Deleted member 117308
@Red Arturoist What do you mean with Schleicher Coup? Are you talking about an executed Planspiel Ott? (Unfortunately the Wiki article is only in German, but maybe a translator can help.)
That was my suggestion, but basically yes. When the Schleicher government fell apart in January '33, Ott and von Hammerstein-Equord (Reichswehr's commander-in-chief at the time) lobbied Schleicher to dissolve parliament and govern with a military junta. Some historians have suggested that Schleicher would have gone with this if his health hadn't been failing.
Deleted member 117308
I think this topic is really interesting and it would certainly led to a civil war. How do you think can we do the footnotes for this TL? In the previous TLs we added footnotes after every federal election, but this is not possible in a civil war.
Shouldn't we go for this first, @Bésikly ? Also, during a civil war, we could just add a yearly footnote.
Deleted member 117308
TL #7:
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
[1] After The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Baveria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succed?
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
[1] After The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Baveria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succed?
TL #7:
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
[1] The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
[1] The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
TL #7:
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
[1] The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
[1] The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
Last edited:
TL #7:
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
1964: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [4]
[1] The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
[4] Despite being a very poor public speaker, it wasn't until the second Lübcke cabinet that the Chancellor began to become a source of international ridicule - perhaps inspired by Kennedy's "Ich Bin Ein Berliner" speech, he attempted to make a number of public statements in broken English. It was, however, the allegations of ties to the Nazi regime that caused the most scandal and Lübcke faced a number of calls to resign. The SPD saw a chance to regain some of their lost momentum, however, when it was revealed that the source of the allegations was East Germany, the CDU/CSU fought back with allegations of their own (most notably that the Stasi had operatives working inside the Opposition) and Lübcke led his party to yet another victory.
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
1964: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [4]
[1] The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
[4] Despite being a very poor public speaker, it wasn't until the second Lübcke cabinet that the Chancellor began to become a source of international ridicule - perhaps inspired by Kennedy's "Ich Bin Ein Berliner" speech, he attempted to make a number of public statements in broken English. It was, however, the allegations of ties to the Nazi regime that caused the most scandal and Lübcke faced a number of calls to resign. The SPD saw a chance to regain some of their lost momentum, however, when it was revealed that the source of the allegations was East Germany, the CDU/CSU fought back with allegations of their own (most notably that the Stasi had operatives working inside the Opposition) and Lübcke led his party to yet another victory.
TL #7:
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
1964: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [4]
1968: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [5]
[1]The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
[4] Despite being a very poor public speaker, it wasn't until the second Lübcke cabinet that the Chancellor began to become a source of international ridicule - perhaps inspired by Kennedy's "Ich Bin Ein Berliner" speech, he attempted to make a number of public statements in broken English. It was, however, the allegations of ties to the Nazi regime that caused the most scandal and Lübcke faced a number of calls to resign. The SPD saw a chance to regain some of their lost momentum, however, when it was revealed that the source of the allegations was East Germany, the CDU/CSU fought back with allegations of their own (most notably that the Stasi had operatives working inside the Opposition) and Lübcke led his party to yet another victory.
[5] Following the 1964 loss, SPD reinvented itself under the former pastor and West-Berlin mayor Albertz, and eventually squeaked out a victory in 1968 by appealing to under-30 voters frustrated with Blücher's and Lübke's failures to denazify their governments as well as to pacifist religious voters worried about Lübke's hawkishness and the nuclear arms race. His majority is fairly narrow however, contingent on the support of Scheel's "continuity FDP" - effectively a regional party fighting for FPTP scraps in Protestant parts of NRW and Rheinland-Pfalz where neither SPD nor CDU are well-entrenched - and under threat of the marginalized left wing of SPD flipping the table.
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
1964: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [4]
1968: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [5]
[1]The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
[4] Despite being a very poor public speaker, it wasn't until the second Lübcke cabinet that the Chancellor began to become a source of international ridicule - perhaps inspired by Kennedy's "Ich Bin Ein Berliner" speech, he attempted to make a number of public statements in broken English. It was, however, the allegations of ties to the Nazi regime that caused the most scandal and Lübcke faced a number of calls to resign. The SPD saw a chance to regain some of their lost momentum, however, when it was revealed that the source of the allegations was East Germany, the CDU/CSU fought back with allegations of their own (most notably that the Stasi had operatives working inside the Opposition) and Lübcke led his party to yet another victory.
