One Nation, Under Jupiter: Rome Never Goes Christian.

Hey everybody. I think I'm ready to start sharing a project that's been in the works for a long time now. I first got the idea years ago, though I hadn't actually started it until recently.

I've begun a novel titled "One Nation, Under Jupiter," about a timeline where Christianity faded out and the Roman pantheon is still worshipped in the present day. As I've envisioned it, the final product (which I hope to have published professionally) will consist of two different stories. Half of it will be set in the present-day, while the other half is an in-universe history book exploring how things occurred in this timeline. I've decided to write the latter half first (after all, I can't say for sure what the present will be like until I've looked into the past), though sadly things have been going a little slow. Constructing alternate timelines is rough work.

Anyway, I thought I'd share a few entries and maybe get some feedback. If people are interested after seeing the beginning, I'll post more. Hope you like it!

Also, a quick disclaimer: The author of the history book is supposed to be a religious extremist who's a bit on the crazy side. So if you get offended by his tangents, just realize he's not supposed to be me. :p
 
It is difficult for us to imagine life without the gods. For over 2,700 years, we have offered them sacrifices, observed their rituals and holidays, and through the gods’ mercy our society has been allowed to prosper. Everyone, from the wisest scholar to the smallest child, can attest to the invincibility of Jupiter and his brethren. However, the common man is often completely oblivious to the extent that the gods have steered our history, as well as how they were once far from the undefeatable image we have of them today. Indeed, though the cult is all but forgotten today, the gods of Rome once faced usurpation from the Christians.

Little is known about the Christians. The only surviving records of their existence come from government propaganda, a source tainted by bias. In their efforts to purge the Empire of these scoundrels, the Imperial sycophants were more than happy to devise obvious fabrications to further discredit the Christians, such as that they kidnapped Roman infants, or that their leader was a lowly criminal sentenced to crucifixion. What we can safely assume is true is that the Christians stemmed from the province of Judea in the late 8th century, and that they believed in only one god, denying the existence of the pantheon. The very presence of these atheists was a threat to the pax deorum, and many an Emperor made an effort to seek out Christians and convert them to the true faith of the state. But alas, for every insect one kills, a hundred more lurk unseen. The Christians would likely have continued to thrive in secret well into the present day, were it not for them making the grave mistake of attempting to seize the most powerful office in the Empire.

The culprit was Constantine, a jackal of a man who ruled as Caesar in the West. Discontent with the divisions of power that the Roman Tetrarchy provided, Constantine sought to usurp the seat of Maxentius, the rightful emperor in Rome. Rebellion soon broke out, and Constantine displayed his true colors as a leader, allowing the Empire he wished to rule over collapse into civil war. He even forced Maxentius’ father, the Augustus Maximian, into suicide. In spite of the warmonger’s advances, however, Maxentius held strong. He knew it would be better to die an honorable death in battle than to willingly hand the safety of his country to such a monster. And so, in the year 1065, when Constantine’s forces attempted to cross the Tiber, bearing Christian symbols on their shields, Maxentius and his men stood across the Milvian Bridge to stop them.

With so little of the battle remembered, it remains unclear how Maxentius, before that fateful day an inferior commander when compared to Constantine, was able to triumph. Perhaps the tide of the battle was turned by a simple quirk, a shift in the wind or a spooked horse. Perhaps Maxentius’ men were motivated by the luxuries the Emperor was known to bestow upon his favorite soldiers. Whatever it was that decided the battle, though, we can safely attribute it to divine intervention. Maxentius was willing to die for the well-being of the Empire, and for that Mars made sure to reward him. The next day, Maxentius paraded through the streets of Rome with Constantine’s head on a pike. As Rome’s citizens cheered for the victory of the rightful Emperor, Maxentius marched on to the Temple of Jupiter in Capitoline Hill, where a white ox awaited him. Taking the sacrificial knife in his hand, the pontifex maximus offered the animal to Jupiter, showing the proper gratitude to whom allowed his victory. After all, this battle was not merely the triumph of Maxentius over Constantine. It was the triumph of religion over atheism, of morality over degeneration. One shudders to imagine what fate we would have met under a ruler that denied the gods.

