Passkey Down: President Ford is Dead
- Thread starter Vidal
- Start date
So, and I realize this may not have been clear, Helms wanted to run a third party campaign all along if Reagan did not win the nomination. The Schweicker picked convinced him to run a bid for the nomination himself which may have cost Reagan the nomination. Helms told delegates he needed a fair amount of support to make his third party bid credible, but in reality he was running either way as long as Rockefeller was the nominee.
Gotcha.
Will he be reviving the AIP ticket, just going Independent, or something else entirely?
I would think just Independent. I definitely didn't' plan on an AIP revival. I think it's fair to say that Helms sees the writing on the wall. Rockefeller barely made it to the nomination (and if it weren't for alleged dirty tricks, he probably would've lost it). Had he not been the incumbent who ascended because of assassination, there's no way Rockefeller could have been the nominee. Knowing this, Helms is not interested in creating a third party as he still realizes his best chance at furthering his ideology is through the Republican Party. Come 1980, he plans on making that stick.
CLARIFICATION/REDACTION: As I continue my research and writing of this timeline, I've actually come to realize that Henry Kissinger gained his reputation and his start because of Nelson Rockefeller. Kissinger delivered a eulogy at Rockefeller's funeral. They were friends. I still think it's conceivable that Rockefeller would want to replace Kissinger at State to advance Bush's career (it seems to me he might view this elevation of Bush as a way to further the moderate cause within the GOP; Bush has his eyes on the Oval, Kissinger does not), but I do think he'd retain Kissinger as National Security Adviser. In reviewing relevant parts of Rumsfeld's Known and Unknown, Kissinger actually cared a great deal about NSA (perhaps more) and so it seems that he may not view this as a complete demotion though the public certainly would. This would also allow Rockefeller a victory in that he diminishes Kissinger's perceived power while retaining HK's knowledge and expertise, advice, and friendship. Bush remains at State upon Rockefeller's ascendance to the White House, but Kissinger remains the National Security Adviser.
Book I, Chapter IV
Book I - America in Waiting: The Remainder of Nixon's Term
Chapter IV
To The Finish
As janitors and crew swept up the fallen confetti and popped the remaining balloons in Kansas City, Senator Jesse Helms awoke with a new mission. He may have just cost Ronald Reagan the Republican nomination (though he tended to think he didn’t), but at least he had not compromised on his principles. Reagan, in his eyes, was weak and ineffectual. If you weren’t willing to stick to the conservative platform, you had no place leading the conservative movement. John Sears, Reagan’s campaign manager, agreed to come on as Helms’ campaign manager. Immediately, they would need to get to work on securing ballot access in as many states as possible. They had little time, but Helms’ extensive donor list enabled them to raise the money needed to hire canvassers to get the needed signatures. Helms announced his running mate, Maryland Congressman Bob Bauman, two days after the Republican National Convention.
Ronald Reagan returned to California dejected and confused. He had gone from nearly becoming the Republican nominee to thoroughly unsure of his role within the Republican Party. He as tempted to endorse Helms and campaign for him, but if Reagan wanted to win the Republican nomination in 1980, he would need to be a Party man. He endorsed Rockefeller, only further angering Helms. Largely, though, Reagan faded from the national spotlight, awaiting a chance to return should Rockefeller lose the election.
The Rockefeller campaign was thrilled by Helms’ entrance. In fact, Rockefeller sent volunteers to help Helms get on the ballot in Southern states where he believed Helms would draw supporters away from the regional candidate, Democrat Jimmy Carter. In many ways, Carter was a more conservative candidate than Rockefeller. The president hoped to exploit Helms’ candidacy to his advantage by tying Carter and Helms together ideologically, giving him room for half of the middle and the left. In fact, some Democratic lawmakers privately confessed they were considering voting for Rockefeller.
Democrat Jimmy Carter campaigning for the White House in 1976.
The 1976 campaign was significant for this very reason. Neither candidate neatly fit into the ideological boundaries of their time. Carter, a Southerner, was part of the New South, but still attended a segregated church. Rockefeller, a liberal Republican, was of a dying breed. In fact, it was likely that he would be the last moderate Republican nominated, but if he were elected in November, it was possible that the moderates might return to the Republican Party and the New Right could form their own party or rejoin the Democrats. The future of it all was very uncertain. Those questions would be left to political scientists and historians, however. In the meantime, there was a three-way race for the presidency.
The Rockefeller/Dole ticket again emphasized Rockefeller’s stable leadership and the need for the White House to remain in trusted hands. Rockefeller had been around for decades. The American people knew him and could trust him. He’d run the Rockefeller Commission to bring transparency to government in the wake of Watergate. Carter was an unknown. His candidacy began with the question of, “Jimmy who?” and many Americans still didn’t know him by the time the general election campaign kicked off. Though some Americans, still reeling from Watergate, thought the country needed a fresh start, many more were convinced that after the resignation of one president and the assassination of another, it was time to project strength from the Oval Office. Rockefeller certainly did that. It would be tough to overstate how much the assassination of Gerald Ford shocked the American psyche. It was the fourth high profile political assassination in ten years. For many, it brought back the images of Robert Kennedy, bleeding on the kitchen floor of Los Angele’s Ambassador Hotel. Carter appealed on the basis of a new start – a chance to put that history behind them. Rockefeller appealed to voters because he was someone they could trust to do the job and halt the instability gripping the nation. Jesse Helms was just too radical for most voters outside of the South.
For much of September, the race progressed without incident. Carter’s running mate Walter Mondale hit Rockefeller for moving to the right. Most voters found the attempts to label Rockefeller as too conservative laughable. After all, conservatives literally created a third party to challenge Rockefeller. The Rockefeller campaign stayed on message almost painfully. Every campaign ad, every stump speech, and every interview answer seemed to say the same thing: When America needed a leader; Nelson Rockefeller stepped up to the plate. Plus, Carter’s Watergate message was falling short. Without criticizing the pardon of Nixon (which could not be connected to Rockefeller), Carter just seemed to be emphasizing his peanut farm. The Republican Party, with Rockefeller at the helm, was sufficiently distanced from Watergate.
Senator Jesse Helms ran for the presidency as an independent; he was the most conservative candidate in the race.
In early October, Rockefeller led and Carter felt it was time to drift from his comfort zone. He sat for an interview in Playboy where he committed one of the greatest gaffes in presidential politics. Asked about his views on sin, Carter replied that he had “committed adultery in my heart many times.” And confessed he looked at many women with lust. Somehow Jimmy Carter managed to the morality argument to a man who divorced his first wife so he could marry his mistress. Carter’s campaign staff was distraught. Hamilton Jordan, the campaign manager, remarked how “only Carter” could think talking about lust in Playboy magazine would win him votes. “The most religious candidate of our generation,” Jordan said in disbelief, “somehow lost on the question of morality to a serial cheater. Un-fucking-believable. Actually, I take that back. Not with Jimmy.”
Unfortunately for Carter, the candidates were unable to come to an agreement on any televised debates, which may have given Carter the platform to come back. Neither side particularly wanted them. Carter’s staff thought he would do poorly against the more polished Rockefeller. The Republicans didn’t want to put Carter on equal footing as the president. Helms, for his part, demanded a national debate, but while Carter himself wanted to debate Helms, his staff said that the image of Carter on stage with a third party candidate and without Rockefeller would diminish his standing against Rockefeller. “It’ll look like the kids are running amok while Rockefeller is the only responsible candidate,” Jordan explained.
While Carter himself wanted to debate Rockefeller, his campaign team worried about how he'd do against the president.
