thought, Rockefeller landed on the perfect candidate. He phoned the man immediately. It was a yes.

On August 10, 1977, President Nelson Rockefeller announced that he was naming former Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter to lead the new Department of Energy as its first secretary. “On the campaign trail, Jimmy Carter and I agreed on the importance of addressing our nation’s energy issues. I am confident that Governor Carter will lead the Energy Department with the kind of dedication it needs from its inaugural secretary,” Rockefeller told reporters. Carter beamed his famous toothy smile. “I cannot express, Mr. President, how deeply honored, how deeply humbled, and how deeply excited I am to have received this nomination,” Carter said. The Senate confirmed Carter unanimously.

Once in office, Secretary Carter and President Rockefeller worked together to further Rockefeller’s energy plans through the Congress. Carter recognized that he did not have as good a relationship with Senator Jackson, whom Carter defeated in the 1976 primaries, as the president. Rockefeller worked to massage Jackson into supporting the plan while Carter reached out to other members of Congress. In the middle of the fall, Senator Byrd remarked, “I honest to God forgot Jimmy Carter wasn’t a senator he’s here so goddamn much!” It was a testament to how hard the Rockefeller Administration was working to pass an energy program.

Not only was President Rockefeller's appointment of his former rival, Jimmy Carter, as Secretary of the Energy praised for its bipartisanship, but Carter became an effective leader in handling the ongoing energy crisis in the United States. His time at the Department of Energy cemented his legacy as an effective policymaker and the Department of Energy building in Washington now bears his name.​

Carter’s plan focused on reducing energy consumption by raising the cost of energy through taxes. A major part of the legislation was a well-head tax on oil that would raise the price of U.S.-produced oil to the price of OPEC-produced oil. The American taxpayer would not pay the price of these taxes, as they would be returned to them through rebates. [4] Rockefeller struggled with it. He was less concerned about reducing energy consumption than he was about reducing American dependence on foreign oil. Eliminating the price advantage of U.S.-produced oil was moving in the wrong direction, the president believed. It was contradictory to the $60 billion investment he had just made through the Department of Energy to establish a program aimed at domestic production. Carter understood the president’s concerns and went back to the drawing board. He returned with a massive plan that Rockefeller endorsed and sent to Congress. Among the main provisions: increased auto efficiency standards, removal of a 10-percent excise tax on intercity buses, a tax on aviation and marine fuel, numerous regulations on federally-run buildings to ensure maximum conservation, domestic price controls, and direction to the Department of Energy’s investment program to focus on renewable energy development. [5] Rockefeller unveiled the program in a news conference where he challenged Congress to improve and pass the legislation.

Before it’s introduction, Rockefeller invited Senator Jackson to inspect the program and make modifications. He made small adjustments and then promised the president he would get the bill passed in the Senate. Baker was also on board with the plan and met with Byrd, whom he had a good relationship with, to go over the bill. Some Senate Democrats resisted the plan because they were afraid of adverse effects on the environment. To assuage them, Rockefeller agreed to give the Environmental Protection Agency greater oversight. In an effort to keep conservatives from crying over excessive regulation, Rockefeller kept his hands off the amendments, as did Carter.

The legislation cleared the House in mid-November. In an effort to help the bill, Senate Majority Leader Bob Byrd used a famed parliamentary trick: He brought the legislation up right before the Christmas recess. Senators chose not to filibuster it or hold it up with numerous amendments and the legislation passed with more than 60 votes, including a healthy mix of Republicans and Democrats. President Rockefeller signed the bill on December 27, 1977, declaring it a “belated Christmas gift for the entire nation.” It was also a gift to the president’s approval rating. As the new year rang in, Rockefeller’s popularity stood at 55%.

[1] This is how Donald Rumsfeld characterizes the plan in his memoirs, Known and Unknown, 185-6. It is also how Rockefeller’s official Senate biography characterizes the plan: https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/generic/VP_Nelson_Rockefeller.htm

[2] I lifted this part of the speech from actual testimony Rockefeller gave on energy to the Senate in 1977. You can find a link to that here: http://www.larouchepub.com/eiw/publ...0920_014-nelson_rockefeller_100_billion_f.pdf

[3] According to a footnote in Rumsfeld’s Known and Unknown, an article on Rockefeller’s energy plan and the White House staff’s reaction ran on September 5, 1975 in the New York Times – the exact day of Ford’s assassination attempt (which was, obviously, successful in this timeline).

[4] This characterization is available in Ira Shapiro’s The Last Great Senate, 103.

[5] It’s largely similar to what Carter proposed, but has more of an emphasis on domestic production and renewables than on uniform efforts to lower all consumption that Carter pushed for. This seems to be in line with Rockefeller’s thinking based on his testimony I provided earlier. I based much of my understanding of Carter’s program off of this document: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=7373 as well as background knowledge I’ve collected from writing about Carter/his energy policy before.

 

[Vidal]

Book II - Nixon's Curse: Tumult in the Presidency

Chapter II

A New Foreign Policy

For much of Rockefeller’s Administration, Secretary of State George H.W. Bush chugged away at crafting a new foreign policy. He was on pace to become America’s most travelled Secretary of State, visiting nations to meet with foreign leaders and dignitaries. He loved his job. Even when he and his wife, Barbara, suffered the loss of a second child, Bush barely missed a beat. He learned of his son George’s death while in Washington. His son, drunk and driving, lost control of his vehicle, likely as a result of excessive speed, and drove off of the highway in Kennebunkport, Maine. George was only 30 years old at the time of his death in September 1976. Secretary Bush returned to his responsibilities at the State Department after some time at home with his family. Barbara Bush used her influence to begin a nonprofit organization, Mothers Against Drunk Driving, aimed at toughening drunk driving laws and preventing underage and reckless drinking. [1]

Bush believed that he could bring about an end to the Cold War. Relations between the United States and the Soviet Union were stabilizing. The Nixon and Ford policy of détente seemed to be working. For Bush, there was reason to believe he might be able to negotiate an end to the tension. Unfortunately for the Secretary of State, President Rockefeller firmly believed in a hard line with the Soviet Union. It was part of the reason that he moved to replace Kissinger despite their close personal relationship. Bush, recognizing his role as a part of Rockefeller’s administration, deferred to the president’s judgment in public. Privately, he recommended a transition away from the Cold War mindset.

The president was not interested. The White House quickly dismissed talk of an arms reductions effort. In one news conference, President Rockefeller stated plainly, “As long as they have nuclear weapons, we will. I’m really not interested in weakening our nation’s defense.” Bush, however, recognized the need for arms reductions and began courting allies within the Administration. They were hard to come by. He knew that Jimmy Carter was on board, but the Secretary of Energy was not a foreign policy adviser to the president, even if he had some say over matters concerning the nation’s nuclear arsenal. Bush recognized he was alone on the issue and abandoned his mission to thaw the Cold War in favor of more attainable goals.

Secretary of State George H.W. Bush became a prominent figure in the Rockefeller Administration, despite the loss of his son, George.​

Bush read a report from the United States National Academy of Sciences that described the depletion of the ozone layer. Looking to notch a win in his belt, Bush sought the president’s blessing to talk with world leaders about how to address the environmental plight as it was truly a global issue. The president signed off on it and Bush began taking meetings around the world, traveling to Canada, the United Kingdom, and Scandinavian nations. Bush recognized the potential for international agreement given the United States was on board. With the permission of President Rockefeller, Bush announced a major international summit focused on addressing problems concerning the ozone layer. The summit was set to begin in July 1977 in Washington.

The Washington Summit began without incident and continued to progress that way. Secretary Bush had done an extraordinary amount of prep work ahead of the Summit to ensure that when officials gathered in Washington, a framework of an agreement was already in place. The Summit resulted in the Washington Convention – an agreement by all nations to invest in further study of the ozone layer and to restrict the use of chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) in aerosol cans. The agreement had 28 signatories and was hailed as a massive environmental achievement. Upon the Summit’s conclusion, Bush was hailed a hero. The Summit is credited with expediting scientific research in the area of ozone depletion. In 1981, three scientists discovered the ozone hole – a significant concentration of depletion around the South Pole. That discovery was the impetus for the London Protocol – an international agreement signed by all nations to phase out the use of CFCs completely. The London Protocol is hailed as one of the world’s most significant and successful diplomatic achievements. Bush was not Secretary of State at the time of the London Protocol, but his early work on the issue is credited with helping the discovery of the ozone hole and also the 1985 agreement to phase out CFCs across the globe. For his work on environmental diplomacy, and other efforts as Secretary of State, Bush received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1986, when the magnitude of his accomplishments was fully realized. [2]

While 1977 marked an undeniable success for Secretary Bush, 1978 posed more challenging. President Rockefeller enlisted his secretary of state to aid in the passage of the Panama Canal Treaty in the Senate. During the 1976 primaries, Ronald Reagan hit Rockefeller for supporting the Treaty – an agreement to transfer control of the Panama Canal from the United States to Panama. Bush, who hoped to improve relations with Latin America, viewed the Canal transfer as essential. So did Rockefeller. Conservatives attacked the Treaty as an effort to diminish America’s standing in the world. Bush told lawmakers it would do the opposite, improving America’s reputation with other countries.

Bob Byrd opposed efforts to turn the Panama Canal over to Panama back in 1975, but now he had come around to the idea that the United States needed to do the right thing and the right thing was to return the Canal. On August 11, 1977, President Rockefeller and Omar Torrijos announced the completion of the Panama Canal treaties. Senate hearings began promptly and centered on U.S. obligations in the Canal Zone once it was transferred to Panama as well as American access to the Canal. Senate leadership was on the same page. Both Byrd and Howard Baker agreed on the need to ratify the treaties. However, they did not represent a unanimous agreement among the senators. Jesse Helms of North Carolina, the same man who launched a third party bid against Rockefeller in the 1976 election, dug up his list of donors and supporters and launched a grassroots effort aimed at convincing just enough senators to oppose ratification of the treaties.

Senator Bob Byrd's flipflop on the Panama Canal Treaty enabled the Rockefeller Administration to move forward with it.​

Despite Helms’ best efforts, both treaties aimed at transferring control of the Canal Zone to Panama passed the Senate 67-33, exactly the number of votes needed to ensure ratification. [3] The ratification signified the diligent and important work of Senate leadership. Both Byrd and Baker were committed to ensuring the functionality of the United States Senate. Both recognized the importance of placing the good of the nation before the popular political demands of the time. When the process was completed in March of 1978, President Rockefeller invited both of them to join in a celebration in the East Room of the White House. He expressed his eternal thanks for their cooperation and support.

Nelson Rockefeller’s foreign policy was largely in the hands of his Secretary of State, George H.W. Bush. The president himself, though not uninterested in foreign policy, was more concerned with his energy program at the start of his presidency. The issues in the Middle East, however, were bubbling up to a degree even more alarming than usual. For guidance, Rockefeller again turned to Bush. The Secretary, tired from his work on the Washington Summit and the Panama treaties, promised the president he would look into the matter of Middle East Peace directly. In February of 1978, before the Panama Canal treaties were even ratified, Bush began reaching out to Israel and Egypt about the possibility of entering a new round of peace talks. Quickly, Bush learned that Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel was less than cooperative in the peace process. He reported to Rockefeller that any substantive discussions appeared improbable.

Then, in April of 1978, Israeli press discovered Rabin’s two bank accounts in the United States – a violation of Israeli law. Rabin resigned and was replaced with Menachem Begin, who was more hospitable to the idea of peace negotiations. In an Oval Office meeting in June of 1978, Secretary Bush presented the plan for bilateral peace talks between Israel and Egypt. The United States would host them at Camp David and Rockefeller would serve as a mediator between the two nations. Rockefeller’s foreign policy priorities were with ensuring victory in the Cold War, not Middle East peace. Knowing, however, that a stable Middle East would help to stabilize the world as a whole, Rockefeller agreed to the plan as Bush proposed it. In September of 1978, the president welcomed Menachem Begin and Anwar El Sadat to Camp David for discussions aimed at a peace agreement.