[5] Following the 1964 loss, SPD reinvented itself under the former pastor and West-Berlin mayor Albertz, and eventually squeaked out a victory in 1968 by appealing to under-30 voters frustrated with Blücher's and Lübke's failures to denazify their governments as well as to pacifist religious voters worried about Lübke's hawkishness and the nuclear arms race. His majority is fairly narrow however, contingent on the support of Scheel's "continuity FDP" - effectively a regional party fighting for FPTP scraps in Protestant parts of NRW and Rheinland-Pfalz where neither SPD nor CDU are well-entrenched - and under threat of the marginalized left wing of SPD flipping the table.
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TL #7:
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
1964: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [4]
1968: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [5]
1972: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [6]
[1]The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
[4] Despite being a very poor public speaker, it wasn't until the second Lübcke cabinet that the Chancellor began to become a source of international ridicule - perhaps inspired by Kennedy's "Ich Bin Ein Berliner" speech, he attempted to make a number of public statements in broken English. It was, however, the allegations of ties to the Nazi regime that caused the most scandal and Lübcke faced a number of calls to resign. The SPD saw a chance to regain some of their lost momentum, however, when it was revealed that the source of the allegations was East Germany, the CDU/CSU fought back with allegations of their own (most notably that the Stasi had operatives working inside the Opposition) and Lübcke led his party to yet another victory.
[5] Following the 1964 loss, SPD reinvented itself under the former pastor and West-Berlin mayor Albertz, and eventually squeaked out a victory in 1968 by appealing to under-30 voters frustrated with Blücher's and Lübke's failures to denazify their governments as well as to pacifist religious voters worried about Lübke's hawkishness and the nuclear arms race. His majority is fairly narrow however, contingent on the support of Scheel's "continuity FDP" - effectively a regional party fighting for FPTP scraps in Protestant parts of NRW and Rheinland-Pfalz where neither SPD nor CDU are well-entrenched - and under threat of the marginalized left wing of SPD flipping the table.
[6] Albertz's national reform program accomplished more than any previous program during a comparable period. Levels of social spending were increased, more funds were allocated for housing, transportation, schools, and communications, and significant federal benefits were provided to farmers. Various measures were introduced to expand health coverage and federal aid to sports organizations was increased. A series of liberal social reforms were instituted while the welfare state expanded significantly, with health, housing, and welfare laws producing welcome improvements, and by the end of the Albertz Chancellery, West Germany had one of the largest welfare systems world. However, all of this did little to stem the increase in student protests who only seemed fuelled by Albert'z reforms rather than soothed by them.
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
1964: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [4]
1968: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [5]
1972: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [6]
[1]The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
[4] Despite being a very poor public speaker, it wasn't until the second Lübcke cabinet that the Chancellor began to become a source of international ridicule - perhaps inspired by Kennedy's "Ich Bin Ein Berliner" speech, he attempted to make a number of public statements in broken English. It was, however, the allegations of ties to the Nazi regime that caused the most scandal and Lübcke faced a number of calls to resign. The SPD saw a chance to regain some of their lost momentum, however, when it was revealed that the source of the allegations was East Germany, the CDU/CSU fought back with allegations of their own (most notably that the Stasi had operatives working inside the Opposition) and Lübcke led his party to yet another victory.
[5] Following the 1964 loss, SPD reinvented itself under the former pastor and West-Berlin mayor Albertz, and eventually squeaked out a victory in 1968 by appealing to under-30 voters frustrated with Blücher's and Lübke's failures to denazify their governments as well as to pacifist religious voters worried about Lübke's hawkishness and the nuclear arms race. His majority is fairly narrow however, contingent on the support of Scheel's "continuity FDP" - effectively a regional party fighting for FPTP scraps in Protestant parts of NRW and Rheinland-Pfalz where neither SPD nor CDU are well-entrenched - and under threat of the marginalized left wing of SPD flipping the table.
