1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD-CSP) [1]
1953: Jakob Kaiser (CSP-SPD)
1957: Jakob Kaiser (CSP-DDP-VP) [2]
1961: Ludwig Erhard (CSP-VP) [3]
1965: Ludwig Erhard (CSP-VP)
1969: Rainer Barzel (CSP-DDP) [4]
1973: Willy Brandt (SPD-KPD) [5]
1975: Fritz Thielen ("Liberal Democratic Transitional Government" DDB/DVB - originally DP) [6]
1976: Fritz Thielen DDB/DVB-Zentrum) [7]
1977: Helmut Schmidt (SPD-DDP-CSP) [8]
1981: Helmut Schmidt (SPD-DDP-CSP) [9]
1984: Helmut Schmidt (SPD-DDP-USPD) [10]
1987: Willy Brandt(SPD-DDP) [11]
1991: Willy Brandt (SPD-DDP)
1992: Hans Apel (SPD-DDP) [12]
1996: Walter Wallmann (DVP-DP-UHP) [13]
2000: Walter Wallmann (DVP-UHP-DP)
2001: Friedrich Zimmermann (CSP-UHP-DVP dissidents-DP dissidents) [14]
2003: Helmut Holter (FGS-USPD) [15]
2007: Helmut Holter (FGS-USPD-SPD-UHP)
2011: Norbert Röttgen (DEMOKRATEN-DDP) [16]
2015: Norbert Röttgen (DEMOKRATEN) [17]
2019: Norbert Röttgen (Demokraten) [18]
2021: Alice Weidel (Demokraten) [20]
2023: Alice Weidel (Demokraten-DDP) [21]
2027: Katja Kipping (ÖkoLinX - SPD - NDL) [22]
2031: Katja Kipping (ÖkoLinX - SPD - NDL)
2033: Johanna Uekermann (DDP-SPD-NDL minority) [23]
[1] After negotiations for a united party for northern protestants and southern catholics fail, the southern catholics form their own party. After the first elections in the FRG, an SPD-CSP coalition is formed.
[2] Despite cordial relations between the two coalition partners, the Chancellor turns to the new German Democratic Party and the agrarian People's Party to form a new government
[3] With his health failing, Kaiser decided to forgo participation in the 1961 Federal Election, allowing his Minister of Economics, Ludwig Erhard to gain the reins of power. Erhard managed to increase his party's standing in the Bundestag, allowing him to dump the DDP and instead work with the Volks Partei. The first term of his premiership would see the creation of the North Atlantic Free Trade Area, a trading bloc that would include Britain, Ireland, Canada, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and the United States as well as his native Germany.
[4] The exercise of power weakens Erhard over time and forces him to let his foreign minister Barzel succeed him in the chancellery. The latter implements the "Westpolitik", a doctrine of rupture in inter-German relations. The country builds his own identity by looking to the west and is actively moving away from its eastern neighbour. It leads to a break with the VP and its pan-German elements. Frankfurt am Main becomes the federal capital.
[5] The double whammy of the Oil Crisis of 1972 and generic CSP fatigue leads to a landslide victory for a far-left government.
[6] Acts of resistance and civil disobedience soon steeply rose, soon followed by violent far-right nationalist terrorism in the wake of mass demonstrations against the KPD. But what few expected was, after an Anerkennungsvertrag ("Treaty of Recognition") was concluded in Weimar (East Germany) and, at least in some circles, hailed as a "monumental peace treaty", much of the German population believed it to be an act of "selling our soul, our democracy and the chance of reunification to Moscow and the commies". Riots and even bigger demonstrations - and even some terrorist attacks against mainly KPD, but also SPD, party offices, trade unions, but also against anything to do with cooperation with East Germany - shook cities from Stuttgart to Hamburg and towns from Passau to Aurich. As a supposed "concession", Brandt asked the Vertrauensfrage, with the intention of a defeat,- but several CSP and even four DDP MdBs voted for Brandt. However, with the Guillaume affair and the apparent bribes to some representatives of the DDP by East Germany coming to light, Brandt once again asked the Vertrauensfrage. But this time, unbeknownst to most, the military and a Deutsche Demokratische Bewegung (DDB) had taken control of Bonn. On September 11, 1975, two CSP and a VP delegate voted for Brandt. The governmental buildings were stormed in what could only be called a popular-supported coup d'état, and the Freiheitlich-Demokratische Übergangsregierung (approx. "Liberal Democratic Transitional government") was formed of several senior military officers and high-ranking DDP and VP, not to forget remnant Zentrum and DP, politicians. Officially it is led by the Deutsche Demokratische Bewegung and Deutsche Volksbewegung, the two leading groups that were opposing the far-left government on the streets.