Rockefeller's foreign policy included an effort to bring peace in the Middle East between Israel and Egypt.​

It did not take long for President Rockefeller to understand why Middle East peace was so hard to achieve. Rockefeller did not adequately prepare for the talks. He did not have much of a relationship with either Begin or Sadat. While Bush was of some help to him, the leaders were not interested in dealing with the Secretary of State; they wanted to deal with the President of the United States. Very early on, Anwar el-Sadat told the president he intended to leave Camp David with a solid and lasting agreement. He was, however, skeptical of Begin’s commitment to the process. [4] Rockefeller was put off by Sadat’s assessment of Begin. The president was once an honorary member of the Zionist Organization of America and traveled to Israel in 1972 to meet with Prime Minister Golda Meir. He was, unequivocally, a friend of Israel. [5] In fact, Sadat had been hesitant to agree to the peace talks because of Rockefeller’s extensive involvement with Israel, but believed that attaining peace in the region was simply too important.

Rockefeller hoped to act as a go-between with Sadat and Begin, but that plan quickly ran into problems. Each leader’s venting about the other frustrated Rockefeller. Sadat quickly sensed that Rockefeller’s allegiance was with Israel, but Sadat was uniquely positioned. Americans and Israelis expected the talks at Camp David to result in an agreement; Egyptians were less concerned with a result. Without fearing backlash for the talks breaking down, Sadat had the advantage of being able to play a harder line. [6] Early on in the discussions, Sadat made clear he could not make a separate agreement with Israel, marking himself as separate from the Arab world. Begin had privately expressed this desire to Rockefeller, but the president actually favored Sadat’s position. [7]

The talks nearly fell apart on their third day. Rockefeller had gotten little sleep and was agitated. Begin approached the president and told him he was unsure why he’d come in the first place. Rockefeller and Bush got both parties to agree to an 11 o’clock meeting. The president observed the discussion while Begin and Sadat debated various points. Bush stepped in for guidance on occasion. Sadat called on Begin to remove Israeli Settlements in the Sinai region. Begin called the suggestion lunacy. In return, Sadat brought his hand down to the table in exasperation. He was furious that he was giving in on so much for so little in return. “Security, yes!” he said. “Land, no!” [8] Then, he turned to Rockefeller for support. Rockefeller nodded his head in affirmation but did not say a word. Begin, believing that Rockefeller would have his back, refused to budge.

Secretary of State George H.W. Bush worked tirelessly to bring about success at the Camp David Accords.​

By the sixth day of talks, the idea that they would reach an agreement seemed a joke. [9] Rockefeller was angry with both men, incredulous that neither seemed willing to budge on important issues. The president was afraid that the talks would deteriorate to a point where both men were further from reaching agreement than when they entered. Recognizing the problems this would pose for the region and his own party’s election prospects, the president shifted his priority in the negotiations. After considerable strain and little sleep over the next 48 hours, President Rockefeller finally got Begin to agree to a temporary halt in further settlements in the Sinai region. The agreement held one other important provision – both parties would return to Camp David one year after the agreement’s signing to begin negotiations again. [10] On Wednesday, September 13, 1978, the three leaders held a joint news conference where they all said they looked forward to picking the negotiations up again.

While many slammed the negotiations as a failure of President Rockefeller’s diplomatic ability, the Rockefeller Administration declared victory, claiming they had secured future negotiations to achieve the peace. The negotiations took a toll on the president who told his wife he felt perpetually tired. A trip to the doctor raised concerns among Rockefeller’s medical staff. The president’s physician placed him on blood thinners and advised him to reduce his schedule. Unfortunately, the doctor’s orders could not have come at a worse time. It was the final stretch of the 1978 midterm elections. The president refused to scale back on his campaigning, afraid that it would only reinforce the Democrats’ message that it was time for new leadership in Washington.

[1] If you’re looking for a POD here: Bush isn’t pulled over that night and continues to drive drunk, resulting in the accident. Of course, M.A.D.D. did not exist at the time of the accident, but I think it’s fitting that Barbara Bush would take up the mantle and begin the nonprofit organization. It is obviously a little different in terms of mechanics and organizational structure given it starts eight years earlier and has a different founder, but it is functionally the same ITTL. I debated naming it “Families Against Drunk Driving” to provide some divergence, but Barbara Bush is just such a motherly figure. The acronym FADD is problematic as well.

[2] A lot has gone here. Basically, the idea is that environmental protection corresponds well with Rockefeller’s push for domestic energy reform. Bush, eager to make a name for himself and use his position to effect a positive change, recognizes the problem with the ozone layer and works for international agreement. None of this is particularly extraordinary, it just didn’t happen because no one cared enough about it at the time. The discovery of the ozone layer actually came in 1985, not 1981, but happened earlier ITTL as a result of international agreement in 1977 to aid research. The London Protocol is, of course, modeled after the Montreal Protocol.

[3] The vote in our timeline was 68-32. However, one of those Yeas was Howard Metzenbaum of Ohio who, you may have noticed, lost his bid to unseat Robert Taft, Jr. in 1976 unlike OTL. Though I was unable to discern exactly where Taft stood on the Canal issue, I figured if he’s anything like his father or his grandfather, he’d be a no vote on the treaties.

[4] According to President Carter’s White House Diary, this was indeed Sadat’s intention, 216.

[5] See this AP news clip:

[6] This is in line with Carter’s assessment of the situation as recorded in his White House Diary, 219.

[7] Once again, this is all per OTL. See Carter’s White House Diary, 218-20.

[8] All of this, too, is per OTL. See Carter’s White House Diary, 223.

[9] This is also the point in the OTL talks where Carter recognized they were heading in a poor direction. See his White House Diary, 229.

[10] This, of course, is a major departure from OTL. Whereas Carter doubled down on the negotiations and refused to let relations sour, a tired Rockefeller agrees to a temporary agreement that gets both parties to the table in another year.

 

[Vidal]

Book II - Nixon's Curse: Tumult in the Presidency

Chapter III

In the City that Never Sleeps

President Rockefeller’s quick fix of the New York budget crisis left the problem for 1977. Quickly, while his staff tried to shepherd through his energy plan, the president confronted the budget issues facing the Big Apple. Senators Jack Javits and Bella Abzug arrived for a meeting at the White House in March of 1977. Javits held an immense love for his hometown. At several points in his Senate career, he considered leaving Washington to run for Mayor of the City. [1] Abraham Beame, the Mayor of New York, had taken drastic steps to reduce spending, but it was not enough. While many recognized that New York was working to improve its financial standing, the City was still unable to stand on its own. Despite this progress, the political situation in Washington was not on New York’s side.

In their White House meeting, Javits and Abzug voiced their concern about a recent report issued by the Banking Committee which argued that New York was not longer in need of federal assistance, if only city and state pension funds and the New York financial institutions would provide aid. [2] Wearing one of her trademark hats, Senator Abzug held a press conference on Capitol Hill where she responded to the Banking Committee. “I read their report,” she said, “These men basically told us to drop dead.” [3] Abzug said she had “no use” for a “bunch of men and ties who’ve never been to the City.” The mounting opposition to helping New York coincided with the rise of the New Right and its insistence that the government not serve as a source of aid. Fortunately for New York, Rockefeller, Javits, and Abzug did not subscribe to the New Right’s ideology.

Both Javits and Abzug sponsored legislation in the Senate to provide new federal loan guarantees for City-related securities. In their White House meeting, President Rockefeller announced that he was naming Daniel Patrick Moynihan, whom Abzug defeated in a primary, as the White House Czar on New York City. Moynihan would be the president’s direct liaison with Congress about the financial situation of New York, he would whip votes in the Senate and lobby members of Congress, and he would work closely with Javits and Abzug on anything they needed White House assistance for. The four of them planned a strategy to pass the bill. The hearings were set to begin the last week of April.

Senator Jack Javits (R) and President Rockefeller worked closel to help New York City through its financial crisis.​

The Senators planned on emphasizing the national prominence of New York and the City’s efforts to address urban poverty. In the hearing, Javits seemed to shift some of the blame for New York’s woes on cultural issues. “We are where we are because New York is the central city of this country and probably the world,” he explained. “The demography of this country has chased three million taxpaying middle-class citizens out of New York and substituted for them another three million desirable persons who one day, and I hope soon, will be just as good taxpayers, but right now are tax receivers.” He continued, “Now that’s a national problem because it was caused by the great civil rights revolution of the 1960’s, but there’s no national way to account for it except for this.” [4]

The Banking Committee then grilled Mayor Abraham Beame for three days about his mismanagement of the City at a great expense to his ongoing reelection effort. Abzug and Javits worked hard to persuade members of the Banking Committee that New York deserved their help. Rockefeller had planned the loans to expire in two years so that he would be at a maximum point of political capital when it came time to renegotiate the deal. Now, in 1977, there were two flaws with that strategy. First, he was using some of his capital in trying to get the energy program through Congress. Second, the City was in the midst of a mayoral election and those in the Senate were not willing to work with Beame, who they thought was a terrible manager who had contributed to the City’s fiscal distress more than any other person. Privately, members of Congress feared that if legislation helping New York passed, Beame would take the credit, win reelection, and then the problem would never go away. Because of the strenuous objections of Bill Proxmire, the legislation stalled.

On September 8, 1977, New York Secretary of State Mario Cuomo easily won the Democratic primary for mayor over Congressman Ed Koch and Mayor Abe Beame. With Beame’s fate sealed, Moynihan met with Senator Proxmire to get the legislation moving again. Proxmire reiterated his opposition to the legislation. Javits, hearing of Proxmire’s stubbornness, went to a colleague, Dick Lugar of Indiana, in hopes of working on a proposal. Together with Abzug, they produced a bill that brought $2 billion in federal loan guarantees, limited to $500 million a year. The bill also included strict controls and maintained the state government’s role in oversight. The massive restrictions were meant to dissuade other municipalities from receiving a similar aid package. [5]

The legislation passed 53-27. [6] The bill went to a conference committee and then passed both houses again. It reached the president’s desk for his signature before the end of the year. A week later, Mario Cuomo was elected the 105th Mayor of New York City. [7] Once in office, Cuomo turned his back on the public sector unions that so enthusiastically supported his campaign. He renegotiated agreements with them that helped the City’s financial standing. He regretted the decision he had to make, but recognized it as the only move to protect the City’s future. Historians look back at the decision as one of political courage, but in the time Cuomo alienated his base of supporters. [8]

In the quest to save New York City, the new young mayor, Mario Cuomo, and Senator Bella Abzug were primary players.​

President Rockefeller signed the legislation in an elaborate ceremony in the White House. The bill contributed to angst among conservative Republicans about Rockefeller’s liberal politics. Though the president maintained high approval ratings with the general public, he didn’t dip below 50% in 1977, Rockefeller’s approval rating among self-identified conservatives was in a straight trajectory south. The energy program, the efforts of Secretary Bush on the ozone layer, and the bailout of New York all fed a growing sense of animosity to the president by the activists in his party. Rockefeller felt the strained relationship while campaigning for Republicans in the 1978 midterm elections.

For much of the second year in Rockefeller’s elected term, the president had to balance the demands of his office with a robust campaign schedule. Republicans were desperate to take back seats in the House and the Senate to improve their Congressional numbers. Rockefeller invested a considerable amount of time and money to make this happen. The economy was sluggish, which rarely meant good things for the president’s party. Economic woes were not the Republicans’ only problem. Senator Abzug was running a concerted effort to recruit and fund female candidates in Democratic primaries around the country. Her efforts were largely successful. She teamed up with Ann Richards of Texas, to find candidates and support them with a massive donor list that they collected from various campaigns around the country.