The matter of Constantine’s old ally, the Emperor Licinius in the Peninsula of Haemus, still remained. It was here that Maxentius turned to the unusual weapon of diplomacy. “The Empire has suffered from war for long enough,” the Emperor wrote in his epistle. “I wish not to fight, but to do what is best for the people of Rome. Mark my words, if your tyrant of a comrade had killed me, it would only be a matter of time before he killed you as well.” In 1066, the two rulers met in Mediolanum. Accompanying Maxentius was his old ally Maximinus Daia, Governor of Syria and Egypt, as well as his sister Fausta, freed from her abusive marriage with Constantine. With a gentle kiss on his sister’s hand (or so the historian Ammianus claimed), Maxentius offered Fausta as Licinius’ bride, a symbol for their newly-forged alliance. Addressing the crowd before them, the three rulers divided the Empire amongst themselves. Maxentius would rule in the West from Mediolanum, Licinius in the Northeast from Nicomedia, and Maximinus in the same provinces he governed before, from Antioch.

The three Emperors also agreed to a new law in effect throughout the Empire. What had made Rome great in its past was its faith. The wars, the recession, the corrupt politicians all stemmed from the same source. They had dared to let the impious walk on Roman soil. A Christian had sought the throne. He had attempted to murder the rightful Emperor, killed his father, and lay with his sister, and this was tantamount to treason. The old laws of Diocletian were no longer enough. The trio of Caesars vowed that they would not rest until not a single man, woman, or child in the Empire called themselves both an atheist and a Roman citizen.

Regiments of soldiers searched every house in the Empire for evidence of impiety. Atheistic books were burnt. Suspected Christians, as well as those of its sister faith, the Judaeorum, were gathered en masse and demanded to offer a sacrifice to the pantheon. Some converted peacefully. Others fled to the tolerance of Persia. What happened to those who refused to comply remains a mystery. Maxentius’ triad would not make the same mistake as the Emperors of old. These enemies of the state would not be granted the pleasure of an audience, made into a spectacle to inspire imitators. Whatever happened to the defiant atheists was done quietly, behind closed doors, and known only to the gods.

At the same time, Maxentius spared no expense in his effort to revive Rome’s faith in the old gods. New temples were built, and old ones renovated. Every Roman citizen soon returned to performing the rituals and sacrifices necessary to maintain the pax deorum. Artists were commissioned to depict and sing of the gods’ legacy. Priests travelled to the Gothic lands and the Kingdom of Axum, so the foreigners could adopt the gods of Rome as their own. Even the ancient ban on the Bacchanalia was lifted, for Rome could no longer risk the ire of any member of the pantheon. Within the decade, the threat of atheism had been no more than a distant memory. A new age of Roman piety had begun.
 
Despite Maxentius’ brilliance, his plan was not without flaws. Although the gods prospered under the new rule of the three Caesars, the peace in Rome was sadly not to last. As faith in Rome’s myriad of gods flourished once more, the Empire’s citizens soon each developed favored deities of their own, mirroring the squabbles of the Olympians they showed the most faith to. Although none dared to publicly make the blasphemous claim that anyone but Jupiter, god of the state, was the greatest of the pantheon, every citizen soon had their own candidate for the title of Secundi Jove. The soldiers bowed to Mars, the farmers to Ceres, the traders to Mercury. Though it’s unclear if any blood was shed from these disputes, they bred an intense feeling of animosity among Rome’s classes.


“Only among the highest pontiffs do men not squabble in the name of their gods,” wrote Sylvester, the leading priest of the cult of Quirinus. “New churches, even new gods, have taken to the streets. The mystery cults of old are preaching in public. Though they do not contradict the teachings of the state, this discord could prove dangerous to the Empire.” In 1079, Emperor Licinius attempted to resolve this matter. Priests representing every cult in Rome, both state-sanctioned and unofficial, were invited to a council in Nicomedia in an effort to bring about a more organized religion.