[7] "Democracy" back; with supervised elections; the outcome assured.
[8] The Thielen Putsch almost immediately provoked a domestic and international crisis of unprecedented proportions, bringing the world extremely close to nuclear war. Much of the domestic left saw the overthrow by the military and right-wing parties as a resurrection of the Third Reich, and as a result even moderate centre-left politicians and trade union leaders called for mass protests as well as a general strike. The German economy found itself immediately crippled by a near complete shut-down of the manufacturing sector as well as public sectors. Nor was the international community please-both US President Humphrey and UK Prime Minister Callaghan refused to recognize the new government and demanded the immediate release of Brandt as well as other arrested politicians. The Soviet and DDR reacted even more aggressively, proclaiming the revenge of the German Deep State and immediately cut off all access to West Berlin while placing its military forces on the highest level of alert. Political violence reached unprecedented levels and in the Bloody Autumn, some 300 people were killed by far right or far left armed groups. By early November, moderate elements of the Bundeswehr had reasserted themselves, pushing out the more radical officers. Eventually Thielen and other coup plotters were forced to step down and promptly arrested, before a bureaucratic caretaker government was appointed by President Scheel, headed by Helmut Schmidt the leader of the right-wing faction of the SPD who had always opposed the Treaty. Brandt seceded and created his own Independent SPD, recalling the USPD of fifty years before. However, Schmidt's mainstream SPD along with other centrist pro-democratic parties won in a landslide in the elections of December 1977 forming a stable majority.
[9] The Wiederaufbaukoalition is returned to power. The government of national unity is focusing on three areas: cleaning up German democracy, rebuilding a sense of national unity and restoring Germany's credibility in the international stage. To do so, the promise of drafting a real constitution that should be approved by the people has been made and negotiations are slowly beginning under the Western allies eyes.
[10] The CSP withdrew its support as the feeling grows that regional interests are being ignored in the new draft constitution. Early elections are scheduled, and while support for left parties remains high, Schmidt is forced to form a Vereinigte-Linke Koalition with the USPD. For how long can the left really stay united with a new constitution on its way and Willy Brandt back with a seat at the table?
[11] Before the new Constitution could be ratified, events to the East brought radical changes to Germany. With increasing liberalization in the Soviet Union despite a reluctant Andropov, full-scale pro-democracy protests broke out in East Germany in 1987 recalling the West German protests of a decade before. Initially, East German leader Honecker and Stasi Chief Mielke responded with brutal aggression, culminating in the massacre of 177 protesters in the Alexanderplatz on June 4th 1987. This brought up a mutiny by the Army and a brief internal civil war that culminated in Mielke being lynched on live television with his corpse dragged through the streets of Berlin. West Germany watched in alarm but Brandt made a surprise appearance on television with US President Robert F. Kennedy who had flown down to Berlin and called for the Wall's tear down. Within minutes, large crowds on both sides of the border broke down the wall and a terrified East German government immediately acceded to reunification. A spirit of jubilation swept the suddenly reunified Germany and a spirit of reconciliation the SPD and USPD formally reunited in October, with Brandt being given back his old chairmanship as well as the office of Chancellor. Schmidt agreed to take the key post as Minister of Reunification instead.