Abzug’s efforts helped to nominate Congresswoman Patricia Schroeder in Colorado (knocking off an incumbent senator in the primary) and Congresswoman Cardiss Collins in Illinois in addition to various women in Congressional districts across the country. Abzug and Richards were spurred into action by the floundering of the Equal Rights Amendment. Despite initial success, the ERA was three states shy of ratification. President Rockefeller, who supported the Amendment, was unable to convince Republican lawmakers to push the ERA through any of the remaining state legislatures. Though Rockefeller signed legislation to extend the deadline for ratification, no other states moved to ratify. As a response, Abzug, a feisty and outspoken feminist leader, gathered women activists from around the nation to elect women. “There are three women in the whole United States Senate,” Abzug said when addressing feminist audiences, “and two of them are leaving at the end of this year. People around this country feel the injustice of that. Now, we must do something about it.” The other female senators were Muriel Humphrey and Maryon Pittman Allen, appointed to hold the seats of their late husbands, until special elections could be held in November of 1978. Allen ran for the seat and lost after appearing critical of popular Alabama Governor George Wallce. Abzug lobbied Humphrey to run for the seat in her own right, but the former second lady had no desire to campaign for public office.

Both Schroeder and Collins won their elections. Collins became the first African-American woman elected to the United States Senate after defeating incumbent Charles Percy by a mere 1,100 votes. Another close race for the Senate was in Texas where Bob Krueger defeated incumbent John Tower. In Virginia, Attorney General Andrew P. Miller beat Republican John Warner to win the seat for Democrats. It was a good nigh for Democrats across the country. When the Senate was gaveled into session in January of 1979, there were four female senators – the most at serving together at any point in American history. The Party picked up nine seats in the House of Representatives. For President Rockefeller, the campaign was exhausting. Needing rest, the president and first lady travelled to Hawaii for a one-week vacation after the elections were over. When it was over, President Rockefeller returned to Washington rested and ready to push an ambitious agenda for his remaining two years in office.

United States Senate Elections, 1978

Alabama: Howell Heflin, D def. Jerome Couch, Prohibition.
Alabama (special): Donald Stewart, D def. James Martin, R.
Alaska: Sen. Ted Stevens, R def. Donald Hobbs, D.
Arkansas: David Pryor, D def. Tom Kelly, R.
Colorado: Patricia Schroeder, D def. William Armstrong, R.
Delaware: Joe Biden, D def. James Baxter, R.
Georgia: Sam Nunn, D def. John Stokes, R.
Idaho: James McClure, R def. Dwight Jensen, D.
Illinois: Cardiss Collins, D def. Sen. Charles Percy, R. (D+1)
Iowa: Sen. Dick Clark, D def. Roger Jepsen, R.
Kansas: Nancy Landon Kassebaum, R def. William Roy, D.
Kentucky: Sen. Walter Huddleston, D def. Louis Guenthner, R.
Louisiana: Sen. Bennett Johnston, Jr, D def. Woody Jenkins, D.
Maine: William Cohen, R def. Sen. William Hathaway, D. (R+1)
Massachusetts: Paul Tsongas, D def. Sen. Edward Brooke, R. (D+1)
Michigan: Carl Levin, D def. Sen. Robert Griffin, R. (D+1)
Minnesota: Rudy Boschwitz, R def. Sen. Wendell Anderson, D. (R+1)
Mississippi: Thad Cochran, R def. Maurice Dantin, D. (R+1)
Montana: Max Baucus, D def. Larry Williams, R.
Nebraska: J. James Exon def. Donald Shasteen, R. (D+1)
New Hampshire: Sen. Thomas McIntyre, D def. Gordon Humphrey, R.
New Jersey: Bill Bradley, D def. Jeffrey Bell, R. (D+1)
New Mexico: Sen. Pete Domenici, R def. Toney Anaya, D.
North Carolina: Sen. Jesse Helms, R def. John Ingram, D.
Oklahoma: David Boren, D def. Robert Kamm, R. (D+1)
Oregon: Sen. Mark Hatfield, R def. Vernon Cook, D.
Rhode Island: Sen. Claiborne Pell, D def. James Reynolds, R.
South Carolina: Sen. Strom Thurmond, R def. Charles Ravenel, D.
South Dakota: Larry Pressler, R def. Don Barnett, D. (R+1)
Tennessee: Sen. Howard Baker, R def. Jane Eskind, D.
Texas: Bob Krueger, D def. Sen. John Tower, R. (D+1)
Virginia: Andrew P. Miller, D def. John Warner, R. (D+1)
West Virginia: Sen. Jennings Randolph, D def. Arch Moore, R.
Wyoming: Alan Simpson, R def. Raymond Whitaker, D.

Senate composition before election: 60 D, 39 R, 1 Ind. Democrat
Senate composition after election: 64 D, 33 R, 1 Ind. Democrat

Senate Majority Leader: Robert Byrd (D-WV)
Senate Majority Whip: Alan Cranston (D-CA)
Senate Minority Leader: Howard Baker (R-TN)
Senate Minority Whip: Ted Stevens (R-AK)

United States House of Representatives Elections, 1978

House composition before election: 290 D, 145 R
House composition after election: 299 D, 134 R (D+9)

Speaker of the House: Tip O’Neill (D-MA)
House Majority Leader: Richard Bolling (D-MO)
House Majority Whip: John Brademas (D-IN)
House Minority Leader: John Rhodes (R-AZ)
House Minority Whip: Robert Michel (R-IL)

United States Gubernatorial Elections, 1977

New Jersey: Gov. Brendan Byrne, D def. Ray Bateman, R.
Virginia: John Dalton, R def. Henry Howell, D.

Governors before election: 37 D, 12 R
Governors after election: 37 D, 12 R

United States Gubernatorial Elections, 1978

Alabama: Fob James, D def. H. Gay Hunt, R.
Alaska: Gov. Hay Hammond, R def. Walter Joseph Hickel, write-in.
Arizona: Gov. Bruce Babbitt, D def. Evan Mecham, R.
Arkansas: Bill Clinton, D def. Lynn Lowe, R.
California: Gov. Jerry Brown, D def. Evelle Younger, R.
Colorado: Gov. Richard Lamm, D def. Ted Strickland, R.
Connecticut: Gov. Ella Grasso, D def. Ronald Sarasin, R.
Florida: Bob Graham, D def. Jack Ecker, R.
Georgia: Gov. George Bushbee, D def. Rodney Cook, R.
Hawaii: Gov. George Ariyoshi, D def. John Leopold, R.
Idaho: Gov. John Evans, D def. Allan Larsen, R.
Illinois: Gov. James Thompson, R def. Michel Bakalis, D.
Iowa: Gov. Robert Ray, R def. Jerome Fitzgerald, D.
Kansas: John Carlin, D def. Gov. Robert Bennett, R. (D+1)
Maine: Joseph Brennan, D def. Linwood Palmer, R. (D+1)
Maryland: Harry Hughes, D def. John Glenn Beall, Jr, R.
Massachusetts: Francis Hatch, Jr, R def. Gov. Michael Dukakis, D. (R+1)
Michigan: Gov. William Milliken, R def. William Fitzgerald, D.
Minnesota: Al Quie, R def. Gov. Rudy Perpich, D. (R+1)
Nebraska: Charles Thone, R def. Gerald Whelan, D. (R+1)
Nevada: Robert List, R def. Robert Rose, D. (R+1)
New Hampshire: Hugh Gallen, D def. Meldrim Thomson, Jr, R. (D+1)
New Mexico: Bruce King, D def. Joe Skeen, R.
New York: Gov. Hugh Carey, D def. Perry Duryea, R.
Ohio: Dick Celeste, D def. Gov. Jim Rhodes, R. (D+1)
Oklahoma: George Nigh, D def. Ron Shotts, R.
Oregon: Victor Atiyeah, R def. Gov. Robert Straub, D. (R+1)
Pennsylvania: Dick Thornburgh, R def. Peter Flaherty, D. (R+1)
Rhode Island: Gov. John Garrahy, D def. Lincoln Almond, R.
South Carolina: Richard Riley, D def. Edward Young, R.
South Dakota: Bill Janklow, R def. Roger McKellips, D.
Tennessee: Lamar Alexander, R def. Jake Butcher, D.
Texas: John Hill, D def. James Collins, R.
Vermont: Gov. Richard Snelling, R def. Edwin Granai, D.
Wisconsin: Lee Dreyfus, R def. Gov. Martin Schreiber, D. (R+1)
Wyoming: Gov. Edgar Herschler, D def. John Ostlund, R.

Governors before election: 36 D, 13 R
Governors after election: 32 D, 18 R

[1] I didn’t realize this, but I found it in Ira Spairo’s The Last Great Senate, 185.

[2] This report came out in February 1978, but because ITTL the seasonal loans were for two years, not three, everything gets bumped up.

[3] It’s worth noting that the “Ford to City: Drop Dead” headline is never printed as the speech the headline referred to was delivered on October 29, 1975 – after Ford’s assassination ITTL.

[4] This was Javit’s testimony in OTL. (Shapiro, Ira. The Last Great Senate, 193.)

[5] Again, this is largely per OTL. The only change is that NYC gets more money ($500 million more). This makes up for the 1977-78 year they didn’t receive ITTL and was pushed for by Rockefeller, a Republican president with fair relations on the Hill who cared a lot about getting a good deal for the City. (Shapiro, Ira. The Last Great Senate, 196.)

[6] This was the same vote in OTL. Don’t ask me where the other 20 senators were…

[7] There will, of course, be massive butterflies from this. First, Mario won because Bella Abzug did not run for Mayor ITTL (she won her Senate race). Those 150,000 votes were from the left and I doubt very many would have gone to Koch (more conservative) or Beame (largely responsible for the fiscal situation). Now that Cuomo is mayor, the trajectory of his future career is unknown.

[8] I’m actually really glad I re-read Mario Cuomo’s obituary in the New York Times. At first, I had New York struggling for much longer because I didn’t think Cuomo would give in on his support for unions. Turns out, as governor he did the same thing to help the state’s budget situation. You can read more about that in the obituary here: https://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/02/...k-governor-and-liberal-beacon-dies-at-82.html

 

[Vidal]

Book II - Nixon's Curse: Tumult in the Presidency

Chapter IV

For Want of a Stronger Heart

Nelson Rockefeller always said he had the heart of a Democrat and the head of a Republican. As it came time to prepare for his 1979 State of the Union Address, Rockefeller was confident that he could use the speech as a launching point for another presidential campaign. He was tired. He realized his luck with the conservatives was running out. He knew that there was a good chance Reagan would challenge him once more for the Republican nomination, and he knew that he’d gotten lucky in 1976. Now, it was anyone’s game. President Rockefeller was giving serious consideration to not running for another term. He confided in Chief of Staff George Hinman that he wanted to be bold and confident in his State of the Union Address, see how it was received, and then make up his mind about whether or not he was running for president in the 1980 election. Hinman and the rest of the White House senior staff got to work to make sure the Address was as strong as the moment demanded.

As part of his preparation for the speech, the president wanted to meet with each cabinet secretary one-on-one to discuss what he or she wanted to see the president say. On the morning of November 30, 1978, President Rockefeller joined Secretary of State George Bush for the Secretary’s morning jog. The two were discussing the renewed talks at Camp David, scheduled to begin shortly. Bush believed that a peace deal was possible, but it would require diligence and patience. Rockefeller was not dominating the conversation but changed the topic to a personal area of interest: Latin American politics. Bush was describing recent events in the region when Rockefeller, short of breath, stopped. Putting one hand on his knee, Rockefeller clutched his chest with his right arm. The Secretary noticed the president and called over Secret Service agents who were jogging a small distance away. They rushed over and caught the president just as he collapsed.