The polls indicated that the national popular vote was anyone’s for the taking and when voting ended on Election Day, neither side was sure who would come out on top. Early on, everyone realized it was going to be a close fight. The percentage of the vote Helms was able to land would prove key in several states. Rather quickly, Helms was declared the winner of his native North Carolina, taking 13 electoral votes away from the Democrats who were widely expected to carry the South. Rockefeller took most of the Northeast, including his home state of New York. Carter, however, was able to hold on to Massachusetts and Rhode Island, states that wouldn’t budge from the Democratic column no matter how liberal the Republican was. He also managed to take Maine where his outsider image and Southern charm proved more relatable than Rockefeller’s penthouse appeal.
Reporters quickly identified the closest states of the night: Pennsylvania, Ohio, Texas, and California – a combined 123 electoral votes that had the ability to decide the election. Carter would likely need all of them to win the election given Helms scored electoral victories in Arkansas, Mississippi, and South Carolina (21 electoral votes that would have afforded Carter the ability to lose Ohio or Pennsylvania). At the White House, Rockefeller looked with horror as Texas and its 26 electoral votes were called for Carter. Of course, no Democrat in recent memory had ever made it to the White House without Texas. It was more important for Democrats than it was for Republicans.
Without Texas, however, Oregon’s six electoral votes were more important. Rockefeller sat at 211 electoral votes and Carter had 190. Carter had to win California’s 45 electoral votes in order to have a chance. He would need at least Pennsylvania and Ohio to win the election. Rockefeller could afford to lose Oregon but not both Pennsylvania and Ohio if he lost California. The nightmare scenario would be for no candidate to reach 270. If either candidate won California, but not some combination of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Oregon, the election would go to the House to decide the president and the Senate to decide the vice president. Neither Carter nor Rockefeller wanted that outcome.
When the networks called Ohio for Rockefeller, it helped dampen some of that concern. Then, Barbara Walters broke in with an important announcement on ABC News. “We can now call California, and the presidency, for President Nelson Rockefeller.” The president went on to win Pennsylvania and Oregon. Carter, for his part, did reasonably well. Helms drew rather evenly from both sides, but some speculated that had he not been on the ballot in California those Reagan Republican votes could have broken for Carter as opposed to Rockefeller. Perhaps they, with enough votes in Ohio or Pennsylvania, could have tipped the presidency. Helms didn’t give a damn. He was no more upset that Rockefeller had won than he would’ve been had Carter won. In his eyes, the whole election was an enormous waste of time.
President Nelson Rockefeller and the First Lady, Happy, at Rockefeller's victory party on Election Night 1976.
Carter delivered a gracious concession speech in which he called on the country to unite as it did 200 years earlier at the founding of the nation. “Like our revolutionary heroes before us, we march into this third century for our country with hope and optimism – determined to do all we can as Americans to leave a better nation for our posterity.” The next morning, Rockefeller held a press conference at the White House where he thanked Carter for his words and invited him to the White House for a discussion. It was the first time the candidates would formally meet.
Right away, Rockefeller began working on his new administration. He hoped to push forward major energy legislation, which became a topic of discussion with Carter during the governor’s visit. He also wanted to replace some of the cabinet holdovers with his new people. Bush and Clements would stay on. Cheney, back from the campaign, nabbed a role as the Director of the Office of Management and Budget. Rockefeller asked Lowell Weicker of Connecticut to join his administration as the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, but Weicker expressed a desire to remain in the Senate. Rockefeller decided to appoint former Michigan Governor George Romney to the position.
United States Presidential Election, 1976
Nelson A. Rockefeller/Robert Dole (R) ... 314 electoral votes ... 46.6% of the popular vote
James E. Carter/Walter F. Mondale (D) ... 190 electoral votes ... 43.5% of the popular vote
Jesse Helms/Robert E. Bauman (I) ... 34 electoral votes ... 9.9% of the popular vote
United States Senate Elections, 1976
Arizona: Dennis DeConcini, D def. Sam Steiger, R. (D+1)
California: S.I. Hayakawa, R def. Sen. John V. Tunney, D. (R+1)
Connecticut: Sen. Lowell P. Weicker, R def. Gloria Schaffer, D.
Delaware: Sen. William V. Roth, Jr., R def. Thomas C. Maloney, D.
Florida: Sen. Lawton Chiles, D def. John Grady, R.
Hawaii: Spark Matsunaga, D def. William F. Quinn, R. (D+1)
Indiana: Sen. Richard Lugar, R def. Sen. Vance Hartke, D. (R+1)
Maine: Sen. Edmund Muskie, D def. Robert Monks, R.
Maryland: Paul Sarbanes, D def. Sen. John Glenn Beall, Jr., R. (D+1)
Massachusetts: Sen. Ted Kennedy, D def. Michael Robertson, R.
Michigan: Philip Hart, D def. Marvin L. Esch, R.
Minnesota: Sen. Hubert Humphrey, D def. Gerald Brekke, R.
Mississippi: Sen. John C. Stennis, D reelected without opposition.
Missouri: John Danforth, R def. Warren E. Hearnes, D. (R+1)
Montana: John Melcher, D def. Stanley C. Burger, R.
Nebraska: Edward Zorinsky, D def. John McCollister, R. (D+1)
Nevada: Sen. Howard Cannon, D def. David Towell, R.
New Jersey: Sen. Harrison A. Williams, D def. David A. Norcross, R.
New Mexico: Harrison Scmitt, R def. Sen. Joseph Montoya, D. (R+1)
New York: Bell Abzug, D def. Sen. James Buckley, R. (D+1)
North Dakota: Sen. Quentin N. Burdick, D def. Robert Stroup, R.
Ohio: Sen. Robert Taft, Jr., R def. Howard Metzenbaum, D.
Pennsylvania: H. John Heinz III, R def. William J. Green III, D.
Rhode Island: John Chafee, R def. Richard Lorber, D. (R+1)
Tennessee: Jim Sasser, D def. Sen. Bill Brock, R. (D+1)
Texas: Sen. Lloyd Bentsen, D def. Alan Steelman, R.
Utah: Orrin Hatch, R def. Sen. Frank Moss, D. (R+1)
Vermont: Sen. Robert Stafford, R def. Thomas P. Salmon, D.
Virginia: Harry F. Byrd, I def. Elmo Zumwalt, Jr., D.
Washington: Sen. Henry “Scoop” Jackson, D def. George Brown, R.
West Virginia: Sen. Robert Byrd, D reelected without opposition.
Wisconsin: Sen. William Proxmire, D def. Stanley York, R.
Wyoming: Malcolm Wallop, R def. Gale W. McGee, D. (R+1)
Senate composition before election: 61 D, 37 R, 1 Ind. Democrat, 1 Conservative
Senate composition after election: 60 D, 39 R, 1 Ind. Democrat
Senate Majority Leader: Robert Byrd (D-WV)
Senate Majority Whip: Alan Cranston (D-CA)
Senate Minority Leader: Howard Baker (R-TN)
Senate Minority Whip: Ted Stevens (R-AK)
United States House of Representatives Elections, 1976
House composition before election: 291 D, 144 R
House composition after election: 290 D, 145 R (R+1)
Speaker of the House: Tip O’Neill (D-MA)
House Majority Leader: Richard Bolling (D-MO)
House Majority Whip: John Brademas (D-IN)
House Minority Leader: John Rhodes (R-AZ)
House Minority Whip: Robert Michel (R-IL)
United States Gubernatorial Elecitons, 1975
Kentucky: Gov. Julian Carroll, D def. Bob Gable, R.