Despite the council’s ultimate result, it must have been a spectacle to witness the guests. Licinius and Maximinus appeared together for the first time since that fateful day in Mediolanum, though Maxentius was occupied with more pressing affairs back in the West. All of the flamens gathered together to speak for their gods. A host of augurs joined them, eager to advise the council with their predictions. A single Vestal Virgin, responsible for tending the sacred flame that kept Rome alive, walked along the procession, two armed guards by her side. Though all else in attendance showed their reverence to the priestess, the same could not be said for the council’s other feminine presence. One of the Galli, the eunuch priests in women’s clothing, attended on behalf of the goddess Cybele. The priest’s name and heritage remain forgotten to the ages, though we can safely say it was a foreigner. The law kept any Roman citizen from becoming a Gallus long before that day. Even more reviled was one of the priests gathering converts abroad, attending on behalf of Tyr and all the other Gothic gods. Accompanying him was one of his barbarian converts, unkempt, stinking, and the very opposite of what the Romans strove to be. The call for Gothic representation may have very well been what doomed the council.


Then there were the representatives of the unofficial churches, the former mystery cultists finally pushed into the public eye. Mithra, Isis, and even Glycon were granted representation in this council. After all, being granted legitimacy in the eyes of the Emperors would make their gods even mightier than before. Of course, even more of these new priests went unrepresented. Many were too small to even extend an invitation, such as the mad fool Tugurium, who declared himself a god and demanded the worship of all he came across. Others simply didn’t see the same need for the council as those who did attend. Enough Romans secretly acknowledged their gods as true that it made no difference if the Emperors were among them.


After the initial spectacle of the ceremony faded away, however, the council’s attempt to resolve business matters quickly proved fruitless. When Licinius presented the group with the task of resolving the true order of the divine hierarchy, every priest in the crowd barked back at once, shouting for the supremacy of their god. The council continued in a similar fashion. Violence even came close to erupting when the Gothic representative posed the issue of recognizing foreign gods as separate from those of Rome’s. After a lengthy exercise in pointless, the council evaporated into the footnotes of history, accomplishing nothing. One can’t help but pity how old Licinius must have felt that day, the king of a mighty nation, yet so helpless to even herd together a gathering of priests. The frail king died, peacefully but with regret, shortly afterwards, with his young child Licinius the Younger taking the throne in Nicomedia.


Even more lamentable than Licinius’ fate, however, was that of Maxentius. The Emperor’s thorough purge of unbelievers, coupled with the funding of projects in the name of the old gods, was not without its price. Though Rome’s faith was now as mighty as it had been in the days of the Empire’s prime, the same could not be said for its treasury. Over the years, Maxentius was forced to make sacrifices to cover the costs, and it was Rome’s lower classes that suffered the most from it. The free rations promised to every citizen gradually grew lighter and lighter. The price on African grain soared. Hunger quickly led to unrest. When construction began on a new temple to Ceres, graffiti soon appeared near the construction site reading “If you would truly honor the goddess’ feats, give us bread!”


It’s believed this recession was the motive for the unknown assassin that took Maxentius’ life in 1093. During a visit to Rome, the Emperor had stopped in the Forum to admire the basilica he constructed decades earlier, unaware the old building would mark his death. A helmeted assailant made his way through the crowd, moving too swiftly to be noticed by the Imperial guard, and plunged his dagger into the stomach of the man who saved the Roman Empire. Shortly after the Emperor’s passing, the poets claim, a furious storm broke out over Rome, as if Jupiter himself could not help but weep for the death of his faithful servant. Maxentius had done much for the gods, and for that he finally joined them.
 