[12] Willy Brandt's death in 1992 results in Hans Apel being chosen as the new leader of the SPD and Chancellor with Schmidt signaling his intention to retire soon as Minister of Reunification.
[13] Reunification, though much appreciated by nearly all Germans and a celebrated success on the international stage - Willy Brandt became the first person in history to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize twice (1973 and 1987) - did not go smoothly as anticipated, especially economically. Mass joblessness was on the rise with increasing digitalisation and the start of yet another economic and social transformation. On the other hand, both Brandt and Schmidt (Apel's chancellorship was basically viewed as "Brandt governing from the grave", though not in a negative sense) had mostly ignored or even proven baffled at the rise of the cause of environmental and climate protection. Instead, they continued to protect an increasingly outdated "working class" workng in mines and traditional factories. All these developments led to a totally new coalition by the DVP (the successor of the VP and now the conservative centre-right option), the nationalist-conservative DP and a completely new party, the UHP (Umwelt- und Heimatpartei , imagine a socially very much conservative and patriotic, and less anti-nuclear (the SPD had dumped nuclear power for coal during the oil crises of 1973, 1979 and thus, it was the right-wing parties DVP and DP, and thus the UHP which includes DVP members, adopting a pro-nuclear cause) form of the Greens)
[14] The Wallmann government collapses when his former chief of staff, Alexander Gauland, decides to publicly air its dirty laundry. The "Gauland leaks" implicate Wallmann, along with DP's leader Uwe Barschel, in crimes pertaining to their roles in the Thielen junta (specifically, perjury and obstruction of justice). The DVP Bundestag group falls apart, while DP leaves the government. The center-right government is saved for now by the inclusion of CSP and the compromise candidacy of UHP's resident elder statesman.
[15] After heated debates over how to deal with the Thielen era and the left-wing demand for a Untersuchungsausschuss Thielen ("Thielen inquiry committee") which was only accepted when several CSP dissidents voted with DFG, USPD, SPD and DDP, the coalition fell through as Zimmermann resigned after a deliberately lost Vertrauensfrage. New elections were the result, with a massive swing of votes to the left and even far-left. The SPD had meanwhile shot itself in the foot as several in the party, among them a certain Joschka Fischer, had voted with the government to send German troops into the intervention in South Iran and South Iraq. Many delegates reformed the USPD, on a pacifist and innovative - i.e. pro-digital, ecological, progressive and modernist, but also fiscally somewhat more conservative and more liberal platform - sending the "traditional" SPD, the remnants of Brandt's, Schmidt's and Apel's party still thinking that catering to the "working class" was a thing, down in the polls further and further.
Several former SPD delegates even joined DFG (Demokratie - Frieden - Gerechtigkeit), i.e. the biggest party having fomed from remnants of the former East German SED. DFG had remained quite strong in East Germany and had celebrated several notable successes in the Western part, but never had it come close to taking part in a coalition. DFG by now had firmly asserted itself as non-socialist, instead, it was very socially progressive and very much pro-digital. Economically, like the new USPD, DFG is socially liberal, but it also had to endure splitups on its way - notably, the "democratic socialist" wing of Lothar Bisky, Petra Pau, Oskar Lafontaine et al. formed the ADS. With most parties right of the DDP discredited and in turmoil, a DFG "moderate" called Helmut Holter managed to form a "coalition of Progress and Freedom" with the USPD.
[16] These eight years of opposition served as a lesson to the right, a constructive one. These years also allowed it to restructure itself on new bases: new names, new faces, everything that could remind the old generation was purged more or less violently. So it was under the very sober name of "Demokraten." that the opposition entered the general election battle with a programm of economic expertise, measured conservatism and criticism of the record of the left, which had monopolised power almost continuously for 35 years. It paid off, an absolute majority was almost reached, and a government agreement was quickly sealed with the DDP. Germany has a new political force at its head, but will it be able to apply its ideas in a country that seems to be becoming so reluctant to change and to survive the diversity of opinions within itself?