Louisiana: Gov. Edwin Edwards, D def. Robert G. Jones, D.
Mississippi: Cliff Finch, D def. Gil Carmichael, R.
Governors before election: 36 D, 13 R
Governors after election: 36 D, 13 R
United States Gubernatorial Elections, 1976
Arkansas: Gov. David Pryor, D def. Leon Griffith, R.
Delaware: Pierre S. du Pont IV, R def. Gov. Sherman W. Tribbitt, D. (R+1)
Illinois: James R. Thompson, R def. Michael Howlett, D. (R+1)
Indiana: Gov. Otis Bowen, R def. Larry Conrad, D.
Missouri: Joseph P. Teasdale, D def. Gov. Kit Bond, R. (D+1)
Montana: Gov. Thomas Lee Judge, D def. Robert Woodahl, R.
New Hampshire: Gov. Meldrim Thomson, Jr, R def. Harry Spanos, D.
North Carolina: Jim Hunt, D def. David Flaherty, R. (D+1)
North Dakota: Arthur A. Link, D def. Richard Elkin, R.
Rhode Island: John Garrahy, D def. James Taft, R.
Utah: Scott M. Matheson, D def. Vernon Romney, R.
Vermont: Richard Snelling, R def. Stella Hackel, D. (R+1)
Washington: Dixy Lee Ray, D def. John Spellman, R. (D+1)
West Virginia: Jay Rockefeller, D def. Cecil Underwood, R. (D+1)
Governors before election: 36 D, 13 R
Governors after election: 37 D, 12 R
Cabinet of President Nelson Rockefeller
President: Nelson Rockefeller (1975- )
Vice President: Bob Dole (1975- )
Secretary of State: George H.W. Bush (1975- )
Secretary of Treasury: William E. Simon (1974- )
Secretary of Defense: Bill Clements (1975- )
Attorney General: Edward H. Levi (1975- )
Secretary of the Interior: Thomas S. Kleppe (1975- )
Secretary of Agriculture: John Albert Knebel (1976- )
Secretary of Commerce: Elliot Richardson (1975- )
Secretary of Labor: William Usery Jr. (1976- )
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare: George W. Romney (1977- )
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Carla Anderson Hills (1975- )
Secretary of Transportation: William Thaddeus Coleman Jr. (1975- )
White House Chief of Staff: George Hinman (1975- )
Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Russell Train (1974- )
Director of the Office of Management and Budget: Dick Cheney (1977- )
U.S. Trade Ambassador: Frederick B. Dent (1975- )
U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations: William Scranton (1976- )
Chapter IV
To The Finish
As janitors and crew swept up the fallen confetti and popped the remaining balloons in Kansas City, Senator Jesse Helms awoke with a new mission. He may have just cost Ronald Reagan the Republican nomination (though he tended to think he didn’t), but at least he had not compromised on his principles. Reagan, in his eyes, was weak and ineffectual. If you weren’t willing to stick to the conservative platform, you had no place leading the conservative movement. John Sears, Reagan’s campaign manager, agreed to come on as Helms’ campaign manager. Immediately, they would need to get to work on securing ballot access in as many states as possible. They had little time, but Helms’ extensive donor list enabled them to raise the money needed to hire canvassers to get the needed signatures. Helms announced his running mate, Maryland Congressman Bob Bauman, two days after the Republican National Convention.
Ronald Reagan returned to California dejected and confused. He had gone from nearly becoming the Republican nominee to thoroughly unsure of his role within the Republican Party. He as tempted to endorse Helms and campaign for him, but if Reagan wanted to win the Republican nomination in 1980, he would need to be a Party man. He endorsed Rockefeller, only further angering Helms. Largely, though, Reagan faded from the national spotlight, awaiting a chance to return should Rockefeller lose the election.
The Rockefeller campaign was thrilled by Helms’ entrance. In fact, Rockefeller sent volunteers to help Helms get on the ballot in Southern states where he believed Helms would draw supporters away from the regional candidate, Democrat Jimmy Carter. In many ways, Carter was a more conservative candidate than Rockefeller. The president hoped to exploit Helms’ candidacy to his advantage by tying Carter and Helms together ideologically, giving him room for half of the middle and the left. In fact, some Democratic lawmakers privately confessed they were considering voting for Rockefeller.
Democrat Jimmy Carter campaigning for the White House in 1976.
The 1976 campaign was significant for this very reason. Neither candidate neatly fit into the ideological boundaries of their time. Carter, a Southerner, was part of the New South, but still attended a segregated church. Rockefeller, a liberal Republican, was of a dying breed. In fact, it was likely that he would be the last moderate Republican nominated, but if he were elected in November, it was possible that the moderates might return to the Republican Party and the New Right could form their own party or rejoin the Democrats. The future of it all was very uncertain. Those questions would be left to political scientists and historians, however. In the meantime, there was a three-way race for the presidency.
The Rockefeller/Dole ticket again emphasized Rockefeller’s stable leadership and the need for the White House to remain in trusted hands. Rockefeller had been around for decades. The American people knew him and could trust him. He’d run the Rockefeller Commission to bring transparency to government in the wake of Watergate. Carter was an unknown. His candidacy began with the question of, “Jimmy who?” and many Americans still didn’t know him by the time the general election campaign kicked off. Though some Americans, still reeling from Watergate, thought the country needed a fresh start, many more were convinced that after the resignation of one president and the assassination of another, it was time to project strength from the Oval Office. Rockefeller certainly did that. It would be tough to overstate how much the assassination of Gerald Ford shocked the American psyche. It was the fourth high profile political assassination in ten years. For many, it brought back the images of Robert Kennedy, bleeding on the kitchen floor of Los Angele’s Ambassador Hotel. Carter appealed on the basis of a new start – a chance to put that history behind them. Rockefeller appealed to voters because he was someone they could trust to do the job and halt the instability gripping the nation. Jesse Helms was just too radical for most voters outside of the South.
For much of September, the race progressed without incident. Carter’s running mate Walter Mondale hit Rockefeller for moving to the right. Most voters found the attempts to label Rockefeller as too conservative laughable. After all, conservatives literally created a third party to challenge Rockefeller. The Rockefeller campaign stayed on message almost painfully. Every campaign ad, every stump speech, and every interview answer seemed to say the same thing: When America needed a leader; Nelson Rockefeller stepped up to the plate. Plus, Carter’s Watergate message was falling short. Without criticizing the pardon of Nixon (which could not be connected to Rockefeller), Carter just seemed to be emphasizing his peanut farm. The Republican Party, with Rockefeller at the helm, was sufficiently distanced from Watergate.
Senator Jesse Helms ran for the presidency as an independent; he was the most conservative candidate in the race.
In early October, Rockefeller led and Carter felt it was time to drift from his comfort zone. He sat for an interview in Playboy where he committed one of the greatest gaffes in presidential politics. Asked about his views on sin, Carter replied that he had “committed adultery in my heart many times.” And confessed he looked at many women with lust. Somehow Jimmy Carter managed to the morality argument to a man who divorced his first wife so he could marry his mistress. Carter’s campaign staff was distraught. Hamilton Jordan, the campaign manager, remarked how “only Carter” could think talking about lust in Playboy magazine would win him votes. “The most religious candidate of our generation,” Jordan said in disbelief, “somehow lost on the question of morality to a serial cheater. Un-fucking-believable. Actually, I take that back. Not with Jimmy.”