[6] Albertz's national reform program accomplished more than any previous program during a comparable period. Levels of social spending were increased, more funds were allocated for housing, transportation, schools, and communications, and significant federal benefits were provided to farmers. Various measures were introduced to expand health coverage and federal aid to sports organizations was increased. A series of liberal social reforms were instituted while the welfare state expanded significantly, with health, housing, and welfare laws producing welcome improvements, and by the end of the Albertz Chancellery, West Germany had one of the largest welfare systems world. However, all of this did little to stem the increase in student protests who only seemed fuelled by Albert'z reforms rather than soothed by them.
TL #7:
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
1964: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [4]
1968: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [5]
1972: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [6]
1976: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [7]
[1]The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
[4] Despite being a very poor public speaker, it wasn't until the second Lübcke cabinet that the Chancellor began to become a source of international ridicule - perhaps inspired by Kennedy's "Ich Bin Ein Berliner" speech, he attempted to make a number of public statements in broken English. It was, however, the allegations of ties to the Nazi regime that caused the most scandal and Lübcke faced a number of calls to resign. The SPD saw a chance to regain some of their lost momentum, however, when it was revealed that the source of the allegations was East Germany, the CDU/CSU fought back with allegations of their own (most notably that the Stasi had operatives working inside the Opposition) and Lübcke led his party to yet another victory.
[5] Following the 1964 loss, SPD reinvented itself under the former pastor and West-Berlin mayor Albertz, and eventually squeaked out a victory in 1968 by appealing to under-30 voters frustrated with Blücher's and Lübke's failures to denazify their governments as well as to pacifist religious voters worried about Lübke's hawkishness and the nuclear arms race. His majority is fairly narrow however, contingent on the support of Scheel's "continuity FDP" - effectively a regional party fighting for FPTP scraps in Protestant parts of NRW and Rheinland-Pfalz where neither SPD nor CDU are well-entrenched - and under threat of the marginalized left wing of SPD flipping the table.
[6] Albertz's national reform program accomplished more than any previous program during a comparable period. Levels of social spending were increased, more funds were allocated for housing, transportation, schools, and communications, and significant federal benefits were provided to farmers. Various measures were introduced to expand health coverage and federal aid to sports organizations was increased. A series of liberal social reforms were instituted while the welfare state expanded significantly, with health, housing, and welfare laws producing welcome improvements, and by the end of the Albertz Chancellery, West Germany had one of the largest welfare systems world. However, all of this did little to stem the increase in student protests who only seemed fuelled by Albert'z reforms rather than soothed by them.
[7] Albertz’s second term was less successful than his first as leftist student groups saw his liberal agenda as not radical enough, while the conservative elements of society saw it as going too far. Despite these troubles, his SPD-FDP coalition saw a return to power on a reduced majority. However, only a few weeks after the re-election scandal rocked the government with serious allegations that advisors to high ranking cabinet members had been infiltrated by agents of the Stasi. While Albertz himself was not personally indicated, as the long-standing Chancellor, the buck (or deutschmark) stopped with him. Increasing calls came for his resignation or even a motion of no-confidence, but Albertz stood firm. How long could he weather the storm?
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
1964: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [4]
1968: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [5]
1972: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [6]
1976: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [7]
[1]The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
[4] Despite being a very poor public speaker, it wasn't until the second Lübcke cabinet that the Chancellor began to become a source of international ridicule - perhaps inspired by Kennedy's "Ich Bin Ein Berliner" speech, he attempted to make a number of public statements in broken English. It was, however, the allegations of ties to the Nazi regime that caused the most scandal and Lübcke faced a number of calls to resign. The SPD saw a chance to regain some of their lost momentum, however, when it was revealed that the source of the allegations was East Germany, the CDU/CSU fought back with allegations of their own (most notably that the Stasi had operatives working inside the Opposition) and Lübcke led his party to yet another victory.
[5] Following the 1964 loss, SPD reinvented itself under the former pastor and West-Berlin mayor Albertz, and eventually squeaked out a victory in 1968 by appealing to under-30 voters frustrated with Blücher's and Lübke's failures to denazify their governments as well as to pacifist religious voters worried about Lübke's hawkishness and the nuclear arms race. His majority is fairly narrow however, contingent on the support of Scheel's "continuity FDP" - effectively a regional party fighting for FPTP scraps in Protestant parts of NRW and Rheinland-Pfalz where neither SPD nor CDU are well-entrenched - and under threat of the marginalized left wing of SPD flipping the table.