[17] Several centre-right parties agree to join Röttgen´s DEMOKRATEN. After the election of 2015 the parliament is composed of only 5 parties. Röttgen´s party gains an absolute majority, SPD, FGS, DDP and HDP form the opposition. The DEMOKRATEN win also a lot of local elections. However the DEMOKRATEN faced a crushing defeat in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern where the socialist Phillipp Amthor becomes Germany´s youngest "Ministerpräsident."
[18] The Demokraten government was extremely popular, a coalition was not needed as the left was divided between DFG, USPD, SPD and DDP and the right only consists of a small DP, by now seen as far-right and a party to be shunned.
[20] After his tenth anniversary in the chancellery, Norbert Röttgen, at the height of his popularity and having been named The TIME's Person of the Year, is pushed out by his party, which lets him go with his credibility and popularity. He is succeeded by Alice Weidel, Minister of the Interior from the conservative and hardline on security wing of the party. Germany has its first female chancellor.
[21] After Chancellor Röttgen resigns the DEMOKRATEN decline in popularity, but remain the strongest party. With the DDP as her new coalition partner, Weidel passes for several reforms including a proportional flat tax, stricter migration laws and reduced wealfare spending. The reforms are know as the Agenda 2030. During the same year the newly elected chairman of the DFG Philipp Amthor and USPD Chairman Kevin Kühnert agree to unify both parties into the NDL (Neue Demokratische Linke) to end the DEMOKRATEN dominance.
[22] Despite good intentions, the NDL is even weaker than both former parties. Also the SPD is not able to regain it's former strength. But overall, there is a strong shift to the left. Surprise winner is the party of Katja Kipping who had taken over from Jutta Dittfurth who had passed away in 2024. She forms a left government.
[23] A highly controversial bill draft to introduce a one-child policy in Germany leaks and causes a scandal and the collapse of the coalition. A centre-left minority government with the Demokraten unofficial support is created to deal with the day-to-day business until the next election.
1953: Jakob Kaiser (CSP-SPD)
1957: Jakob Kaiser (CSP-DDP-VP) [2]
1961: Ludwig Erhard (CSP-VP) [3]
1965: Ludwig Erhard (CSP-VP)
1969: Rainer Barzel (CSP-DDP) [4]
1973: Willy Brandt (SPD-KPD) [5]
1975: Fritz Thielen ("Liberal Democratic Transitional Government" DDB/DVB - originally DP) [6]
1976: Fritz Thielen DDB/DVB-Zentrum) [7]
1977: Helmut Schmidt (SPD-DDP-CSP) [8]
1981: Helmut Schmidt (SPD-DDP-CSP) [9]
1984: Helmut Schmidt (SPD-DDP-USPD) [10]
1987: Willy Brandt(SPD-DDP) [11]
1991: Willy Brandt (SPD-DDP)
1992: Hans Apel (SPD-DDP) [12]
1996: Walter Wallmann (DVP-DP-UHP) [13]
2000: Walter Wallmann (DVP-UHP-DP)
2001: Friedrich Zimmermann (CSP-UHP-DVP dissidents-DP dissidents) [14]
2003: Helmut Holter (FGS-USPD) [15]
2007: Helmut Holter (FGS-USPD-SPD-UHP)
2011: Norbert Röttgen (DEMOKRATEN-DDP) [16]
2015: Norbert Röttgen (DEMOKRATEN) [17]
2019: Norbert Röttgen (Demokraten) [18]
2021: Alice Weidel (Demokraten) [20]
2023: Alice Weidel (Demokraten-DDP) [21]
2027: Katja Kipping (ÖkoLinX - SPD - NDL) [22]
2031: Katja Kipping (ÖkoLinX - SPD - NDL)
2033: Johanna Uekermann (DDP-SPD-NDL minority) [23]
[1] After negotiations for a united party for northern protestants and southern catholics fail, the southern catholics form their own party. After the first elections in the FRG, an SPD-CSP coalition is formed.