Unfortunately for Carter, the candidates were unable to come to an agreement on any televised debates, which may have given Carter the platform to come back. Neither side particularly wanted them. Carter’s staff thought he would do poorly against the more polished Rockefeller. The Republicans didn’t want to put Carter on equal footing as the president. Helms, for his part, demanded a national debate, but while Carter himself wanted to debate Helms, his staff said that the image of Carter on stage with a third party candidate and without Rockefeller would diminish his standing against Rockefeller. “It’ll look like the kids are running amok while Rockefeller is the only responsible candidate,” Jordan explained.
While Carter himself wanted to debate Rockefeller, his campaign team worried about how he'd do against the president.
The polls indicated that the national popular vote was anyone’s for the taking and when voting ended on Election Day, neither side was sure who would come out on top. Early on, everyone realized it was going to be a close fight. The percentage of the vote Helms was able to land would prove key in several states. Rather quickly, Helms was declared the winner of his native North Carolina, taking 13 electoral votes away from the Democrats who were widely expected to carry the South. Rockefeller took most of the Northeast, including his home state of New York. Carter, however, was able to hold on to Massachusetts and Rhode Island, states that wouldn’t budge from the Democratic column no matter how liberal the Republican was. He also managed to take Maine where his outsider image and Southern charm proved more relatable than Rockefeller’s penthouse appeal.
Reporters quickly identified the closest states of the night: Pennsylvania, Ohio, Texas, and California – a combined 123 electoral votes that had the ability to decide the election. Carter would likely need all of them to win the election given Helms scored electoral victories in Arkansas, Mississippi, and South Carolina (21 electoral votes that would have afforded Carter the ability to lose Ohio or Pennsylvania). At the White House, Rockefeller looked with horror as Texas and its 26 electoral votes were called for Carter. Of course, no Democrat in recent memory had ever made it to the White House without Texas. It was more important for Democrats than it was for Republicans.
Without Texas, however, Oregon’s six electoral votes were more important. Rockefeller sat at 211 electoral votes and Carter had 190. Carter had to win California’s 45 electoral votes in order to have a chance. He would need at least Pennsylvania and Ohio to win the election. Rockefeller could afford to lose Oregon but not both Pennsylvania and Ohio if he lost California. The nightmare scenario would be for no candidate to reach 270. If either candidate won California, but not some combination of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Oregon, the election would go to the House to decide the president and the Senate to decide the vice president. Neither Carter nor Rockefeller wanted that outcome.
When the networks called Ohio for Rockefeller, it helped dampen some of that concern. Then, Barbara Walters broke in with an important announcement on ABC News. “We can now call California, and the presidency, for President Nelson Rockefeller.” The president went on to win Pennsylvania and Oregon. Carter, for his part, did reasonably well. Helms drew rather evenly from both sides, but some speculated that had he not been on the ballot in California those Reagan Republican votes could have broken for Carter as opposed to Rockefeller. Perhaps they, with enough votes in Ohio or Pennsylvania, could have tipped the presidency. Helms didn’t give a damn. He was no more upset that Rockefeller had won than he would’ve been had Carter won. In his eyes, the whole election was an enormous waste of time.
President Nelson Rockefeller and the First Lady, Happy, at Rockefeller's victory party on Election Night 1976.
Carter delivered a gracious concession speech in which he called on the country to unite as it did 200 years earlier at the founding of the nation. “Like our revolutionary heroes before us, we march into this third century for our country with hope and optimism – determined to do all we can as Americans to leave a better nation for our posterity.” The next morning, Rockefeller held a press conference at the White House where he thanked Carter for his words and invited him to the White House for a discussion. It was the first time the candidates would formally meet.
Right away, Rockefeller began working on his new administration. He hoped to push forward major energy legislation, which became a topic of discussion with Carter during the governor’s visit. He also wanted to replace some of the cabinet holdovers with his new people. Bush and Clements would stay on. Cheney, back from the campaign, nabbed a role as the Director of the Office of Management and Budget. Rockefeller asked Lowell Weicker of Connecticut to join his administration as the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, but Weicker expressed a desire to remain in the Senate. Rockefeller decided to appoint former Michigan Governor George Romney to the position.
United States Presidential Election, 1976
Nelson A. Rockefeller/Robert Dole (R) ... 314 electoral votes ... 46.6% of the popular vote
James E. Carter/Walter F. Mondale (D) ... 190 electoral votes ... 43.5% of the popular vote
Jesse Helms/Robert E. Bauman (I) ... 34 electoral votes ... 9.9% of the popular vote
United States Senate Elections, 1976
Arizona: Dennis DeConcini, D def. Sam Steiger, R. (D+1)
California: S.I. Hayakawa, R def. Sen. John V. Tunney, D. (R+1)
Connecticut: Sen. Lowell P. Weicker, R def. Gloria Schaffer, D.
Delaware: Sen. William V. Roth, Jr., R def. Thomas C. Maloney, D.
Florida: Sen. Lawton Chiles, D def. John Grady, R.
Hawaii: Spark Matsunaga, D def. William F. Quinn, R. (D+1)
Indiana: Sen. Richard Lugar, R def. Sen. Vance Hartke, D. (R+1)
Maine: Sen. Edmund Muskie, D def. Robert Monks, R.
Maryland: Paul Sarbanes, D def. Sen. John Glenn Beall, Jr., R. (D+1)
Massachusetts: Sen. Ted Kennedy, D def. Michael Robertson, R.
Michigan: Philip Hart, D def. Marvin L. Esch, R.
Minnesota: Sen. Hubert Humphrey, D def. Gerald Brekke, R.
Mississippi: Sen. John C. Stennis, D reelected without opposition.
Missouri: John Danforth, R def. Warren E. Hearnes, D. (R+1)
Montana: John Melcher, D def. Stanley C. Burger, R.
Nebraska: Edward Zorinsky, D def. John McCollister, R. (D+1)
Nevada: Sen. Howard Cannon, D def. David Towell, R.
New Jersey: Sen. Harrison A. Williams, D def. David A. Norcross, R.
New Mexico: Harrison Scmitt, R def. Sen. Joseph Montoya, D. (R+1)
New York: Bell Abzug, D def. Sen. James Buckley, R. (D+1)
North Dakota: Sen. Quentin N. Burdick, D def. Robert Stroup, R.
Ohio: Sen. Robert Taft, Jr., R def. Howard Metzenbaum, D.
Pennsylvania: H. John Heinz III, R def. William J. Green III, D.
Rhode Island: John Chafee, R def. Richard Lorber, D. (R+1)
Tennessee: Jim Sasser, D def. Sen. Bill Brock, R. (D+1)
Texas: Sen. Lloyd Bentsen, D def. Alan Steelman, R.
Utah: Orrin Hatch, R def. Sen. Frank Moss, D. (R+1)
Vermont: Sen. Robert Stafford, R def. Thomas P. Salmon, D.
Virginia: Harry F. Byrd, I def. Elmo Zumwalt, Jr., D.
Washington: Sen. Henry “Scoop” Jackson, D def. George Brown, R.
West Virginia: Sen. Robert Byrd, D reelected without opposition.
Wisconsin: Sen. William Proxmire, D def. Stanley York, R.
Wyoming: Malcolm Wallop, R def. Gale W. McGee, D. (R+1)
Senate composition before election: 61 D, 37 R, 1 Ind. Democrat, 1 Conservative
Senate composition after election: 60 D, 39 R, 1 Ind. Democrat
Senate Majority Leader: Robert Byrd (D-WV)
Senate Majority Whip: Alan Cranston (D-CA)
Senate Minority Leader: Howard Baker (R-TN)
Senate Minority Whip: Ted Stevens (R-AK)
United States House of Representatives Elections, 1976
House composition before election: 291 D, 144 R
House composition after election: 290 D, 145 R (R+1)
Speaker of the House: Tip O’Neill (D-MA)
House Majority Leader: Richard Bolling (D-MO)
House Majority Whip: John Brademas (D-IN)
House Minority Leader: John Rhodes (R-AZ)
House Minority Whip: Robert Michel (R-IL)
United States Gubernatorial Elecitons, 1975
Kentucky: Gov. Julian Carroll, D def. Bob Gable, R.