Rockefeller was thrown into the motorcade as it raced to George Washington Hospital. Secretary Bush, traveling with the president, tried reaching Happy Rockefeller to no avail. Following protocol, Secret Service notified Hinman, who went to the residence to notify Mrs. Rockefeller. She and Hinman immediately got into an armored SUV and made their way to the hospital. They met Bush there who informed them they had wheeled the president into surgery immediately. Back at the White House, Secret Service notified the vice president of the president’s condition. Dole sent for his wife, Elizabeth, to join him in the White House to await word on Rockefeller.

At 10:05 am, doctors at George Washington Hospital pronounced President Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller dead at the age of 70. His heart had failed him. He was the second president in a row to die while in office. Mrs. Rockefeller, only 58, began weeping loudly as Secretary Bush attempted to comfort her. Approximately 10 minutes after the president’s death, Vice President Dole was informed of the president’s condition. The news broke on the networks around 10:30 am – some 15 minutes after Dole learned he was to become president. The White House was abuzz with action. Photographers were filed into the Oval Office. Reporters joined them. It was not lost on some that Rockefeller took the oath privately with his wife and a single photographer. Dole seemed to have planned a small inauguration in the span of 15 minutes. Happy Rockefeller, Chief of Staff Hinman, and Secretary Bush were still at the hospital.

President Rockefeller's medical team briefs the press after announcing the death of the 39th president.​

Just before 11:00 am, in front of the mantle in the Oval Office, Robert Dole took the oath of office. Ironically, Rockefeller placed Franklin D. Roosevelt by Elizabeth Shoumatoff above the fireplace as President Johnson did before him. Dole, as he became the nation’s most conservative modern president, did so under the watch of the nation’s liberal hero. When the Chief Justice was done administering the Oath, Dole turned to his wife and kissed her on the cheek. He was now the nation’s 40th president. Dole informed the press he would address the nation from the Oval Office at 7:00 pm. He then wasted no time. Dole summoned the Director of the Office of Management and Budget, Dick Cheney, to the Oval Office. Dole wanted him to be his Chief of Staff. Cheney and Dole locked themselves in the Oval Office for the next several hours. They were considering various candidates for vice president. Among them: Senate Minority Leader Howard Baker, Bush, and Senate Minority Whip Ted Stevens. Cheney made two recommendations: Ronald Reagan and former White House Chief of Staff Donald Rumsfeld.

While Dole and Cheney wrote the president’s remarks and planned the future of his administration, the nation was reeling the death of President Nelson Rockefeller. He was not only popular but also well respected. The American people could not believe they had lost another president. Some began to wonder if the presidency was cursed. Senators and Congressmen issued statements praising his list of accomplishments – beginning when his career in public service started in the Roosevelt Administration. Outside the White House, despite the chilly temperatures, men and women gathered to leave signs and notes, flowers and candles. At George Washington Hospital, Happy Rockefeller and the Secret Service planned for the return of her husband’s body to the White House. It would lie in repose in the East Room under armed watch until the funeral arrangements could be made.

When she returned to the White House, Mrs. Rockefeller called Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis. “Mrs. Kennedy,” she begged, “I need your help.” Through her tears, Mrs. Rockefeller reached out to the former First Lady for advice on how to plan the funeral “Nelson deserved.” The funeral of Nelson Rockefeller was to rival that of Kennedy’s and Lincoln’s. Unlike the services planned by Mrs. Ford to reflect the 38th president’s humble nature, the services for Nelson Rockefeller would represent his penchant for show. Foreign dignitaries were contacted immediately. Rockefeller’s extended family prepared for their own travel. Though his oldest children were largely estranged from their father, they confirmed they would attend the funeral.

At seven o’clock the cameras went live and Robert Dole, sitting behind the desk in the Oval Office, began his first public remarks as the President of the United States. “Good evening. Three years ago, Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller delivered an address to our nation similar to the one I have the burden of delivering tonight. Earlier today, I learned with all of you that America had lost a giant. For three years, President Rockefeller led our nation with vision and tenacity. His death is difficult for all of us but for no one more so than his beloved wife, Happy, who served as First Lady with grace and dignity.” Dole spoke for six minutes. In his speech he promised, as Rockefeller did before him, to be a stabilizing presence for the nation. He concluded the remarks simply. “Bob Dole believes America’s best days lie ahead. Thank you, good night, and God bless America.” The line birthed one of the most iconic impressions in the history of Saturday Night Live. Chevy Chase’s performance as President Dole won universal acclaim as Dan Aykroyd hung up his impression of President Rockefeller.

The funeral procession of President Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller.​

On Saturday, December 1, 1978, President Rockefeller’s casket was transported to the Rotunda in the United States Capitol Building by a horse-drawn caisson where it lied in state through Saturday and Sunday. Just as Jackie Kennedy had before her, Happy Wallace walked the entire route with her family. An estimated 270,000 Americans paid their respects over the course of two days. [1] Throughout the weekend, foreign dignitaries arrived from around the globe. Among them, Anwar El Sadat and Menachem Begin. At 10:00 on Monday morning, the doors closed at the Capitol. The remaining mourners made their way through the Capitol and the casket was then loaded into a hearse for the five-mile trip to the Washington National Cathedral. It poured. In fact, it had not stopped raining since Wednesday night, the night before Rockefeller’s death.

Roughly 4,000 people attended the service at the Cathedral, larger than Ford’s three years before. President Dole escorted Happy Rockefeller to her seat and the service began. The Rev. Martin Luther King, Sr., Senator Henry Jackson, and President Dole delivered eulogies for the late president. [2] Dole’s eulogy touched on the president’s tenacity, his drive, and his extensive public service. He also spoke of Rockefeller’s concern for the disadvantaged. “Nelson Rockefeller was a great philanthropist – through his contributions of wealth to the arts and charities of New York, through his contribution of thought to our nation’s public policy, and through his contribution of time to serving his country. He will be missed dearly,” Dole said. At the conclusion of the service, Rockefeller’s casket and his family flew to New York. He was buried next to other Rockefellers in the Sleepy Hollow Cemetery. Unlike President Ford, Rockefeller’s body remained there instead of being moved to his presidential library and museum after its completion.

President Rockefeller’s death was a transition from the politics of the 1960s and 70s to a new era. His death marked the end of truly centrist Republicans. The battle now was between the right (Dole, Baker, Bush, and others of their ilk) and the New Right (Reagan, Helms, and others of their ilk). True moderates like John Chafee, Jack Javits, and Lowell Weicker were without Rockefeller and without Rockefeller they were without a voice. Nothing better symbolized this than Dole’s choice for Vice President of the United States. In the White House Press Briefing Room, President Bob Dole announced he was naming former New York Senator James Buckley to be the nation’s 43rd vice president. Buckley went on to an easy confirmation in the House and the Senate. He was sworn-in on March 1, 1979.

The Dole Administration moved quickly to enact a conservative agenda. Dole’s budget proposal included a massive tax cut. His new Director of the Office of Management and Budget, Congressman David Stockman, moved quickly to try and get the proposal through Congress. In 1979, however, the economy was, at best sluggish. By May of 1979, unemployment was on a steady rise. The housing market took a significant turn for the worse and would not recover for another 5-6 years. Dole maintained his theory of supply-side economics and insisted that Congress needed to pass his tax cut in order to help the economy. Many in the House and Senate were not convinced by Dole’s argument. Connecticut Senator Lowell Weicker called the budget proposal a “case study in irresponsibility.”

Senator James Buckley (right) was named President Dole's choice for vice president. He was easily confirmed.​

Despite being a former member of the Senate, Dole did not have the connections needed on the Hill to get a tax cut of that magnitude through a Senate with more than 60 Democrats. Senate Majority Leader Bob Byrd negotiated Dole down to a smaller tax cut. Even then, however, liberals in the caucus like Ted Kennedy refused to support the budget. “If this is the new normal,” Kennedy told one reporter, “a lot of Americans are going to suffer.” Congressman Jack Kemp of New York was the budget’s chief proponent in the House, meeting with various lawmakers to get it passed. Some Democrats were willing to come aboard, but passage seemed unlikely. Dole again agreed to reduce the size of the tax cut. The top tax rate, at 70%, was reduced to just 65% - Dole’s original goal had been to bring it down to 45%. A major provision that appealed to Republican donors was the reduction in the windfall profit tax. It made it through to the final version of the budget.

When Bob Dole signed his first budget into law, he made official the first victory of the New Right’s push to change the debate in Washington. In the time of John Kennedy, the top tax rate was near 90%. Republicans wanted to cut it in half from the 1960s-level. They believed that reducing taxes on the rich would trickle down growth to the American public. They believed less revenue would force the government to live within its means, reducing the bureaucracy and limiting the scope of government. Cheney, Buckley, Kemp, and Stockman stood behind President Dole at the signing event with wide smiles on their face. This was their moment. It had taken a death, but they were here in the White House. Little did they know, events beyond their control were about to alter the presidency they had long envisioned.

[1] About 250,000 went to see Kennedy. He lied in state for only one day.

[2] Fun fact: King, Sr. actually delivered Rockefeller’s eulogy at the public ceremony in OTL. (I found that out here: http://www.nytimes.com/1979/01/30/a...on-the-family-estate-son-15-leads-eulogy.html). Jackson and Rockefeller developed a strong friendship and working relationship through the passage of the energy program. The sitting president always eulogizes. According to New York magazine, Rockefeller’s cremation ITOL (http://nymag.com/news/features/scandals/nelson-rockefeller-2012-4/) had to do with the nature of his scandalous death. However, in reading On His Own Terms by Richard Norton Smith, cremation seems to be Rockefeller family tradition. Let us assume that he was cremated after the state funeral and before burial.

 

[Vidal]

Book II - Nixon's Curse: Tumult in the Presidency

Chapter V

Dismantling More Than Homes

Nelson Rockefeller was a rich man. He was the grandson of John D. Rockefeller, the president of Standard Oil. It was John who established the family’s wealth as well as the family’s reputation for philanthropy. While governor, Rockefeller concerned himself with a prominent issue affecting underprivileged families: a lack of affordable housing. Rockefeller’s concern for urban development did much to help low-income families. Between 1959 and 1967, Rockefeller more than doubled the number of limited-profit housing units in the Empire State. [1] As president, Rockefeller realized he had an incredible opportunity to build up American cities.

With the help of Democrats in Congress, Rockefeller dramatically increased funding for the Department of Housing and Urban Development and granted his Secretary, Carla Anderson Hills, virtually limitless authority in establishing new federal programs for cities and low-income housing. That is not to say Hills acted on her own accord without any concern from the Oval Office. President Rockefeller was every bit as involved in the planning and development of housing and urban development programs as Secretary Hills. The two met frequently and the president was proud of the work they were accomplishing.

He was particularly excited about a federal program that was set to begin in January 1969. It was modeled off of a program Rockefeller executed in New York. The Department identified the top three cities in the United States for homelessness and purchased land to build housing units. The state would lease between one-third and one-half of the units and provide them free of charge for families unable to afford them. The program was modeled after one that Rockefeller spearheaded in New York. To show off the program’s success, Rockefeller and Hills traveled to New York City in a presidential visit that added to traffic congestion and frustrated day-to-day citizens but lifted the spirits of those in the housing developments. Secret Service had been extraordinarily worried about the event, but both the president and Secretary Hills emerged from the tour unharmed. Hills carried with her the impressions made by those in the housing. Their lives had been directly bettered by government involvement.

Rockefeller was passionate about affordable housing and sought to implement some of his New York policies at the national level.​

Conservatives did not care for the programs, viewing them as government welfare of the worst kind. New York Congressman Jack Kemp talked about President Rockefeller’s housing policy on the floor of the House in strictly negative language. “The American dream,” he began, “is to go out and own your own home. A lot of families, in spite of this economy, have been able to do it. But it isn’t easy. Now, the president wants them to pay for two homes. Their own and one for another person in some city they’ve never been to. And that’s just?” Others doubted the program’s constitutionality. Senator Helms called Vice President Dole. “Will you please get the president out of the damn real estate business!” he exclaimed. The vice president was well aware of Rockefeller’s affection for liberal housing policies.