[2] Despite cordial relations between the two coalition partners, the Chancellor turns to the new German Democratic Party and the agrarian People's Party to form a new government
[3] With his health failing, Kaiser decided to forgo participation in the 1961 Federal Election, allowing his Minister of Economics, Ludwig Erhard to gain the reins of power. Erhard managed to increase his party's standing in the Bundestag, allowing him to dump the DDP and instead work with the Volks Partei. The first term of his premiership would see the creation of the North Atlantic Free Trade Area, a trading bloc that would include Britain, Ireland, Canada, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and the United States as well as his native Germany.
[4] The exercise of power weakens Erhard over time and forces him to let his foreign minister Barzel succeed him in the chancellery. The latter implements the "Westpolitik", a doctrine of rupture in inter-German relations. The country builds his own identity by looking to the west and is actively moving away from its eastern neighbour. It leads to a break with the VP and its pan-German elements. Frankfurt am Main becomes the federal capital.
[5] The double whammy of the Oil Crisis of 1972 and generic CSP fatigue leads to a landslide victory for a far-left government.
[6] Acts of resistance and civil disobedience soon steeply rose, soon followed by violent far-right nationalist terrorism in the wake of mass demonstrations against the KPD. But what few expected was, after an Anerkennungsvertrag ("Treaty of Recognition") was concluded in Weimar (East Germany) and, at least in some circles, hailed as a "monumental peace treaty", much of the German population believed it to be an act of "selling our soul, our democracy and the chance of reunification to Moscow and the commies". Riots and even bigger demonstrations - and even some terrorist attacks against mainly KPD, but also SPD, party offices, trade unions, but also against anything to do with cooperation with East Germany - shook cities from Stuttgart to Hamburg and towns from Passau to Aurich. As a supposed "concession", Brandt asked the Vertrauensfrage, with the intention of a defeat,- but several CSP and even four DDP MdBs voted for Brandt. However, with the Guillaume affair and the apparent bribes to some representatives of the DDP by East Germany coming to light, Brandt once again asked the Vertrauensfrage. But this time, unbeknownst to most, the military and a Deutsche Demokratische Bewegung (DDB) had taken control of Bonn. On September 11, 1975, two CSP and a VP delegate voted for Brandt. The governmental buildings were stormed in what could only be called a popular-supported coup d'état, and the Freiheitlich-Demokratische Übergangsregierung (approx. "Liberal Democratic Transitional government") was formed of several senior military officers and high-ranking DDP and VP, not to forget remnant Zentrum and DP, politicians. Officially it is led by the Deutsche Demokratische Bewegung and Deutsche Volksbewegung, the two leading groups that were opposing the far-left government on the streets.
[7] "Democracy" back; with supervised elections; the outcome assured.
[8] The Thielen Putsch almost immediately provoked a domestic and international crisis of unprecedented proportions, bringing the world extremely close to nuclear war. Much of the domestic left saw the overthrow by the military and right-wing parties as a resurrection of the Third Reich, and as a result even moderate centre-left politicians and trade union leaders called for mass protests as well as a general strike. The German economy found itself immediately crippled by a near complete shut-down of the manufacturing sector as well as public sectors. Nor was the international community please-both US President Humphrey and UK Prime Minister Callaghan refused to recognize the new government and demanded the immediate release of Brandt as well as other arrested politicians. The Soviet and DDR reacted even more aggressively, proclaiming the revenge of the German Deep State and immediately cut off all access to West Berlin while placing its military forces on the highest level of alert. Political violence reached unprecedented levels and in the Bloody Autumn, some 300 people were killed by far right or far left armed groups. By early November, moderate elements of the Bundeswehr had reasserted themselves, pushing out the more radical officers. Eventually Thielen and other coup plotters were forced to step down and promptly arrested, before a bureaucratic caretaker government was appointed by President Scheel, headed by Helmut Schmidt the leader of the right-wing faction of the SPD who had always opposed the Treaty. Brandt seceded and created his own Independent SPD, recalling the USPD of fifty years before. However, Schmidt's mainstream SPD along with other centrist pro-democratic parties won in a landslide in the elections of December 1977 forming a stable majority.