Although Maxentius was quick to purge foreign religions from the Empire, his young son, Maxens, took the opposite approach upon ascending to the throne. In the final years of Maxentius’ reign, the Alemanni tribe had made advances towards Gaul, with the locals crying to the Emperor to drive the Gothic savages off of Roman lands. However, Maxens lacked a commander suited to repel barbarian invaders. Furthermore, the young Emperor was even more pious than his father. The zealous Maxentius had taught his son the importance of pleasing the gods from a young age. To the child, there was nothing more important. Maxens knew that the Goths worshipped the same gods as he, even if they were under different names. To the Emperor, attacking brothers in faith risked upsetting the pax deorum. Because of this, Maxens chose to send priests rather than soldiers to Gaul.


Any man whose political thinking is grounded in reality knows that a state cannot hope to survive with the introduction of uncivilized immigrants with no regards for that native land’s culture. These barbarians entered Roman lands, killed Roman men, and plundered Roman property, and the Emperor saw it fit to punish them by declaring them citizens and erecting temples to their gods. Though Maxens trumped his father in piety, he was too soft to possess the drive of an Emperor. The Gauls protested this action, and rightfully so. Alas, Maxens’ foolish plan fell through. The fact that to this day men choose to worship the savage idols of Odin and Thor instead of the true gods of Rome are testament to his weakness.


The tumultuous decade of the 1110’s was difficult for the West, as Maxens continued to espouse the virtues of foreign culture (though, to his credit, a large portion of Axumites began to worship the gods of Rome during his reign). However, the East had it far worse. In 1111, a fearsome earthquake and fire all but destroyed the capital city of Nicomedia. Ammianus recounted the grisly scene in chilling detail: “Some, overwhelmed by the enormous masses of ruins which had fallen upon them, were crushed to death. Some were up to the neck, and might have been saved if there had been any timely help at hand, but perished for want of assistance; others were transfixed by the points of beams projecting forth, on which they hung suspended.” The Emperor Licinius II was among the many casualties. The East Roman Empire was now without a capital, without an Emperor, and without a government. Everything that brought about order in the land was consumed in a day by the will of the gods.


As the Senate scrambled to replace what was lost, anarchy and paranoia spread amongst the populace, the symbolism behind this disaster thoroughly apparent to them. Something had been done to anger the gods, but what? Was Rome not pious? Mobs took to the street, hoping to seek the responsible culprit. Mirroring Maxentius’ hunt for atheists decades earlier, Roman citizens were rounded up and put on trial for impiety. Massive sacrifices were conducted almost daily in the Empire’s effort to prove their devotion. So many efforts were made to appease Jupiter that one could soon find scarcely an ox in the Eastern Empire.


In time, the panic ceased. Nicomedia was rebuilt. A new Emperor was found. The pax deorum was restored once again. But the people of Rome would never forget the fear they felt during those terrible years; a terror that never truly left. Serving the gods was now the greatest duty of every citizen of the Eastern Empire, above their family, and above even the state. The gods had demonstrated that day what punishments awaited Rome should they be displeased. However faithful the Romans were, it would never, in their eyes, be enough.
 
While it's 'easy' to keep the Roman empire from going Christian, keeping the Roman pantheon isnt going to work. It was threadbare and emotionally unsatisfying, and new religions were surging in popularity. Mithraism, Magna Mater, Isis, Judaism, Christianity, Sol Invictus, etc. Having any of those take over is doable, having some or several of these be common is also possible, probably.

But almost certainly the old roman pantheon is dead by say 100 CE, it just is waiting to be buried.
 
In Syria, Maximinus’ son Galerianus grew fearful of what dwelled behind his borders. Although Maxentius had long ago purged the threat of nonbelievers from the Roman Empire, the threat still loomed in the foreign lands to the East. Nearby Armenia, once faithful to Rome, had been Christian long before Maxentius and Constantine’s fateful battle. The mighty empire of Persia, run by disciples of the false prophet Zoroaster, proudly calling itself a haven for those that would deny the gods. Who knew how many Christians and Judaeorum survived Maxentius’ purge by fleeing to these nations? Who knew what sinister plots against the Empire they devised so far away from Roman ears? Who knew what officials in a nation of atheists would be willing to bring such a plan to fruition?