Suddenly, when he became president, Dole was in charge of an expansive Department of Housing and Urban Development. Secretary Hills, knowing she had lost a major ally in President Rockefeller planned to quietly continue her work and the rollout of the federal programs she had set up with the help of the late president. The new president, however, was preparing to take on the Department.

As the homelessness initiative was rolled out in January, President Dole called Secretary Hills into a meeting. He wanted the Secretary to justify the balloon of spending in her department during Rockefeller’s presidency. “As you understand,” the president said, “I’m a fiscal conservative. I don’t believe our government should be wasting money.” Secretary Hills was quick to argue that the appropriations were not a waste of taxpayer dollars. The program would provide those who qualified with homes so that they could spend money on food and clothes and save some money to get off their feet.

She smiled. “It’s not a handout, Mr. President, it’s really a hand-up.” The president nodded his head. The trial period of the program was set to last for two years. In 1981, the Secretary would evaluate the program’s success and could come back to expand it to more cities. She was clear that a focus needed to be placed on urban development. “More and more Americans are heading into the cities,” she explained, “and I can’t tell you how important it is that we keep these programs intact so that the cities are not rife with crime and homelessness.”

Despite Hills’ impassioned defense of the housing programs, President Dole was conscious of the pressure he was facing from the right. In March, when James Buckley took office as vice president, he became instantly concerned with the program. In one of their first meetings, Buckley brought the issue up with the president. “Mr. President,” he asked, “are you aware of the gross overspending at HUD?” Dole nodded and explained what Hills had told him about the program. He also explained his concern about dismantling a key part of President Rockefeller’s legacy just months after the country buried him. Buckley was not persuaded and continued to prepare policy memos through his office on the different programs at HUD and their cost.

President Dole's decision to elevate James Buckley also elevated his brother, William - a prominent leader among the intellectual conservative movement.​

Just two weeks after Vice President Buckley raised the issue to the president, his brother published a stinging op-ed in the National Review. William Buckley, the nation’s foremost conservative intellectual, blasted President Dole’s “complacency” with the amount of waste in the Department of Housing and Urban Development. “Is the president aware that hardworking taxpayers are having their earned money spent to give homes to other people?” Buckley asked rhetorically. Of course, the president was familiar with the program, but he was enraged by the editorial.

He phoned the vice president. “James!” he yelled. “Control your brother!” The president knew it was no coincidence that just two weeks after their conversation about housing programs, the vice president’s brother had an editorial about the issue in his magazine. He had not counted on having a vice president who took his presidency on through the conservative press. He should have known better. Not only were the Buckleys a close family, but they were also decidedly conservative, and the vice president didn’t like to lose. Once the editorial hit, conservatives in Congress demanded that Dole scale back the Rockefeller housing agenda. The president was conflicted.

In a June cabinet meeting, the president announced he was scaling back funding for the Department of Housing and Urban Development and specifically terminating some of the federal programs that the late President Rockefeller had initiated. Hills was blindsided. President Dole did not notify her of the plan before announcing it in the cabinet meeting – a strategic decision he made to avoid confrontation with Hills. The Secretary, however, was not going to let the issue go. “Excuse me, Mr. President, but I have not been informed of this,” she said. “I would like to know why that is the case and why you are going forward with this. I’m afraid I must strenuously object to your dismantling of the late president’s legacy.”

Vice President Buckley interjected. “Madame Secretary, the economy is in less than ideal conditions. We need to focus on allocating money where it can do the most good. We should be letting people hold onto their money. It’s part of paying for the tax cuts we passed earlier.” The vice president knew that Dole would equivocate. He wanted to be perfectly clear with Hills that the program was done. The president echoed the vice president’s sentiment, emphasizing his respect for President Rockefeller but his ultimate desire to not waste taxpayer dollars on a welfare program. Hills was dismayed and submitted her resignation to the president the very next day.

With his reversal of Rockefeller's housing policies, Dole immediately elicited scorn from Republicans, Democrats, and the African-American community.​

Dole’s decisions backfired spectacularly. Former First Lady Happy Rockefeller issued a statement condemning the president’s decision to reverse “the very hard work done by my dear husband.” Democrats on the Hill were outraged. Massachusetts Senator Ted Kennedy took to the Senate floor. In a brief but forceful speech, the senator eviscerated the president’s dismantling of various HUD programs. He walked the chamber through all of the good the programs were set to do. “And now,” he lamented, “the president has turned his pack on the poor, the sick, the alienated and for what? To keep money in the pockets of his rich donors. It is absolutely despicable!”

The decision also prompted backlash for its perceived racism. As the programs affected disproportionately helped people of color, Dole’s decision came across as an affront to them. The Chairman of the NAACP did not mince words. “President Dole’s actions are a direct attack against African-Americans. There is no other way to interpret them.” Illinois Senator Cardiss Collins, the Chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus, published a stinging editorial in the Chicago Tribune. She accused the president of turning his back on black America. Dole was disturbed by the nature of the attacks and uncomfortable with his perception as racist. He wanted to directly engage with the accusations but was counseled not to.

His own wife was also distressed by her husband’s shift in policy. A former cabinet secretary herself, Dole blasted her husband for how he announced the change. She demanded that the president write a handwritten apology to Secretary Hills after accepting her resignation. He did. Elizabeth Dole was a force in the White House and someone that the president consulted frequently. His decision not to talk to her about the housing matter ahead of time indicates an insecurity not in whether or not he should make the decision but in how it would be perceived. In his memoirs, Dole stated plainly that he did not regret his decision, only how people responded to it and interpreted it.

To counter perceptions of racial bias, President Dole announced Samuel Pierce, an African-American lawyer, as his replacement for Secretary Hills. While the appointment may have made some small difference, it was not enough. Especially when taking into consideration another major policy effort of the Dole presidency.

[1] Smith, Richard Norton. On His Own Terms: A Life of Nelson Rockefeller (2014), 523.

 

[Vidal]

Book II - Nixon's Curse: Tumult in the Presidency

Chapter VI

The Drug Problem

Several months before he died, President Rockefeller was walking down the halls of the White House with Chief of Staff George Hinman. As they were walking, the president noticed a young intern giving a tour to a group of visitors. There were many days when the patrician president would have just kept walking, but this time he stopped and turned to walk toward the group. “Good morning!” he exclaimed. The intern was flabbergasted. “Oh my!” he said. “Mr. President! Hello! What an honor. Ladies and Gentlemen: the President of the United States!” There was light applause. The president waved them off.

“No need for that,” he said. “Welcome to the White House!” He stood for a few minutes, shaking hands and making small talk. He pointed to the portrait on the wall – a recently unveiled portrait of Gerald Ford, the nation’s recently fallen president. “He was a good man,” Rockefeller said solemnly. “Don’t let anyone tell you otherwise. He did a lot of good for our country in a short amount of time.” The president pursed his lips, basking in the silence that had fallen over the group. “Ah well,” he said. “Thank you guys for coming to the White House. Enjoy the rest of your tour.” He grabbed Hinman by the arm and started walking away.

A young black boy turned to his grandmother and tugged on her shirtsleeve. “Grammy,” he asked, “why aren’t there any portraits of people that look like me hanging up here?” The president had just barely been in earshot, but he heard the question and noted the grandmother’s silence. He and Hinman kept walking, the Chief of Staff trying to get the president up to speed on a bill working its way through the Veterans’ Affairs Committee. Then the president stuck out his hand. “Hold on. Just give me a minute, George,” he said, and he returned to the tour group.

He crouched next to the boy and asked him his name. Standing up, he put his hand on the boy’s shoulder. “I would love if you two could come with me,” he said. The grandmother was floored, confused even. The Secret Service was less than thrilled by the idea. But the president got his way. Walking next to the boy and his grandmother, the president excused them from the tour and brought them with him to the Oval Office. Tears welled in the grandmother’s eyes. “Mr. President,” she said, her voice shaking, “this is really too much.”

“No trouble at all!” he insisted. He crouched down to look the boy in the eyes. “Now, go sit behind that desk,” he said, pointing to the Resolute Desk in front of the giant windows. The boy, scared, looked to his grandmother for approval. She smiled and nodded. He skipped to the desk and jumped into the giant black chair. He giggled a bit, his feet dangling over the edge of the chair, his arms spanning the armrests. “Now,” the president said, his arms folded in front of the boy and the desk, “you can absolutely sit behind that desk one day. You can absolutely be the President of the United States,” he said. “It’s a big job, but I bet you can do it.” It became the most iconic photograph of the Rockefeller presidency: the president looking on with a grandmother as a young African-American boy sat behind the president’s desk, a smile on his face as he listened to the most powerful man in the world tell him that he, too, could have that job. “And when your portrait gets hung up in here, I’ll come back to see it,” the president said.

President Nelson Rockefeller delivered the 1978 Commencement Address at Howard University.​

The president’s actions that day reflected a genuine concern for the plight of African-Americans in the United States. In 1958, after Martin Luther King, Jr., was stabbed Rockefeller silently paid the civil rights leader’s medical bills. [1] Much of his desire to solve the housing crisis in New York was rooted in a desire to move black New Yorkers onto the same playing field white New Yorkers enjoyed. As the nation moved out of the 1960s, Rockefeller was very concerned that progress made on race relations not be lost. In May 1978, Rockefeller addressed the graduating class at Howard University. His remarks came 13 years after Lyndon Johnson delivered a similar address and 10 years after MLK’s assassination. In the weeks leading up to the speech, Rockefeller was consumed with its message and labored strenuously over its wording.

Before delivering it at Howard, Rockefeller practiced it several times over at the White House. For one practice, he invited his friend Shirley Chisholm, a Congresswoman from New York, to listen to the remarks. When he finished, he looked at her seriously. “Give it to me straight, Chizzy,” he asked. She laughed. “It was great, Mr. President,” she said with a smile. [2]

​

When the day came, Rockefeller dressed in the traditional attire and was presented with an honorary degree from the University. Nervous, he stepped to the podium to address the class. After wishing the class congratulations on their graduation, he launched into his address. “When you assume a job like that of president, you are immediately burdened by the great men who have held the position before you,” he told them. “I have also felt the weight of this nation’s history – its great and magnificent legacy as well as the darker and crueler parts of the American story that often go neglected. In these dark moments, I have trained myself to find the lights that shine through. One such light is the life of Martin Luther King, Jr. It has been ten years since the reverend’s death and I find myself asking, as I’m sure many of you do, where our country is a decade since he was taken from us.”

With a deep breath, the president continued. “It is not lost on me that had he lived, he would very likely be the one addressing you today, perhaps even while holding the same job title that I do now. As the leader of our nation, I feel a deep sense of urgency in fulfilling the very great work for our nation that the Reverend Martin Luther King started. The true memorial to Reverend King cannot be made of stone. It must be made of action.” [3] The audience interrupted the president with applause while nodding in affirmation. The president went on to give a thoroughly progressive speech in which he talked about the “drug problem” facing the inner cities of the United States. “This is not a problem of crime, it is a problem of addiction,” he remarked, and he devoted his administration to combatting the problem at its root, not exploiting racial prejudices to win the votes of racist whites. It was a highly controversial speech, but one that endeared Rockefeller to African-Americans across the country. [4]

It was also a total reversal of previous policy dealing with drugs in the United States. As Governor of New York, Rockefeller had signed the nation’s toughest drug laws in 1973. In fact, because of the laws, there was a significant backlash to his addressing Howard University five years later. As the president drove up, he saw many protesters bearing signs that told him to turn around and go home. One simply said, “Fuck you, Rocky!” Since entering the White House, however, he had come to witness the New York laws from afar and realized their problems. As president, Rockefeller was continuously briefed on the nation’s drug crisis and saw that New York, under the guidance of the harsh restrictions he put in place, was no better off than other states with laxer laws. Instead, incarceration was dramatically increasing and draining the state’s resources.