[9] The Wiederaufbaukoalition is returned to power. The government of national unity is focusing on three areas: cleaning up German democracy, rebuilding a sense of national unity and restoring Germany's credibility in the international stage. To do so, the promise of drafting a real constitution that should be approved by the people has been made and negotiations are slowly beginning under the Western allies eyes.
[10] The CSP withdrew its support as the feeling grows that regional interests are being ignored in the new draft constitution. Early elections are scheduled, and while support for left parties remains high, Schmidt is forced to form a Vereinigte-Linke Koalition with the USPD. For how long can the left really stay united with a new constitution on its way and Willy Brandt back with a seat at the table?
[11] Before the new Constitution could be ratified, events to the East brought radical changes to Germany. With increasing liberalization in the Soviet Union despite a reluctant Andropov, full-scale pro-democracy protests broke out in East Germany in 1987 recalling the West German protests of a decade before. Initially, East German leader Honecker and Stasi Chief Mielke responded with brutal aggression, culminating in the massacre of 177 protesters in the Alexanderplatz on June 4th 1987. This brought up a mutiny by the Army and a brief internal civil war that culminated in Mielke being lynched on live television with his corpse dragged through the streets of Berlin. West Germany watched in alarm but Brandt made a surprise appearance on television with US President Robert F. Kennedy who had flown down to Berlin and called for the Wall's tear down. Within minutes, large crowds on both sides of the border broke down the wall and a terrified East German government immediately acceded to reunification. A spirit of jubilation swept the suddenly reunified Germany and a spirit of reconciliation the SPD and USPD formally reunited in October, with Brandt being given back his old chairmanship as well as the office of Chancellor. Schmidt agreed to take the key post as Minister of Reunification instead.
[12] Willy Brandt's death in 1992 results in Hans Apel being chosen as the new leader of the SPD and Chancellor with Schmidt signaling his intention to retire soon as Minister of Reunification.
[13] Reunification, though much appreciated by nearly all Germans and a celebrated success on the international stage - Willy Brandt became the first person in history to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize twice (1973 and 1987) - did not go smoothly as anticipated, especially economically. Mass joblessness was on the rise with increasing digitalisation and the start of yet another economic and social transformation. On the other hand, both Brandt and Schmidt (Apel's chancellorship was basically viewed as "Brandt governing from the grave", though not in a negative sense) had mostly ignored or even proven baffled at the rise of the cause of environmental and climate protection. Instead, they continued to protect an increasingly outdated "working class" workng in mines and traditional factories. All these developments led to a totally new coalition by the DVP (the successor of the VP and now the conservative centre-right option), the nationalist-conservative DP and a completely new party, the UHP (Umwelt- und Heimatpartei , imagine a socially very much conservative and patriotic, and less anti-nuclear (the SPD had dumped nuclear power for coal during the oil crises of 1973, 1979 and thus, it was the right-wing parties DVP and DP, and thus the UHP which includes DVP members, adopting a pro-nuclear cause) form of the Greens)
[14] The Wallmann government collapses when his former chief of staff, Alexander Gauland, decides to publicly air its dirty laundry. The "Gauland leaks" implicate Wallmann, along with DP's leader Uwe Barschel, in crimes pertaining to their roles in the Thielen junta (specifically, perjury and obstruction of justice). The DVP Bundestag group falls apart, while DP leaves the government. The center-right government is saved for now by the inclusion of CSP and the compromise candidacy of UHP's resident elder statesman.