In the past, priests had turned the Goths and Axumites towards the will of the gods. Galerianus saw it imperative to do the same in the East. The true details of those poor priests’ mission to Armenia shall remain a permanent mystery. Every account of the event is mere hearsay, whispers the Romans heard from a friend of a friend. No official account came from the priests themselves, since not one of them returned to Rome afterwards.


One can only imagine what grisly fate the poor servants of the gods had met in Armenia. The savage Christians, so hateful towards those who merely wished to help them see the light of faith, likely brought the clerics into the hands of the law. Faithful to the end, the priests refused to renounce their beliefs, and likely paid the ultimate price for it. When the priests had failed to return, Galerianus quickly dispatched an army to Armenia. He may not have sought war, but unlike the cowardly Maxens, he was all too willing to do what was necessary for the good of the Roman Empire. In Persia, the wicked King Shapur II dreaded Roman advances towards his ally. Persian troops soon headed towards Armenia as well. In the Roman Forum, the temple of Janus opened up for the first time in decades. The drums of war were beating once again.


To the layman of the time, Galerianus’ war with Persia likely seemed like an act of foolishness. True, Rome’s army was mighty, and Galerianus enjoyed the supplement of troops from the Western Empire, their skills still ignored by Maxens in the conflict with the Goths. However, the godless Persians were a great Empire in their own right, with the benefit of Armenian forces on Armenian battlefields.


Sure enough, Galerianus suffered many defeats at first. It had been too long since Rome had tasted blood, and Persia’s strength had only grown since then. But the great Galerianus had the gift of strategy, the blessing of Mars, and an incurable spirit. Centuries prior, the mighty Emperor Trajan had marched into these very lands and declared them Roman. What could stop Galerianus from doing the same? Determined to stop the threat of atheism, he studied Armenia’s land and Persia’s strategies as carefully as he could. He instilled in his troops a Spartan level of discipline, until they were so faithful to the Emperor’s whims as to almost be an extension of the man himself. “Either you triumph over the Persians,” Galerianus confided to one of his generals, “Or you are granted eternal paradise in the fields of Elysium after dying an honorable death. The only true defeat lies in surrender.”


The campaign was tiring, and Rome suffered many losses in the process, but Galerianus’ persistence would ultimately be rewarded. In 1116, Rome’s legions marched into the Armenian capital of Dvin. Christian temples, and only the temples, were looted, their false idols smashed. To King Arshak II and his subjects, Galerianus made a simple request: Submit to the Roman Empire and convert to their gods, or die. Arshak wisely chose life. The Purge of Maxentius began once more in a new land, and Armenia and its forces returned to Roman control. An ordinary Emperor would be content with such a victory, but Galerianus’ mission was still far from over. Gathering his army, the fearsome Emperor began the march to Persia.
 
While it's 'easy' to keep the Roman empire from going Christian, keeping the Roman pantheon isnt going to work. It was threadbare and emotionally unsatisfying, and new religions were surging in popularity. Mithraism, Magna Mater, Isis, Judaism, Christianity, Sol Invictus, etc. Having any of those take over is doable, having some or several of these be common is also possible, probably.

But almost certainly the old roman pantheon is dead by say 100 CE, it just is waiting to be buried.

I'm aware that the shift from polytheism to monotheism (even if it's not Abrahamic) was pretty much inevitable, and that my premise requires a little suspension of disbelief. I do plan to give some attention to Mithra, Sol Invictus, et al in the final product.

Also, I don't want to give away anything prematurely, but just because the Greco-Roman pantheon is staying longer than they did in the OTL doesn't mean they'll be around forever. ;)
 
I'm aware that the shift from polytheism to monotheism (even if it's not Abrahamic) was pretty much inevitable, and that my premise requires a little suspension of disbelief.