In 1977, Gil Scott-Heron’s “Rocky Road Blues” blasted the president’s about-face on racial relations. He attacked the president for once having been a friend of African-Americans and then turning on them to wrap himself in the “agenda of the far-right.” “It’s been a Rocky Road,” he intoned over and over. The poem and the author’s performance of it resonated deeply with Rockefeller who grew nauseous at the realization of what his policies he had done. In his presidency’s final year, Rockefeller became determined to fix his legacy. Part of this may have been of his vanity, but some of it was certainly a genuine desire to right a previous wrong.

Gil-Scott Heron, a musician and political activist, decried Rockefeller's flip-flop on racial issues.​

Six months after his address at Howard University, President Nelson Rockefeller was dead. The new president did not have an extensive relationship with the nation’s black community. Nor was he particularly concerned about winning their votes. For Dole, the path to the presidency rested with conservatives, and that meant he would need to get support in the South and the Mid-West. While there were certainly black votes there, they would not make up his base of support as they had for Rockefeller. Instead, Dole was concerned with the white Americans in suburbia worried about drug use and crime, because he was, too. It represented a moral decay in the nation.

After stoking the burning embers of racial tension by reversing Rockefeller’s housing policy, the New York Times ran an editorial questioning Dole's plan. It asked what the president planned to do about the problem of the mounting drug crisis. Was the president planning on adopting the plans Rockefeller put in place before he died? Or would Dole invoke the memory of Rockefeller the Governor who had displayed no concern for the number of minorities incarcerated as a result of the Rockefeller drug laws. The 40th president seemed intent on the latter, and he fully intended on using his immediate predecessor’s legacy to do it.

At a monthly news conference, one reporter asked a question about the Administration’s position on drug laws. “That’s a very good question,” the president said. “As you know, there’s a lot of crime in our cities. We cannot pretend that it is separable from the mounting drug crisis that is facing this nation. A lot of American families are uncomfortable with it, and frankly so is their president.” Dole then reminded the press about President Nixon’s effort to combat drugs. “President Nixon’s position,” he said, “is President Dole’s position.” The reporter pressed further. “Just to be clear, you are planning on reversing the policies President Rockefeller put in place before his death?” Dole was not looking to fall into that trap. “President Nixon’s position is President Dole’s position, and I remind you it was Governor Rockefeller’s position before that.” He then called on another reporter to move to a new question.

In fact, no one could have guessed then how dramatically President Dole would escalate the War on Drugs. In consultation with Secretary of State Bush, Dole announced a plan to spend $250 million a year combatting guerilla forces in Colombia specifically and an additional $200 million elsewhere in Latin America to combat the drug problem. It was a dramatic foreign aid program, and it was only one part of the Dole Administration’s dramatic War on Drugs initiative.

First Lady Elizabeth Dole played a prominent role in the Dole Administration, particularly in the White House's anti-drug efforts.​

First Lady Elizabeth Dole began touring the nation as part of a “Just Don’t Do It” campaign to talk with teenagers about the harmful effects of drugs. Meanwhile, it seemed that every day President Dole had a new directive or policy proposal in the war on drugs. Dole met with Hollywood executives in an effort to get them to embrace a no-use message in film and television. In a series of executive orders, the president reallocated federal funds for community-based antidrug coalitions and programs in public schools aimed at dealing with drug prevention. His rhetoric on the issue was harsh, even unforgiving. “As President of the United States,” Dole declared in a speech in 1979, “I am given a very important bully pulpit, and I am going to use it tonight to talk about the plague of this century – the one scourging our cities and polluting our children: drugs. And I am here tonight to tell the youth of America one simple message: Just Don’t Do It!” [5]

Unsurprisingly, Dole’s message was popular in the broad swaths of suburban America who viewed drugs as tarnishing their utopian vision of the United States. It was also a message that appealed to internal racism. Not the kind of racism that manifested itself in preventing black people from sitting at lunch counters, but more latent racism – one more ingrained into the American psyche and, for that reason, perhaps more sinister. When Bob Dole talked about the problems with “drug users,” white Americans didn’t picture little Theodore Cleaver; they pictured a black youth in New York or Chicago. In the fight to keep America pure – whatever that meant, Bob Dole was on their side.

Dole’s policies and programs outraged civil rights leaders, and they generated a significant backlash across the United States. But, as Nixon had once guessed, the silent majority of Americans were firmly on the side of their president. Sensing that most Americans were with him, the president pressed on in the face of criticism with a bill conveniently timed to coincide with an upcoming election year. The president wanted senators and congressmen to have to answer to white constituents about why they opposed sensible drug laws in November.

In his 1980 State of the Union Address, the president announced a plan to deal with the drug problem. He wanted to require drug testing for all welfare recipients. To be eligible for any kind of welfare program, except for social security, recipients would need to prove they were not using drugs. He also demanded that the nation establish mandatory minimum sentences for drug users and dealers. In an impassioned speech on the Senate floor, liberal lion Ted Kennedy denounced the president’s blatant attempt to “pit black and white America against each other.” He continued, “I remind the nation’s president that we are but one nation under God, and no matter how hard he tries, President Dole will not succeed in a politics of racial division. Let us leave such rhetoric in the wastebasket of history.” The Dole Administration did not let up.

Fearing Republicans' ability to exploit cultural issues, Tip O'Neill led the Democrats to compromise with Dole on controversial drug legislation.​

Republican legislators swarmed to the president’s side, but they were still the minority party. To succeed, Dole would need the help of conservative lawmakers in the Democratic Party. Even moderates, he believed, would come to his side during an election campaign. In fact, Dole had an unlikely Democratic ally. Public opinion polls showed that Americans across the country were increasingly worried about the nation’s drug problems. While there were a number of problems contributing to the unpopularity of Dole and the Republicans, including a sluggish economy, Speaker of the House Tip O’Neill was worried that Republicans could pull off an upset in 1980 by exploiting cultural issues.

Careful not to have his party perceived as pro-drug or, worse, pro-crime, the Speaker decided to deal with the president on drug policy. O’Neill and the president hammered out a compromise. The president agreed to concede a requirement that Medicaid recipients submit to drug tests and instead limited drug testing to recipients of Aid to Families with Dependent Children. O’Neill agreed to the mandatory minimums. Together, the policies created the Protection of American Families Act of 1980.

Quickly, some conservative Republicans came out against the bill. In fact, Vice President James Buckley harbored his own reservations, concerned that the legislation amounted to an unfunded mandate on the states. In the National Review, William Buckley said that the “intentions of the legislation were honorable,” but that the final bill needed further review before it could be passed. Even conservatives were not on board with the policy now. Dole feared a legislative flop in an election year. To force the bill through Congress, Dole knew he needed to raise public support for the measure through the use of the bully pulpit. It was not his voice the American people wanted to hear though.

First Lady Elizabeth Dole announced the most aggressive public speaking tour of any First Lady in history. She traveled to 22 states in a month-and-a-half, spending almost every single day on the road. It came at a significant expense to the taxpayer, but the First Lady’s down-to-earth charm and her easy demeanor began to win audiences over wherever she went. She appeared on local news programs and gave town hall events in high school gymnasiums. One night, 60 Minutes devoted an entire segment of their show to the First Lady’s tour, following her around, broadcasting part of one of her events, and sitting her down for an interview after. Her charisma made a difference. In town hall events, she would weave through the crowd and pause to speak directly to certain individuals. She would invariably end her remarks by finding a young person in the crowd and meander over to the boy or girl. Resting a hand on the child’s shoulder, she would say, “And this is whom we have to do it for. We have to make sure that America’s future is bright, and it can only be bright if our kids know to just not do it. But it’s more than that, we have to punish those who try and corrupt our youth.” One reporter noted that she almost always selected a black youth in the crowd, if one were available, so as to appeal to the “white savior” complex rooted in much of the middle class.

It worked. When he signed the Protection of American Families Act of 1980 into law in May of that year, Elizabeth Dole stood squarely behind her president. After he got done signing the bill, a smiling president faced the cameras, “Well,” he said, “thank God I had Liddy with me on this one!” Tip O’Neill let loose a mighty laugh. With that, Bob and Elizabeth Dole cemented their legacy as warriors on the front line of the nation’s reinvigorated War on Drugs.

[1] This according to Richard Norton Smith’s On His Own Terms: A Life of Nelson Rockefeller. I forgot to write down the page number before returning the book to the library.

[2] Rockefeller and Chisholm were, indeed, friends. “Chizzy” was his affectionate nickname for the Congresswoman. When he was up for confirmation for Vice President, the Congresswoman helped secure multiple votes for him. (Smith, Richard Norton. On His Own Terms: A Life of Nelson Rockefeller, 651.)

[3] The line about the “true memorial” is actually Rockefeller’s (Smith, Richard Norton. On His Own Terms: A Life of Nelson Rockefeller, 522).

[4] Early on, Rockefeller was very clear that he viewed drug addiction as an illness. He wanted to institutionalize drug users and work with them in helping to kick addiction. At some point in his governorship, Rockefeller transitioned to take a more traditional hardline approach toward drug use and signed the Rockefeller drug laws.

[5] You’ll be amused to know this wordier and less inspiring version of Nancy Reagan’s “Just Say No” campaign is actually something Dole intended to make a key part of his presidency during his 1996 campaign. In fact, drugs were an issue that candidate Dole paid a lot of attention to. Check out his webpage here: http://www.dolekemp96.org/agenda/issues/drugs.htm

 

[Vidal]

Book II - Nixon's Curse: Tumult in the Presidency

Chapter VII

Decision Time

The mood in the room was somber, like that of a funeral. Losing an election always feels like that for the candidate and staff. This was no different. Releasing the pressure of his tightly pressed lips, the losing candidate opened his mouth to say some words to the delegates in front of him who had just watched as their conservative hero lost the Republican nomination to the Republican-in-Name-Only Nelson Rockefeller. “I want you all to know,” Ronald Reagan said in his always steady voice, “that Nancy and I are not going back and sit on our rocking chairs and say, ‘That’s all for us.’” [1] The delegates, some with tears in their eyes, applauded respectfully. He would always be their president at heart.

Nearly three years later, however, Ronald Reagan was seated at his breakfast table across from his adoring wife, Nancy. He was deeply confused about his own political future. He still wanted to be president, but matters were very different now. His main problem was simple: Nelson Rockefeller was no longer president. Bob Dole was a conservative, and he was running the country with a conservative agenda. He had reversed the Rockefeller presidency’s position on housing, and even in the middle of 1979 it was clear that he planned to do the same to Rockefeller’s drug policies. There was very little room for Reagan to mount a credible bid for the nomination from Dole’s right.

Ronald Reagan talking to reporters after his 1976 primary defeat to President Nelson Rockefeller.​

Another reality was not lost on the potential candidate. In 1963, a young and ambitious president was shot dead in the streets of Dallas. Eleven years later, a president resigned in disgrace. The next year, his successor was shot by a member of the Manson cult. Three years after that, his successor suffered a massive heart attack and collapsed mid-jog. No president had served a complete two terms since Dwight Eisenhower. The American people were yearning for stability. People forgave him for challenging Rockefeller after Ford’s murder because he had clear ideological differences from the man, but a challenge of Dole would be less clear. He would be seen as putting his own thirst for the White House ahead of the nation’s need for domestic tranquility.