Louisiana: Gov. Edwin Edwards, D def. Robert G. Jones, D.
Mississippi: Cliff Finch, D def. Gil Carmichael, R.
Governors before election: 36 D, 13 R
Governors after election: 36 D, 13 R
United States Gubernatorial Elections, 1976
Arkansas: Gov. David Pryor, D def. Leon Griffith, R.
Delaware: Pierre S. du Pont IV, R def. Gov. Sherman W. Tribbitt, D. (R+1)
Illinois: James R. Thompson, R def. Michael Howlett, D. (R+1)
Indiana: Gov. Otis Bowen, R def. Larry Conrad, D.
Missouri: Joseph P. Teasdale, D def. Gov. Kit Bond, R. (D+1)
Montana: Gov. Thomas Lee Judge, D def. Robert Woodahl, R.
New Hampshire: Gov. Meldrim Thomson, Jr, R def. Harry Spanos, D.
North Carolina: Jim Hunt, D def. David Flaherty, R. (D+1)
North Dakota: Arthur A. Link, D def. Richard Elkin, R.
Rhode Island: John Garrahy, D def. James Taft, R.
Utah: Scott M. Matheson, D def. Vernon Romney, R.
Vermont: Richard Snelling, R def. Stella Hackel, D. (R+1)
Washington: Dixy Lee Ray, D def. John Spellman, R. (D+1)
West Virginia: Jay Rockefeller, D def. Cecil Underwood, R. (D+1)
Governors before election: 36 D, 13 R
Governors after election: 37 D, 12 R
Cabinet of President Nelson Rockefeller
President: Nelson Rockefeller (1975- )
Vice President: Bob Dole (1975- )
Secretary of State: George H.W. Bush (1975- )
Secretary of Treasury: William E. Simon (1974- )
Secretary of Defense: Bill Clements (1975- )
Attorney General: Edward H. Levi (1975- )
Secretary of the Interior: Thomas S. Kleppe (1975- )
Secretary of Agriculture: John Albert Knebel (1976- )
Secretary of Commerce: Elliot Richardson (1975- )
Secretary of Labor: William Usery Jr. (1976- )
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare: George W. Romney (1977- )
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Carla Anderson Hills (1975- )
Secretary of Transportation: William Thaddeus Coleman Jr. (1975- )
White House Chief of Staff: George Hinman (1975- )
Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Russell Train (1974- )
Director of the Office of Management and Budget: Dick Cheney (1977- )
U.S. Trade Ambassador: Frederick B. Dent (1975- )
U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations: William Scranton (1976- )
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A big issue will be Rocky's health. I have no idea whether he dies in office or if he lives to 90. It was discussed in a thread before, I'll try to find it.
Found it! https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/nelson-rockefellers-health.410139/
Found it! https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/nelson-rockefellers-health.410139/
I'm not sure how the Democratic Party carries on from this point; 1976 still would be viewed as a winnable election, so I wonder if they swing harder to the center or go back to the left.
One of Carter's main issues was that he did not really know how to work for Congress. Rockefeller had been in public service for decades at this point. I assume he would know how to make Congress work with him in order to pass his agenda.
Rockefellers efforts to collect on Irans debts to Chase bank OTL contributed to the Iranian/US divorce. Certainly not the whole problem, but it added long burning fuel to the fire.
James G
Gone Fishin'
With regards to Iran, let's not forget the influence of Kissinger in that. He blackmailed Carter in OTL to let the Shah come to the US so Kissinger would support the Carter-Torrijos treaty. The win for Rocky in '76 here will change many things - how Iran goes, what happens in Panama - but Kissinger is always there in the background with serious influence.
On another note, I hope if Rocky departs from this world in the TL he goes out like he did IRL: enjoying himself!
On another note, I hope if Rocky departs from this world in the TL he goes out like he did IRL: enjoying himself!
Book II, Chapter I
Book II - Nixon's Curse: Tumult in the Presidency
Chapter I
Energy Matters
The sun rose with ease on January 20, 1977, as Nelson Rockefeller read the morning paper. The American people had elected him to serve four more years as President of the United States. He looked forward to the challenge. Rockefeller, at 68 years old, was not concerned with whether or not he would again seek the presidency in 1980. Instead, he wanted to do all he could in the next four years. At 11:00 in the morning, Rockefeller and his wife, Happy, joined Bob and Elizabeth Dole for a ride to the Capitol Building where both men would be sworn-in to office for another four years. For each of them, it was their first time having a formal inauguration. The president looked over his remarks for a final time as the motorcade made its way to the Capitol. His message was the same as it had been for the duration of his campaign: Stability.
At 11:45 in the morning, Bob Dole took the Oath of Office for a second time as the nation’s vice president. Dole had John Paul Stevens, whom Rockefeller appointed, administer the oath. At its conclusion, Chief Justice Warren Burger called President Rockefeller to the podium so that he could administer the president’s oath of office. As Rockefeller declared, “So help me God,” the crowd before him broke into raucous approval. Rockefeller’s inauguration, which roughly coincided with the bicentennial of the nation, was an elaborate affair and attracted a great many onlookers. The 39th president turned to them to deliver his inaugural remarks.
“Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Nixon, my fellow Americans: Today, we celebrate all that is good in our nation. We celebrate the ability of our nation to come together after a close and well-fought election campaign to reaffirm our commitment to democracy and the will of the people. I am humbled by your expression of confidence. The last four years were years of tumult and uncertainty. Today, we begin a new chapter in our country’s history – a chapter dedicated to stability and security for our nation.” He was interrupted here for applause, before continuing. “When I became president a year and a half ago, I promised you I would do all I could to right the state of ship. I renew that promise to all of you today.”
“I do not,” Rockefeller said, “expect to find all of you supporting the position of my Administration, but I do hope to see you exercising your opinion through peaceful means, through constructive debate, and through participation in this great democracy. There is no challenge so great that the American people cannot confront it and fix it. There is no threat so large that the American people cannot rise to beat it. There is no problem too complex that the American people cannot solve it.”
His remarks were brief, totaling around 12 minutes. Before he finished, Rockefeller addressed the impending debate about the size and role of government. “There are some who say that government should have no role in our lives. There are some who say that it is the government’s responsibility to tell us how to conduct our business. I promise the American people this: a government large enough to help the poor, secure the weak, and heal the sick and a government small enough to make sure no American’s civil liberties or individual autonomy is violated.” He went on, “There will be some who say that government is incapable of solving any problem. I dare them to go to the moon on their own, to fight a war in a one-man army, to build each road and bridge, to teach each child. There are some who believe that government must do everything. I remind them of the importance of the business in our economy and the importance of the family in our nation’s character.” It was characteristically Rockefeller.
The president and first lady during the inaugural parade on January 20, 1977.