Why do you say the shift to monotheism is inevitable? Real-world modern cultures refute this; monotheism does not naturally arise from polytheism. Or do you mean it's specifically inevitable in imperial Rome?
 
Why do you say the shift to monotheism is inevitable? Real-world modern cultures refute this; monotheism does not naturally arise from polytheism. Or do you mean it's specifically inevitable in imperial Rome?

I believe that was what he was referring to yes.

Quite a few monotheistic (ish) faiths were emerging and gaining popularity in Rome during this time.

Even Philosophic schools occasionally favoured their version of monotheism.
 
Still though, Sol Invictus, Isis, and Mithras worship, was not exclusive to just worshipping those gods. It was more of a very Pagan version of monotheism.
 
The so called Monotheist cults were more Henotheist with large characters of Soft Polytheism (Many Gods being the avatars of a few gods).

The Roman Pantheon could survive just not in its traditional form unless their is a Revival Movement that 'updates' it. Would be influence by the Philosopher religions such as Neo Platonists and such.
 
I do plan for the pantheon to be updated over the years. It won't be exactly like its classical self.

Are there any thoughts regarding the parts of the timeline I've posted so far? Would anyone like to see more?
 
Isn't it likely Christianity, if extinct, would go down in the history books as a polytheistic Jewish cult worshipped three Gods?
 
Most Christian records were destroyed during the Purge of Maxentius, so modern knowledge of it in this timeline is extremely slim. The concept of the Holy Trinity and even Jesus' name are completely unknown.
 
Are you using a roman calendar? If not your dates are just a wee bit off.

Nice observation! Yes, no Christianity means no Anno Domini year numbering system, so instead I'm going by the Ab Urbe Condita system, which numbers years from the founding of Rome in 753 BC.

The novel will take place in the present, in the year 2766. :p
 
City after city fell to the combined strengths of the Roman and Armenian hordes. The defenseless men of Persia panicked at the sight of Galerianus’ armies. Those found in Christian temples when the invasion came, praying to their false idol for the fear to come to an end, met the sword. As the ruthless campaign raged on, all of Persia realized the true power of their foe. Galerianus was not merely a skilled general. He was not even merely Emperor of Rome. Galerianus was the son of the late Emperor Maximinus, deified upon his death. Galerianus was a demigod, laying waste to a land of those that once denied his being. Every Persian that the Emperor spared knelt down on both knees and bowed as they offered their submission.
It wasn’t long before the Romans made their march toward the walls of the Persian capital of Ctesiphon. King Shapur II was a godless foreigner, but he was no fool. The night before the siege of the capital was to begin, a Persian emissary entered Galerianus’ camp, bearing terms of surrender.

Should Rome turn around and leave Ctesiphon unharmed, all of Persia they had previously trodden was theirs to keep. The Emperor briefly pondered the message, his soldiers anxiously watching him, then shouted their orders. The Romans promptly headed back home, claiming the fertile farmland of Mesopotamia for themselves, as if the lengthy war had never happened at all.


Some historians look at Galerianus’ retreat with disdain. After all, the Emperor seemed to be invincible! Why did he stop there? Why not take Ctesiphon? Why not kill Shapur? Why not take all of Persia for the glory of Rome? On the other hand, I don’t believe the Emperor would have regretted his decision. He had expanded the borders of the Empire, and he gained a second prize, one far greater than that of blood or conquest. The Persians had denied the gods, and for that they faced the wrath of the gods’ living representative on Earth. They witnessed the ira deorum firsthand, and in its wake the most powerful man in Persia was helpless to do anything but appease the gods and pray they would make it stop. The Persian Empire would survive another day, as would the lies of Zoroaster, and even the lowly Christians. But deep down inside, they knew the only reason they continued to live was through the mercy of Jupiter. They would never dare admit it, but in their own way, the Persians now had more faith in the gods than even most Romans.
 