Despite all of this weighing on his mind, Ronald Reagan began making calls to precinct captains and donors to tell them he was seriously thinking about another run for the presidency. The response was mixed, as Reagan had anticipated. Some former supporters were thrilled, eager to sign up and do it all over again. Some cautioned him, worried that he could not beat Dole, who had done nothing to anger conservatives. “Sure, he’s a little uninspiring,” they would say, “but he’s no Nelson.” That was true, but Reagan couldn’t afford to wait. He would be 73 years old in 1984, much too old to launch a bid for a first term. If he was going to be president, he had to run now.

As he confided in Nancy, she offered him nothing but support in whatever he chose to do. Secretly, she hoped that her husband would not put her through another presidential campaign. She loved being at home with Ronnie on the ranch. But when her husband told her he was going to New Hampshire to deliver the Commencement Address at Saint Anselm College, Nancy boarded the plane with her husband and sat next to him, firmly holding his hand. She was the epitome of a dutiful politician’s wife. If Reagan made it to the Oval Office, it would be thanks in no small part to Nancy’s stabilizing presence in his life.

The question was, of course, a major if. For all of Reagan’s personal doubts, President Dole and his team were equally concerned about a Reagan candidacy. Dole’s newly appointed Chief of Staff Dick Cheney, the architect behind the Administration’s political push for harsh drug policies in the next year, was convinced that Reagan would run. “When you want the presidency,” Cheney said, speaking in a peculiarly honest way, “you have a sort of tunnel vision. You can’t get it out of your head. You fall asleep dreaming of walking across the South Lawn to Marine One and wake up in the middle of your second Inaugural Address. Ronald Reagan is running for president.” News that Reagan was giving the graduation speech at Saint Anselm, a must-stop locale in the presidential campaign process, only cemented Cheney’s suspicions that Dole needed to prepare for a primary challenge. It was part of the why Dole moved his administration’s policies to the right.

Dole and Reagan campaigning together in 1976 when Dole was running for reelection as vice president and Reagan was a surrogate.​

Nelson Rockefeller had been genuinely undecided on another run for the White House. He was, of course, unwilling to give up the White House. It was a long-held ambition, implanted deep within his bones by his mother. He was, however, acutely aware of the political situation, understood it was likely impossible for him to be re-nominated, and thoroughly unimpressed by the idea of going out a loser. Some took his reversal on drugs to be an admission that he had run his last campaign. Others believed he had been planning to run as an independent. No one could know for sure as he had died before really finalizing any sort of plans.

For Bob Dole, there was no doubt that he wanted to run for another term – a term of his own. Like Cheney had said, it takes a certain kind of man to believe he is suited to hold the world’s most powerful job, but for the men who do there is no other job to satisfy them. He was, however, very worried about a protracted campaign with Ronald Reagan. But for one mishap here or there, Reagan would almost certainly have crushed Rockefeller, and even though he was more liberal than most Republicans, he was also a significantly better retail politician than Dole was. In fact, Dole believed Rockefeller was as good a candidate as Reagan had been, and he believed that is what ultimately made the difference during the primary campaign. How could Dole measure up to that?

Dick Cheney believed that any campaign against Reagan, and he was sure there’d be one, would have to paint Reagan as thoroughly unpatriotic. Of course, you couldn’t win votes by refuting someone’s right to challenge a sitting president. Instead, Cheney argued that Dole’s campaign had to emphasize a message of nostalgia and stability. He believed firmly that part of securing this image would necessitate and active and robust presence from Elizabeth Dole, who was a natural campaigner and evoked a June Cleaver impression when speaking about her husband.

Reagan continued to traipse around the country. After appearing at Saint Anselm, Reagan stayed in New Hampshire for three days, going to rod and gun clubs, local diners, and town meetings. When one Republican shook his hand and said he hoped Reagan would run again, the ex-governor just smiled. “Well, I’m not going to lie to you,” he said, “I’m definitely thinking about it!” When news reached the White House, Dole was incredibly nervous, living on edge of a Reagan announcement at any time. Internal polling, however, suggested that Dole should have a pretty easy time claiming the Republican nomination. His real threat, the polls suggested, was in the general election.

White House Chief of Staff Dick Cheney (left) was convinced that Reagan would challenge Dole for the nomination.​

Americans were thoroughly on edge as the 1980 election approached. The economy was stagnant, an energy crisis, largely addressed by President Rockefeller, continued to linger, and America’s standing in the world was somewhat questionable. Nelson Rockefeller had been unable to negotiate the Middle East peace that many had thought possible, and Bob Dole was anxiously awaiting the return of Israeli and Egyptian representatives to Camp David later that year. Most of all, Americans were just tired, and Bob Dole didn’t exactly provide the kind of hope or optimism they yearned for. As the economy continued to falter, weighed down by a “stagflation” crisis, Dole’s approval ratings continued to drop.

The election would not, however, be unwinnable. For all of their concerns about the direction of the country, many Americans were not looking for any more instability. Losing the lives of Kennedy, Ford, and Rockefeller and their trust in Johnson and Nixon meant many Americans welcomed Bob Dole’s relative youth and averageness. He was Uncle Bob, and they didn’t seem to mind it all that much. In fact, they kind of liked his quirkiness, his bland appearance and tone, his tendency to slip into the third person. In some ways, America was looking for stability and blandness – they were still reeling from two decades of insurrection and instability.

That was exactly why Ronald Reagan needed to get to the general election. He believed that there was no other person in the country better suited for the condition of the United States in 1980 than he was, but he was simply unable to map out any credible path to the Republican nomination. Conservative allies told him that Dole was doing the job well, and if he did happen to slip they were well armed with Vice President Buckley and his brother over at the National Review. They lamented that Reagan hadn’t bested Rockefeller in 1976, or that the old sonofabitch hadn’t replaced Dole on the ticket with Reagan, himself, but it had happened, and it was over. The Party had moved on, they said, and so should Reagan.

On November 13, 1979, Ronald Reagan appeared on the CBS Evening News to announce that he was not going to run for President of the United States in 1980. With Nancy seated beside him, her hand gently resting on his knee, Reagan thanked the American public for their support. “In the end, I think President Dole has done a fine job,” he said, “and I can’t think of any reason why I should run against him. I look forward to campaigning with him in the upcoming year, if that’s something he would like.” From the White House Residence, Bob Dole let out an enormous sigh of relief. So, too, did Liddy Dole. They thought they could actually here Dick Cheney’s yell of jubilee from all the way in the West Wing.

With the Republican nomination safe, Dole became interested in who the Democrats would nominate to run against him. Throughout 1979, as various Democrats began considering a run for the White House, President Dole looked beatable, but victory was not certain. The race was appealing to many Democrats, but there was nothing at that point to indicate an easy win. Jimmy Carter’s running mate from 1976, Walter Mondale, was the first to declare his presidential campaign. Those on the left were pleased with his candidacy. Most others, however, were waiting to hear about what a certain senator from Massachusetts intended to do.

A prolific orator and progressive hero, Ted Kennedy was an early favorite for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1980.​

Ted Kennedy was a unique figure in American politics. Like most politicians, he harbored some kind of desire to be president, but he also greatly loved the United States Senate, which he truly believed to be the world’s greatest deliberative body. He had watched one brother be killed during his presidency and another be shot during a campaign for the office. Any campaign for the White House carried a certain risk to his life that Kennedy was unsure he wanted to bear. Yet, Kennedy was deeply concerned about the direction of the nation. Dole’s conservatism enraged him, and despite staggering Democratic majorities in Congress, a Republican White House prevented important work on issues that mattered to him, namely health care, and he watched as social programs, like those of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, got the ax under Dole’s leadership.

In 1978, while only mildly flirting with the idea of a presidential campaign, Kennedy traveled to Memphis, Tennessee, where he blasted the Democratic Party’s faux liberalism and called for true progressivism. “Sometimes,” he told the crowd, “a party must sail against the wind!” The young governor of Arkansas, Bill Clinton, later wrote Kennedy to tell him he had never quite seen a crowd react like that. It put Kennedy on the path to seriously considering a campaign for the White House. [2]

Kennedy gave the idea of a presidential campaign a lot of thought, but was ultimately unconvinced it was the best decision for him. His marriage was rocky, at best, and while he believed the country needed a liberal champion in the White House, he was also sure it needed someone in the Senate to get the legislation through. Kennedy commanded a great deal of influence in the body, and he believed that he would be needed there to get the next president’s agenda through. In June of 1979, Senator Kennedy made absolutely clear he would not seek, nor would he accept, the Democratic Party nomination for President of the United States. For everyone else, the race was just beginning.

[1] The quotation, and it’s awkward wording, are lifted from Reagan’s own account. (Reagan, Ronald. An American Life (1990), 203.)

[2] The event occurred, as described here, in our timeline. The spirit of Clinton’s reaction, too, is how Kennedy himself described it. (Kennedy, Edward M. True Compass (2009), 363.)

 

[Vidal]

Book II - Nixon's Curse: Tumult in the Presidency

Chapter VIII

Back to the Table

“I swear to God, if another kid gets into this race, I just don’t know what I’m going to do,” Bob Byrd said, his words landing with a thud in the room. He had addressed a truth few had wanted to acknowledge. The Democratic field for president looked incredibly weak. Senator Joe Biden, a mere 38 years old, was the newest entrant, joining Walter Mondale, Jesse Jackson, John Glenn, and Gary Hart, only 42 years old. Byrd’s colleague, Lloyd Bentsen, nodded in agreement. “It’s a shame,” he said, “that they don’t try and get more experience before running. They all think they’re Jack Kennedy. Well, I knew Jack Kennedy, Jack Kennedy was a friend of mine, and these men are no Jack Kennedys.”

It was before the backdrop of a weak Democratic field that a confident President Bob Dole made the drive to Camp David to begin anew the quest for Middle East Peace. He silently cursed his predecessor for dropping this problem on his lap, but he knew that it was an important task. Tensions were still high. While Prime Minister Menachem Begin had held his end of the bargain and refrained from expanding Israeli settlements, he was under increasing pressure back home to expand the Israeli state. In fact, he nearly lost the support of his own party after the 1978 Camp David Meeting. Anwar el-Sadat, the President of Egypt, had also suffered from backlash back home with concerns mounting that he was giving in to the Israelis. President Dole was simply not sure what to do. He had inherited a mess.

When the leaders convened, they held a moment of silence for the late President Nelson Rockefeller, whose presence hung over the next several days of negotiations. Like Rockefeller before him, President Dole would come to rely extensively on Secretary of State George Bush to help bring the negotiations to a close. Both leaders expressed their sympathies for President Dole and the United States. The president pushed on with the agenda, determined to reach an agreement in three days. He had not counted on the fact that a year back home with passionate citizens and partisan political colleagues would fuel each man’s determination not to compromise.

Whereas before the two leaders were unwilling to negotiate with Bush, they had come to see the Secretary of State as a more knowledgeable figure on international affairs, and they were more willing to work with him. He was a familiar presence at the talks and one both leaders felt they could trust after communicating with him in the interim year. President Dole, thankful for Bush’s presence and assistance, gave him extensive prerogative in coming to an agreement. By the end of the second day, the president was frustrated, concerned that they had made no substantial progress in reaching an agreement. While Secretary Bush urged patience, the president struggled in handling international affairs. In this respect, he resembled his predecessor.

Secretary of State George H.W. Bush was crucial to the new president's negotiations with Middle East leaders.​

Bush, however, proved himself as a negotiator and began to hammer out a deal, and he quickly identified the major problem in any peace deal. Despite his personal and impassioned desire for peace, Anwar el-Sadat was facing immense pressure from his fellow Arab nations not to come to any agreement with Israel in which they did not fully recognize a Palestinian right to return, at the very least. In fact, most other Arab nations believed that any recognition of Israel would be catastrophic to their influence in the world stage. Sadat feared for Egypt’s future and, even, for his own life. On the third day of negotiations, Bush and Sadat walked through the forest of Camp David as Bush listened to a frustrated Sadat vent about the precarious state he found himself in. Bush put his arm around Sadat and promised he would get them the best deal possible, but that he ultimately had to decide what was best for the world. “This is bigger than any of us,” Bush said, “and it’s bigger than any of our countries.”