Shortly after his second swearing-in, Rockefeller addressed the United States from the Oval Office to outline his energy proposal. He had alluded to the program’s structure in his January 20th inaugural address, but the details were then negotiated with House and Senate leadership. His address on February 15, 1977, was an attempt to directly persuade the American people to support his energy package so that he could win the votes in Congress he needed for passage. “My fellow Americans: I have chosen to make my speech about the energy problem facing our country directly to you, the people. I do this because I recognize the magnitude of this challenge and the direct affect it has on so many of you.” President Rockefeller then outlined the details of his proposal. It included a $100 billion “quasi-public corporation,” the Energy Independence Authority, to bankroll energy projects. It also included efforts aimed at conservation to reduce the overall use of energy in the country. [1]
“I understand,” Rockefeller admitted, “that many of you do not realize that our country is experiencing this energy problem. Nevertheless, the danger is very real. Like so much danger, it is not self-proclaiming. It does not buzz when we drive our car. It does not sound an alarm when we flip the light switch or turn on the television. But it is there-making us depend on foreign oil for fifty percent of our needs-and thus more vulnerable to another boycott, which under these circumstances would paralyze our economy. It is there in the inadequate supplies of natural gas that stopped factories and chilled homes last winter. It is there feeding inflation, depreciating our dollar and complicating our return to economic recovery and fuller employment.” [2]
To conclude his remarks, Rockefeller attempted to tap the euphoric nature of John F. Kennedy’s moonshot. He knew it was a stretch, but was desperate to get Americans to understand the gravity of the energy predicament. “Some time ago, President Kennedy called on America to reach the moon. It was a worthy an admirable goal. Its success secured America’s victory in the Space Race. Tonight, I make a challenge of equal weight to our country. It is not as glamorous an effort, but I assure the American people it is just as necessary. Thank you, good night, and God bless America.”
It was a plan that Rockefeller first drafted while still vice president, but the assassination of President Ford and the ensuing election prevented the new president from reaching passage. [3] Now, as president, he planned to work overtime to see its passage. However, criticism that began in 1975 carried over to the president’s reintroduction of the plan. Republicans and Democrats alike accused Rockefeller of benefitting his friends. They argued that the Energy Independence Authority lacked any real oversight and would be reduced to a slush fund for special interests to team up with lawmakers and push through pet projects that did little to actually help the United States achieve energy independence. Senate Majority Leader Bob Byrd criticized the plan extensively in a press conference several days after the president’s address. “Nelson Rockefeller promised the people a transparent government when he ran for reelection, but this energy plan is a pay-for-play scheme waiting to happen. In it’s current form, I don’t see how this bill could get through the Senate.” Senator Howard Baker of Tennessee, the top Republican in the body, met with the president to try and explain concerns his delegation had. Many Republicans thought $100 billion for a problem that “didn’t exist” wasn’t at all the kind of fiscally responsible proposal they’d expected. Rockefeller dug his heels in, angered that his own party didn’t have his back.
Henry M. “Scoop” Jackson was an influential senator from Washington. After 1977, his influence increased dramatically. Though typically noted for his hawkish foreign policy, Jackson also served as the Chairman of the new Senate Energy Committee. Luckily for the president, Jackson believed that energy independence had to be a top priority of the Administration and the Congress. Rockefeller began meeting with Jackson frequently in the White House and the two developed a great relationship that would prove useful as objections to Rockefeller’s energy program grew. Jackson worked hard to explain the Congress’ objections to the energy plan. No senator or representative could afford the appearance of impropriety. In fact, in the midst of the energy proposal, the Senate itself was grappling with a rewrite of the Senate code of ethics, which, among other things, changed how senators could make money through speechmaking.
Rockefeller appreciated the concern over transparency and wanted to work with Congressional leadership to craft a plan that provided oversight for the Energy Independence Agency. Some suggested that Rockefeller morph his EIA into a Department of Energy that would be more easily subject to government oversight. Rockefeller was nervous about the creation of bureaucracy – not just for political reasons, but because he recognized the importance of a free market approach to solving the nation’s energy problems. To try and gain support for his legislation, Rockefeller reached out to Speaker of the House Tip O’Neill. The Speaker only reiterated the concerns others had about the legislation. Rockefeller’s program reached a dead end.
Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill was hesitant to endorse the EIA, effectively killing the potential agency.
The president decided to acquiesce on the issue of a Department of Energy, enraging the New Right. When asked to comment on the new bureaucracy, Ronald Reagan said only, “I’m not surprised. This is exactly why I ran for president.” Senator Jesse Helms gave a 30-minute speech against the department’s creation but stopped short of filibustering the legislation. As the bill creating the Department of Energy worked its way through the House and Senate, Rockefeller worked hard to ensure that the general concept for the EIA remained in tact. The Department’s original budget would include an appropriation for an energy investment program that would provide grants to companies working on domestic energy production. Because this program would be part of a federal department, its appropriations would be public record and subject to scrutiny.
The bill creating the Department of Energy was signed into law on August 5, 1977, after a long and complex debate in the U.S. Congress. President Rockefeller signed the legislation in a major event in the East Room, but promised that it was only part of his Administration’s effort to address the energy problem – a problem that many Americans still doubted. To lead the Department of Energy, Rockefeller wanted to appoint George Romney, his Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, but Romney expressed a desire to stay on at HEW to continue his work there. After considerable thought, Rockefeller landed on the perfect candidate. He phoned the man immediately. It was a yes.
On August 10, 1977, President Nelson Rockefeller announced that he was naming former Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter to lead the new Department of Energy as its first secretary. “On the campaign trail, Jimmy Carter and I agreed on the importance of addressing our nation’s energy issues. I am confident that Governor Carter will lead the Energy Department with the kind of dedication it needs from its inaugural secretary,” Rockefeller told reporters. Carter beamed his famous toothy smile. “I cannot express, Mr. President, how deeply honored, how deeply humbled, and how deeply excited I am to have received this nomination,” Carter said. The Senate confirmed Carter unanimously.
Once in office, Secretary Carter and President Rockefeller worked together to further Rockefeller’s energy plans through the Congress. Carter recognized that he did not have as good a relationship with Senator Jackson, whom Carter defeated in the 1976 primaries, as the president. Rockefeller worked to massage Jackson into supporting the plan while Carter reached out to other members of Congress. In the middle of the fall, Senator Byrd remarked, “I honest to God forgot Jimmy Carter wasn’t a senator he’s here so goddamn much!” It was a testament to how hard the Rockefeller Administration was working to pass an energy program.
Not only was President Rockefeller's appointment of his former rival, Jimmy Carter, as Secretary of the Energy praised for its bipartisanship, but Carter became an effective leader in handling the ongoing energy crisis in the United States. His time at the Department of Energy cemented his legacy as an effective policymaker and the Department of Energy building in Washington now bears his name.
Carter’s plan focused on reducing energy consumption by raising the cost of energy through taxes. A major part of the legislation was a well-head tax on oil that would raise the price of U.S.-produced oil to the price of OPEC-produced oil. The American taxpayer would not pay the price of these taxes, as they would be returned to them through rebates. [4] Rockefeller struggled with it. He was less concerned about reducing energy consumption than he was about reducing American dependence on foreign oil. Eliminating the price advantage of U.S.-produced oil was moving in the wrong direction, the president believed. It was contradictory to the $60 billion investment he had just made through the Department of Energy to establish a program aimed at domestic production. Carter understood the president’s concerns and went back to the drawing board. He returned with a massive plan that Rockefeller endorsed and sent to Congress. Among the main provisions: increased auto efficiency standards, removal of a 10-percent excise tax on intercity buses, a tax on aviation and marine fuel, numerous regulations on federally-run buildings to ensure maximum conservation, domestic price controls, and direction to the Department of Energy’s investment program to focus on renewable energy development. [5] Rockefeller unveiled the program in a news conference where he challenged Congress to improve and pass the legislation.