[15] After heated debates over how to deal with the Thielen era and the left-wing demand for a Untersuchungsausschuss Thielen ("Thielen inquiry committee") which was only accepted when several CSP dissidents voted with DFG, USPD, SPD and DDP, the coalition fell through as Zimmermann resigned after a deliberately lost Vertrauensfrage. New elections were the result, with a massive swing of votes to the left and even far-left. The SPD had meanwhile shot itself in the foot as several in the party, among them a certain Joschka Fischer, had voted with the government to send German troops into the intervention in South Iran and South Iraq. Many delegates reformed the USPD, on a pacifist and innovative - i.e. pro-digital, ecological, progressive and modernist, but also fiscally somewhat more conservative and more liberal platform - sending the "traditional" SPD, the remnants of Brandt's, Schmidt's and Apel's party still thinking that catering to the "working class" was a thing, down in the polls further and further.
Several former SPD delegates even joined DFG (Demokratie - Frieden - Gerechtigkeit), i.e. the biggest party having fomed from remnants of the former East German SED. DFG had remained quite strong in East Germany and had celebrated several notable successes in the Western part, but never had it come close to taking part in a coalition. DFG by now had firmly asserted itself as non-socialist, instead, it was very socially progressive and very much pro-digital. Economically, like the new USPD, DFG is socially liberal, but it also had to endure splitups on its way - notably, the "democratic socialist" wing of Lothar Bisky, Petra Pau, Oskar Lafontaine et al. formed the ADS. With most parties right of the DDP discredited and in turmoil, a DFG "moderate" called Helmut Holter managed to form a "coalition of Progress and Freedom" with the USPD.
[16] These eight years of opposition served as a lesson to the right, a constructive one. These years also allowed it to restructure itself on new bases: new names, new faces, everything that could remind the old generation was purged more or less violently. So it was under the very sober name of "Demokraten." that the opposition entered the general election battle with a programm of economic expertise, measured conservatism and criticism of the record of the left, which had monopolised power almost continuously for 35 years. It paid off, an absolute majority was almost reached, and a government agreement was quickly sealed with the DDP. Germany has a new political force at its head, but will it be able to apply its ideas in a country that seems to be becoming so reluctant to change and to survive the diversity of opinions within itself?
[17] Several centre-right parties agree to join Röttgen´s DEMOKRATEN. After the election of 2015 the parliament is composed of only 5 parties. Röttgen´s party gains an absolute majority, SPD, FGS, DDP and HDP form the opposition. The DEMOKRATEN win also a lot of local elections. However the DEMOKRATEN faced a crushing defeat in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern where the socialist Phillipp Amthor becomes Germany´s youngest "Ministerpräsident."
[18] The Demokraten government was extremely popular, a coalition was not needed as the left was divided between DFG, USPD, SPD and DDP and the right only consists of a small DP, by now seen as far-right and a party to be shunned.
[20] After his tenth anniversary in the chancellery, Norbert Röttgen, at the height of his popularity and having been named The TIME's Person of the Year, is pushed out by his party, which lets him go with his credibility and popularity. He is succeeded by Alice Weidel, Minister of the Interior from the conservative and hardline on security wing of the party. Germany has its first female chancellor.
[21] After Chancellor Röttgen resigns the DEMOKRATEN decline in popularity, but remain the strongest party. With the DDP as her new coalition partner, Weidel passes for several reforms including a proportional flat tax, stricter migration laws and reduced wealfare spending. The reforms are know as the Agenda 2030. During the same year the newly elected chairman of the DFG Philipp Amthor and USPD Chairman Kevin Kühnert agree to unify both parties into the NDL (Neue Demokratische Linke) to end the DEMOKRATEN dominance.
[22] Despite good intentions, the NDL is even weaker than both former parties. Also the SPD is not able to regain it's former strength. But overall, there is a strong shift to the left. Surprise winner is the party of Katja Kipping who had taken over from Jutta Dittfurth who had passed away in 2024. She forms a left government.
[23] A highly controversial bill draft to introduce a one-child policy in Germany leaks and causes a scandal and the collapse of the coalition. A centre-left minority government with the Demokraten unofficial support is created to deal with the day-to-day business until the next election.
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