With this in mind, Bush advised President Dole to shift the conversation from a framework for Middle East Peace and to instead focus on simply creating an agreement between Egypt and Israel. Dole heeded Bush’s advice and centered the conversations as narrowly as possible. The negotiations began to make progress. The key issue was that of the Sinai Peninsula. Israel had gradually been expanding its reach in the region and creating settlements. Sadat was unwilling to abide by such an intrusion. For Sadat, there could be no deal without Israel packing up their settlements and returning home. For Begin, this was simply out of the question.

At a private dinner, the president vented his frustration to Bush. “It’s like we’re the only ones who want peace,” he said. Bush understood the president’s dismay at the process, but he was better suited to handling the minutiae of diplomatic negotiations. In fact, Bush was having a splendid time. He wrote Barbara daily to tell her “the most exciting news” from the proceedings. In one letter written after their dinner, the Secretary of State wrote, “The president is not holding up well. He’s terribly disheartened by the process. More upset where N.R. [Rockefeller] was simply annoyed, frustrated. He has given me greater authority in running the proceedings. I believe I can hammer out a deal in the next two days.”

The next morning, Bush had breakfast with Begin. While the conversation began casually, Bush steered it to the topic of negotiations. He pressed Begin on the international importance of securing a deal. “The eyes of the world are on us,” Bush said. “We must deliver.” Begin was unconvinced. They had made it through fine without a deal last time, and his political party in Israel was less willing to come to an agreement than they had been before. Bush insisted that Begin compromise on the issue of settlements. “You’re missing the bigger picture,” he explained. “If you come out of here as a state recognized by Egypt, you’ve won. The rest of the Arab world will have to follow suit, it’ll just be a matter of time.”

With the idea of a framework for larger Middle East Peace abandoned, Bush concentrated on securing an agreement between Sadat and Begin that represented some kind of treaty for stability between Egypt and Israel. On the fifth day, he was successful. Begin took to heart what Bush had said and came to agree with it. He needed Egyptian recognition of Israel. If Sadat was willing to give him that, Begin could withdraw the settlements. With recognition from one Arab nation, Israel would be granted immense legitimacy heading into future negotiations. Sadat agreed to offer recognition of the Israeli state in exchange for Israel recognizing Egypt’s autonomy over the Sinai peninsula. Of course, this also meant that a healthy supply of oil would return to Egyptian hands. [1]

President Dole and Secretary of State Bush discussing the peace agreement with the press.​

While President Dole joined Sadat and Begin for a press conference to announce the agreement, word quickly leaked that George Bush had secured the agreement for the United States. In reality, though Bush was indispensable, it was Anwar el-Sadat’s personal desire to bring about peace that the deal was possible. Bush dragged Begin along, but Sadat ultimately had the most to lose, and he was willing to sacrifice that for the sake of an agreement. Tired, Bush left Camp David and head to Kennebunkport, Maine for a week with Barbara and their children and grandchildren. At night, before falling to sleep, Bush turned to tell Barbara how much he had missed President Rockefeller during the negotiations. “He had truly become my partner,” Bush said.

He recounted a conversation more than two years earlier, just after his inauguration, in which the president approached Bush with a plan to end the Cold War. He estimated it would take his entire term, but he believed it was possible. The Secretary smiled. “Alright, Mr. President. How do you propose we do it?” Bush recalled the president’s smile as it grew to a wide grin. Rockefeller let out a brief chortle. “That’s it, my boy! We’re going to do what Rockefeller’s do best. We’re going to buy the peace!” Bush was thoroughly intrigued.

Yet, Rockefeller’s plan seemed to make sense. He proposed a mass appropriation of funds to foreign aid to nations that were in one way or another reliant upon Soviet rule. The idea was to spend enough money to build up nations previously dependent upon the Soviet Union until they were ready to be independent nations. When countries came to realize there was no need for the Soviet Union, the USSR would be weakened. They may even begin spending money to try and make up for it, driving themselves into bankruptcy. Furthermore, it would bolster the image of the United States around the globe. Rockefeller viewed a massive commitment to foreign aid by the United States as essential to winning the Cold War. “We have to show the world they want us, not them!” he bellowed. Bush, though somewhat skeptical, signed on.

The White House got to work, preparing a proposal to bring to Congress and also a speech for the United Nations to be delivered the following year. During his speech, Rockefeller would outline his new doctrine of American foreign policy. In some ways, Rockefeller was really just proposing a modernized Truman Doctrine. The difference, however, was that Truman’s policy of containment was done as an alternative to détente. Rockefeller envisioned a burgeoning foreign aid program as working in conjunction with a broader policy of détente. This way, as relations between the Soviet Union and the United States thawed, nations came to favor America thanks. “We really will be buying the peace,” the president maintained.

President Rockefeller's influence and legacy clouded the peace negotiations.​

Rockefeller’s proposal was deeply Rockefeller in its conception. It combined the outlook of the world Rockefeller formed while serving in Eisenhower’s State Department with Rockefeller’s general approach to government spending. While working under Ike, Rockefeller came to believe that funding underdeveloped countries were essential in preventing them from turning to communism. The United States, Rockefeller maintained, had to be a supplier of aid so that countries would adopt America’s democratic principles. By building underdeveloped countries, the United States would serve its own goals. [2] He simultaneously believed that his country, like his family, had been afforded immense privilege and so had to justify its riches by sharing its considerable wealth. [3]

That night in Kennebunkport, Bush lamented the loss of Rockefeller – the dreamer, the big thinker. He laughed, too, at the speech Rockefeller delivered to the United Nations General Assembly. While the State Department had largely watered down Rockefeller’s address, insisting that his Doctrine needed greater thought and attention, Rockefeller insisted on going anyway. His speech was average, the kind of call for democracy and international peace that was typical of American presidents. He also highlighted the upcoming talks at Camp David with Israel and Egypt. Then, when he got done with his speech, Rockefeller grabbed Bush. “Come on,” he instructed. Bush asked where they were going. “I hear that the Prime Minister [Martin Foot of the United Kingdom] is here. He’s really a most dreadful man, and we must hurry before he catches us!”

Rockefeller, Bush, and their entourage then began a frantic sprint after Rockefeller’s speech to reach the presidential motorcade before Prime Minister Foot was able to track them down to discuss world affairs. When they made it to the car without a Foot sighting, Rockefeller, breathing heavily, told Bush, “It’s not as though I don’t like discussing international matters. I just don’t care to discuss them with him.” And with that, the motorcade took off and the meeting at the United Nations was over.

Rockefeller died before any serious action could be taken on his proposed Rockefeller Doctrine. Of course, he had dramatically increased foreign aid while in office, but President Dole had gradually chipped away at that after Rockefeller’s death, much to Secretary Bush’s chagrin. He fell asleep that night proud of his accomplishments at Camp David, but thoroughly missing his former boss. He was back in Kennebunkport two months later when he received a distressing call.

At around two o’clock in the morning on November 11th, Secretary Bush woke up to the sound of a ringing phone. Still groggy, he reached for it and answered. “Hello?” The voice on the other end was stern, authoritative even. “Mr. Secretary, I’m afraid you’ll need to come to Washington immediately. There’s a situation developing in Iran. It appears that some protesters have taken control of our embassy.” The Secretary was stunned. Of course, relations with Iran had been deteriorating, but he had no idea that such a demonstration was coming. The Secretary thanked the person on the other line and headed for the shower. When he got out and was dressed, he kissed Barbara on the forehead.

“Where are you going?” she asked, confused. The Secretary was vague in his response because he really didn’t have all that much information. “I need to head back to Washington, there’s some kind of crisis developing in Iran. Join me when you can,” he said. With that, he and his security deal departed the comfort and tranquility of Kennebunkport and headed back to the usual tumult of Washington. On the plane, Bush received more information. President Dole and others in the Situation Room had conferenced him in. The protesters had taken control of the embassy and had roughly 90 people hostage. Sixty-five hostages were American. A woman and two African-Americans were not taken hostage and allowed to go free. Another American had died in the overtaking of the embassy and his body was being flown back to the United States. [4]

The Iranian Hostage Crisis marked the first real military challenge of the Dole presidency.​

By 7:00, when the morning shows began coverage, they had their first story. A dramatic takeover of the embassy in Tehran. Sixty-five Americans held hostage. Three released. One dead. No statement yet from the White House other than word that President Dole was “closely monitoring” the situation and there would be more information at the day’s press briefing. In the Situation Room, President Dole had grown deeply distressed by the situation. “We have to get them back!” he yelled. When Secretary of State Bush joined later in the morning, he was overcome with shock at the events that had taken place.

Dole knew that his decision to allow the shah of Iran to receive treatment for his cancer in the United States was a controversial move, but conservatives in the United States had put a great deal of pressure to allow him to do so. Henry Kissinger, the former Secretary of State, had phoned Dole and Bush repeatedly in the run-up to the decision, insisting that the shah be granted access to medical treatment in the United States. Dole relented, and not just because of the pressure. He also saw the value in the United States coming to the help of a leader who represented a former democratic regime in an Iran now run by the Ayatollah. Quickly, though, Dole needed to make a decision about how to deal with the hostage situation.

Unfortunately for Dole, he was really without direction. The idea that an incumbent government would support the takeover of an embassy and holding so many Americans hostage was truly new terrain diplomatically. Many in the State Department assumed that no attempt could seriously last for very long. Acting on this advice, Dole stalled with any public admission of what he was planning on doing. He was immediately torn between two instincts: A desire to bring the hostages home quickly and his belief that he could not negotiate with the hostage-takers for fear it would create a precedent and encourage future behavior when a group or government wanted something from the United States.

A week later, however, it became clear that the crisis was not going to simply go away. Protesters lined the gates of the White House holding signs. “Deport all Iranians!” “Release the Hostages Now!” Dole’s public approval rating went up from 40% to 48% the week after the hostages were taken. However, by the time the country was well into December, there were serious doubts about President Dole’s leadership abilities. “Just Do Something!” the signs started to read. Dole was a president torn, and the Democrats began to realize their odds of winning the White House might actually be going up.

The event occurred just in time for Lawton Chiles, a United States Senator from Florida. Texas Senator Lloyd Bentsen and Florida Governor Bob Graham were both urging Chiles to get into the race, believing that the only way Dole could be defeated was with a calming presence. Chiles, the epitome of a Southern gentleman, was their choice. He was liberal, but not frighteningly so. He was 50 years old. Relatively young, but he didn’t look boyish like Biden and Hart. Bentsen and others had urged Chiles to run because they believed his backbench style was exactly what the country needed after so many years of upheaval. Just two weeks after Chiles announced his campaign for the presidency, Americans in Iran were taken hostage, the economy contracted again, and it looked like there was going to be a Democrat in the White House. Before he could get there, though, he needed to beat the progressives.

[1] This is basically the agreement from OTL as it relates to Israel and Egypt specifically. Missing, however, is the significant aid package the United States promised both nations. The major difference, though, is that there is no broader framework for Middle East Peace. It was in that proposal that Sadat greatly angered Jordan, especially, because he basically volunteered them to come to his side during the negotiations. However, the Arab world will remain infuriated with Sadat for his recognition of Israel.

[2] Smith, Richard Norton. On His Own Terms: A Life of Nelson Rockefeller, 240.

[3] Smith, Richard Norton. On His Own Terms: A Life of Nelson Rockefeller, 253.

[4] Some differences here: the hostages are taken a week later ITTL than they were in ours. Also, no one died in the protest/taking of the embassy. That’s a significant change from OTL. The hostage-takers did, however, not take the two African-Americans hostage, citing the amount of racism they already experienced, nor did they take the woman hostage, citing the importance of women in Islamic tradition.