Insert Iran-Defeat Rage. Granted I don't like Shapur II all that much.

No mention of Mars? Or Sol Invictus? The Shinin Brilliance of King Sun granting divine providence to Maxens and etc.

The Emperor and Senators would be perturbed by the evidence of Civic Decay to the Traditional Patrons of Rome and look to revitalize this spirit. A bid to curry the favor of these various gods under the state would be likely.
 
Although Galerianus’ section of the Empire triumphed over its foreign neighbors, the rest of Rome still adhered to the foolish policy of tolerance. As the savage Huns advanced westward, the Goths turned to the Roman Empire’s protection in 1129. With the Eastern Empire still short on the hands it needed since Nicomedia’s destruction, and a surplus of food ever since the conquest of Mesopotamia, Emperor Valens gladly acquiesced. However, Valens knew full well of the issues immigration brought on in the West. The few pure Romans of the Western Empire had taken to spreading their horror stories of their society’s decay. Barbarians walked in the forum, adorned in savage wear instead of proper Roman clothing. The popinae were flooded with immigrants, shunning the offers of wine and harassing the bartenders for beer. A few extremists even dared to argue that their gods, the “true” gods, were greater than the gods of Rome, though fortunately these men never stayed free for long.


Valens would not allow the Eastern Empire to make the same mistake. What made Rome great was its cultural identity. Its rituals, its art, its buildings, its sport, its drink…all of these things were handed down by Jupiter himself to King Numa in the earliest days of the city. Rome’s culture was ordained by the gods as the proper way of the world. The Roman man was a superior breed, greater than the lowly hordes of foreign animals that surrounded them. To allow men with no regards for Rome’s customs the honor of citizenship was as grievous an offense to the Empire as to destroy her cities! The Goths would have their citizenship, Valens promised. They would be fed, and put to work, and kept safe from the Huns. All that the Emperor asked in return was assimilation. If they were to call themselves Roman, then they must be Roman.


The Goths traded their furs and skins for tunics and togas. They were trained in the Latin tongue, and even forced to take up Roman names. Wine rations were provided so they could learn to appreciate the sacraments of Bacchus. As in the West, the Goths were allowed to keep their gods, as long as they were viewed as the same as those of Rome. Before long the legends of the two lands had begun to merge together. Jupiter took to wielding the hammer Mjolnir. The priests of Mars praised his triumphs over the frost giants. The lares that protected every household in the Empire were seen as the children of Odin.


In spite of Valens’ supreme generosity, many Goths in the East soon lamented their fate, having ceased to be barbarians in all but their blood. It may seem unusual that anyone would bemoan such great privileges, but the demented mind of a barbarian is a difficult thing for a greater man to comprehend. Just as an animal dislikes captivity, just as a man dislikes leaving home, a degenerate dislikes being pulled out of degeneracy, for such appalling behavior is what he is accustomed to. The Goths of the East had bread, wine, education, clothing, security, money, and arms. To a true man, a man that values nothing more than working for his share and honoring the gods and the state, such things are the greatest gifts one can ask for. But the Goths were not true men. They were perverts, content to take what the Roman Empire so graciously gave them and act as boorish as they had before. Because of this truth, both Maxens’ West and Valens’ East soon faced the Gothic threat from within.


Fortunately, the tension with the Goths had not yet erupted into an outright war. Even the lowly barbarians knew better than to deny Rome’s hospitality. Nevertheless, soon neither the born Roman nor the immigrant could leave their house without exchanging strange looks with each other. The discipline of the army’s Gothic troops began to wane. A dire question soon faced those of authority within the Empire: Were the benefits of the added manpower worth inviting such unruly groups into Rome? “Surely the mighty gods frown at our Empire’s decline,” wrote the general Flavius Theodosius. “They eat our food, they serve as our troops, and yet they hate us for all we have given them. If Rome is to ever thrive again, there is no room for these unrepentant leeches. About the only good thing that can be said about the Goths is that they make pretty Galli.”
 
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