Before it’s introduction, Rockefeller invited Senator Jackson to inspect the program and make modifications. He made small adjustments and then promised the president he would get the bill passed in the Senate. Baker was also on board with the plan and met with Byrd, whom he had a good relationship with, to go over the bill. Some Senate Democrats resisted the plan because they were afraid of adverse effects on the environment. To assuage them, Rockefeller agreed to give the Environmental Protection Agency greater oversight. In an effort to keep conservatives from crying over excessive regulation, Rockefeller kept his hands off the amendments, as did Carter.
The legislation cleared the House in mid-November. In an effort to help the bill, Senate Majority Leader Bob Byrd used a famed parliamentary trick: He brought the legislation up right before the Christmas recess. Senators chose not to filibuster it or hold it up with numerous amendments and the legislation passed with more than 60 votes, including a healthy mix of Republicans and Democrats. President Rockefeller signed the bill on December 27, 1977, declaring it a “belated Christmas gift for the entire nation.” It was also a gift to the president’s approval rating. As the new year rang in, Rockefeller’s popularity stood at 55%.
[1] This is how Donald Rumsfeld characterizes the plan in his memoirs, Known and Unknown, 185-6. It is also how Rockefeller’s official Senate biography characterizes the plan: https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/generic/VP_Nelson_Rockefeller.htm
[2] I lifted this part of the speech from actual testimony Rockefeller gave on energy to the Senate in 1977. You can find a link to that here: http://www.larouchepub.com/eiw/publ...0920_014-nelson_rockefeller_100_billion_f.pdf
[3] According to a footnote in Rumsfeld’s Known and Unknown, an article on Rockefeller’s energy plan and the White House staff’s reaction ran on September 5, 1975 in the New York Times – the exact day of Ford’s assassination attempt (which was, obviously, successful in this timeline).
[4] This characterization is available in Ira Shapiro’s The Last Great Senate, 103.
[5] It’s largely similar to what Carter proposed, but has more of an emphasis on domestic production and renewables than on uniform efforts to lower all consumption that Carter pushed for. This seems to be in line with Rockefeller’s thinking based on his testimony I provided earlier. I based much of my understanding of Carter’s program off of this document: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=7373 as well as background knowledge I’ve collected from writing about Carter/his energy policy before.
Chapter I
Energy Matters
The sun rose with ease on January 20, 1977, as Nelson Rockefeller read the morning paper. The American people had elected him to serve four more years as President of the United States. He looked forward to the challenge. Rockefeller, at 68 years old, was not concerned with whether or not he would again seek the presidency in 1980. Instead, he wanted to do all he could in the next four years. At 11:00 in the morning, Rockefeller and his wife, Happy, joined Bob and Elizabeth Dole for a ride to the Capitol Building where both men would be sworn-in to office for another four years. For each of them, it was their first time having a formal inauguration. The president looked over his remarks for a final time as the motorcade made its way to the Capitol. His message was the same as it had been for the duration of his campaign: Stability.
At 11:45 in the morning, Bob Dole took the Oath of Office for a second time as the nation’s vice president. Dole had John Paul Stevens, whom Rockefeller appointed, administer the oath. At its conclusion, Chief Justice Warren Burger called President Rockefeller to the podium so that he could administer the president’s oath of office. As Rockefeller declared, “So help me God,” the crowd before him broke into raucous approval. Rockefeller’s inauguration, which roughly coincided with the bicentennial of the nation, was an elaborate affair and attracted a great many onlookers. The 39th president turned to them to deliver his inaugural remarks.
“Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Nixon, my fellow Americans: Today, we celebrate all that is good in our nation. We celebrate the ability of our nation to come together after a close and well-fought election campaign to reaffirm our commitment to democracy and the will of the people. I am humbled by your expression of confidence. The last four years were years of tumult and uncertainty. Today, we begin a new chapter in our country’s history – a chapter dedicated to stability and security for our nation.” He was interrupted here for applause, before continuing. “When I became president a year and a half ago, I promised you I would do all I could to right the state of ship. I renew that promise to all of you today.”
“I do not,” Rockefeller said, “expect to find all of you supporting the position of my Administration, but I do hope to see you exercising your opinion through peaceful means, through constructive debate, and through participation in this great democracy. There is no challenge so great that the American people cannot confront it and fix it. There is no threat so large that the American people cannot rise to beat it. There is no problem too complex that the American people cannot solve it.”
His remarks were brief, totaling around 12 minutes. Before he finished, Rockefeller addressed the impending debate about the size and role of government. “There are some who say that government should have no role in our lives. There are some who say that it is the government’s responsibility to tell us how to conduct our business. I promise the American people this: a government large enough to help the poor, secure the weak, and heal the sick and a government small enough to make sure no American’s civil liberties or individual autonomy is violated.” He went on, “There will be some who say that government is incapable of solving any problem. I dare them to go to the moon on their own, to fight a war in a one-man army, to build each road and bridge, to teach each child. There are some who believe that government must do everything. I remind them of the importance of the business in our economy and the importance of the family in our nation’s character.” It was characteristically Rockefeller.
The president and first lady during the inaugural parade on January 20, 1977.
Shortly after his second swearing-in, Rockefeller addressed the United States from the Oval Office to outline his energy proposal. He had alluded to the program’s structure in his January 20th inaugural address, but the details were then negotiated with House and Senate leadership. His address on February 15, 1977, was an attempt to directly persuade the American people to support his energy package so that he could win the votes in Congress he needed for passage. “My fellow Americans: I have chosen to make my speech about the energy problem facing our country directly to you, the people. I do this because I recognize the magnitude of this challenge and the direct affect it has on so many of you.” President Rockefeller then outlined the details of his proposal. It included a $100 billion “quasi-public corporation,” the Energy Independence Authority, to bankroll energy projects. It also included efforts aimed at conservation to reduce the overall use of energy in the country. [1]
“I understand,” Rockefeller admitted, “that many of you do not realize that our country is experiencing this energy problem. Nevertheless, the danger is very real. Like so much danger, it is not self-proclaiming. It does not buzz when we drive our car. It does not sound an alarm when we flip the light switch or turn on the television. But it is there-making us depend on foreign oil for fifty percent of our needs-and thus more vulnerable to another boycott, which under these circumstances would paralyze our economy. It is there in the inadequate supplies of natural gas that stopped factories and chilled homes last winter. It is there feeding inflation, depreciating our dollar and complicating our return to economic recovery and fuller employment.” [2]
To conclude his remarks, Rockefeller attempted to tap the euphoric nature of John F. Kennedy’s moonshot. He knew it was a stretch, but was desperate to get Americans to understand the gravity of the energy predicament. “Some time ago, President Kennedy called on America to reach the moon. It was a worthy an admirable goal. Its success secured America’s victory in the Space Race. Tonight, I make a challenge of equal weight to our country. It is not as glamorous an effort, but I assure the American people it is just as necessary. Thank you, good night, and God bless America.”
It was a plan that Rockefeller first drafted while still vice president, but the assassination of President Ford and the ensuing election prevented the new president from reaching passage. [3] Now, as president, he planned to work overtime to see its passage. However, criticism that began in 1975 carried over to the president’s reintroduction of the plan. Republicans and Democrats alike accused Rockefeller of benefitting his friends. They argued that the Energy Independence Authority lacked any real oversight and would be reduced to a slush fund for special interests to team up with lawmakers and push through pet projects that did little to actually help the United States achieve energy independence. Senate Majority Leader Bob Byrd criticized the plan extensively in a press conference several days after the president’s address. “Nelson Rockefeller promised the people a transparent government when he ran for reelection, but this energy plan is a pay-for-play scheme waiting to happen. In it’s current form, I don’t see how this bill could get through the Senate.” Senator Howard Baker of Tennessee, the top Republican in the body, met with the president to try and explain concerns his delegation had. Many Republicans thought $100 billion for a problem that “didn’t exist” wasn’t at all the kind of fiscally responsible proposal they’d expected. Rockefeller dug his heels in, angered that his own party didn’t have his back.
Henry M. “Scoop” Jackson was an influential senator from Washington. After 1977, his influence increased dramatically. Though typically noted for his hawkish foreign policy, Jackson also served as the Chairman of the new Senate Energy Committee. Luckily for the president, Jackson believed that energy independence had to be a top priority of the Administration and the Congress. Rockefeller began meeting with Jackson frequently in the White House and the two developed a great relationship that would prove useful as objections to Rockefeller’s energy program grew. Jackson worked hard to explain the Congress’ objections to the energy plan. No senator or representative could afford the appearance of impropriety. In fact, in the midst of the energy proposal, the Senate itself was grappling with a rewrite of the Senate code of ethics, which, among other things, changed how senators could make money through speechmaking.
Rockefeller appreciated the concern over transparency and wanted to work with Congressional leadership to craft a plan that provided oversight for the Energy Independence Agency. Some suggested that Rockefeller morph his EIA into a Department of Energy that would be more easily subject to government oversight. Rockefeller was nervous about the creation of bureaucracy – not just for political reasons, but because he recognized the importance of a free market approach to solving the nation’s energy problems. To try and gain support for his legislation, Rockefeller reached out to Speaker of the House Tip O’Neill. The Speaker only reiterated the concerns others had about the legislation. Rockefeller’s program reached a dead end.
Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill was hesitant to endorse the EIA, effectively killing the potential agency.
The president decided to acquiesce on the issue of a Department of Energy, enraging the New Right. When asked to comment on the new bureaucracy, Ronald Reagan said only, “I’m not surprised. This is exactly why I ran for president.” Senator Jesse Helms gave a 30-minute speech against the department’s creation but stopped short of filibustering the legislation. As the bill creating the Department of Energy worked its way through the House and Senate, Rockefeller worked hard to ensure that the general concept for the EIA remained in tact. The Department’s original budget would include an appropriation for an energy investment program that would provide grants to companies working on domestic energy production. Because this program would be part of a federal department, its appropriations would be public record and subject to scrutiny.
The bill creating the Department of Energy was signed into law on August 5, 1977, after a long and complex debate in the U.S. Congress. President Rockefeller signed the legislation in a major event in the East Room, but promised that it was only part of his Administration’s effort to address the energy problem – a problem that many Americans still doubted. To lead the Department of Energy, Rockefeller wanted to appoint George Romney, his Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, but Romney expressed a desire to stay on at HEW to continue his work there. After considerable thought, Rockefeller landed on the perfect candidate. He phoned the man immediately. It was a yes.
On August 10, 1977, President Nelson Rockefeller announced that he was naming former Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter to lead the new Department of Energy as its first secretary. “On the campaign trail, Jimmy Carter and I agreed on the importance of addressing our nation’s energy issues. I am confident that Governor Carter will lead the Energy Department with the kind of dedication it needs from its inaugural secretary,” Rockefeller told reporters. Carter beamed his famous toothy smile. “I cannot express, Mr. President, how deeply honored, how deeply humbled, and how deeply excited I am to have received this nomination,” Carter said. The Senate confirmed Carter unanimously.
Once in office, Secretary Carter and President Rockefeller worked together to further Rockefeller’s energy plans through the Congress. Carter recognized that he did not have as good a relationship with Senator Jackson, whom Carter defeated in the 1976 primaries, as the president. Rockefeller worked to massage Jackson into supporting the plan while Carter reached out to other members of Congress. In the middle of the fall, Senator Byrd remarked, “I honest to God forgot Jimmy Carter wasn’t a senator he’s here so goddamn much!” It was a testament to how hard the Rockefeller Administration was working to pass an energy program.
Not only was President Rockefeller's appointment of his former rival, Jimmy Carter, as Secretary of the Energy praised for its bipartisanship, but Carter became an effective leader in handling the ongoing energy crisis in the United States. His time at the Department of Energy cemented his legacy as an effective policymaker and the Department of Energy building in Washington now bears his name.
Carter’s plan focused on reducing energy consumption by raising the cost of energy through taxes. A major part of the legislation was a well-head tax on oil that would raise the price of U.S.-produced oil to the price of OPEC-produced oil. The American taxpayer would not pay the price of these taxes, as they would be returned to them through rebates. [4] Rockefeller struggled with it. He was less concerned about reducing energy consumption than he was about reducing American dependence on foreign oil. Eliminating the price advantage of U.S.-produced oil was moving in the wrong direction, the president believed. It was contradictory to the $60 billion investment he had just made through the Department of Energy to establish a program aimed at domestic production. Carter understood the president’s concerns and went back to the drawing board. He returned with a massive plan that Rockefeller endorsed and sent to Congress. Among the main provisions: increased auto efficiency standards, removal of a 10-percent excise tax on intercity buses, a tax on aviation and marine fuel, numerous regulations on federally-run buildings to ensure maximum conservation, domestic price controls, and direction to the Department of Energy’s investment program to focus on renewable energy development. [5] Rockefeller unveiled the program in a news conference where he challenged Congress to improve and pass the legislation.
Before it’s introduction, Rockefeller invited Senator Jackson to inspect the program and make modifications. He made small adjustments and then promised the president he would get the bill passed in the Senate. Baker was also on board with the plan and met with Byrd, whom he had a good relationship with, to go over the bill. Some Senate Democrats resisted the plan because they were afraid of adverse effects on the environment. To assuage them, Rockefeller agreed to give the Environmental Protection Agency greater oversight. In an effort to keep conservatives from crying over excessive regulation, Rockefeller kept his hands off the amendments, as did Carter.
The legislation cleared the House in mid-November. In an effort to help the bill, Senate Majority Leader Bob Byrd used a famed parliamentary trick: He brought the legislation up right before the Christmas recess. Senators chose not to filibuster it or hold it up with numerous amendments and the legislation passed with more than 60 votes, including a healthy mix of Republicans and Democrats. President Rockefeller signed the bill on December 27, 1977, declaring it a “belated Christmas gift for the entire nation.” It was also a gift to the president’s approval rating. As the new year rang in, Rockefeller’s popularity stood at 55%.
[1] This is how Donald Rumsfeld characterizes the plan in his memoirs, Known and Unknown, 185-6. It is also how Rockefeller’s official Senate biography characterizes the plan: https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/generic/VP_Nelson_Rockefeller.htm
[2] I lifted this part of the speech from actual testimony Rockefeller gave on energy to the Senate in 1977. You can find a link to that here: http://www.larouchepub.com/eiw/publ...0920_014-nelson_rockefeller_100_billion_f.pdf
[3] According to a footnote in Rumsfeld’s Known and Unknown, an article on Rockefeller’s energy plan and the White House staff’s reaction ran on September 5, 1975 in the New York Times – the exact day of Ford’s assassination attempt (which was, obviously, successful in this timeline).
[4] This characterization is available in Ira Shapiro’s The Last Great Senate, 103.
[5] It’s largely similar to what Carter proposed, but has more of an emphasis on domestic production and renewables than on uniform efforts to lower all consumption that Carter pushed for. This seems to be in line with Rockefeller’s thinking based on his testimony I provided earlier. I based much of my understanding of Carter’s program off of this document: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=7373 as well as background knowledge I’ve collected from writing about Carter/his energy policy before.