[6] Albertz's national reform program accomplished more than any previous program during a comparable period. Levels of social spending were increased, more funds were allocated for housing, transportation, schools, and communications, and significant federal benefits were provided to farmers. Various measures were introduced to expand health coverage and federal aid to sports organizations was increased. A series of liberal social reforms were instituted while the welfare state expanded significantly, with health, housing, and welfare laws producing welcome improvements, and by the end of the Albertz Chancellery, West Germany had one of the largest welfare systems world. However, all of this did little to stem the increase in student protests who only seemed fuelled by Albert'z reforms rather than soothed by them.
[7] Albertz’s second term was less successful than his first as leftist student groups saw his liberal agenda as not radical enough, while the conservative elements of society saw it as going too far. Despite these troubles, his SPD-FDP coalition saw a return to power on a reduced majority. However, only a few weeks after the re-election scandal rocked the government with serious allegations that advisors to high ranking cabinet members had been infiltrated by agents of the Stasi. While Albertz himself was not personally indicated, as the long-standing Chancellor, the buck (or deutschmark) stopped with him. Increasing calls came for his resignation or even a motion of no-confidence, but Albertz stood firm. How long could he weather the storm?
TL #7:
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
1964: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [4]
1968: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [5]
1972: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [6]
1976: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [7]
1978: Ernst Albrecht (CDU-FPD-FDP) [8]
[1]The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
[4] Despite being a very poor public speaker, it wasn't until the second Lübcke cabinet that the Chancellor began to become a source of international ridicule - perhaps inspired by Kennedy's "Ich Bin Ein Berliner" speech, he attempted to make a number of public statements in broken English. It was, however, the allegations of ties to the Nazi regime that caused the most scandal and Lübcke faced a number of calls to resign. The SPD saw a chance to regain some of their lost momentum, however, when it was revealed that the source of the allegations was East Germany, the CDU/CSU fought back with allegations of their own (most notably that the Stasi had operatives working inside the Opposition) and Lübcke led his party to yet another victory.
[5] Following the 1964 loss, SPD reinvented itself under the former pastor and West-Berlin mayor Albertz, and eventually squeaked out a victory in 1968 by appealing to under-30 voters frustrated with Blücher's and Lübke's failures to denazify their governments as well as to pacifist religious voters worried about Lübke's hawkishness and the nuclear arms race. His majority is fairly narrow however, contingent on the support of Scheel's "continuity FDP" - effectively a regional party fighting for FPTP scraps in Protestant parts of NRW and Rheinland-Pfalz where neither SPD nor CDU are well-entrenched - and under threat of the marginalized left wing of SPD flipping the table.
[6] Albertz's national reform program accomplished more than any previous program during a comparable period. Levels of social spending were increased, more funds were allocated for housing, transportation, schools, and communications, and significant federal benefits were provided to farmers. Various measures were introduced to expand health coverage and federal aid to sports organizations was increased. A series of liberal social reforms were instituted while the welfare state expanded significantly, with health, housing, and welfare laws producing welcome improvements, and by the end of the Albertz Chancellery, West Germany had one of the largest welfare systems world. However, all of this did little to stem the increase in student protests who only seemed fuelled by Albert'z reforms rather than soothed by them.
[7] Albertz’s second term was less successful than his first as leftist student groups saw his liberal agenda as not radical enough, while the conservative elements of society saw it as going too far. Despite these troubles, his SPD-FDP coalition saw a return to power on a reduced majority. However, only a few weeks after the re-election scandal rocked the government with serious allegations that advisors to high ranking cabinet members had been infiltrated by agents of the Stasi. While Albertz himself was not personally indicated, as the long-standing Chancellor, the buck (or deutschmark) stopped with him. Increasing calls came for his resignation or even a motion of no-confidence, but Albertz stood firm. How long could he weather the storm?
[8] While Albertz was able to maintain his personal integrity and survive a vote of confidence in December, too much damage had been done to the credibility of the government, which felt too illegitimate to undertake any project and too unpopular to go before the voters. The year 1977 was thus impressive for the inaction of a government that was content to dispatch current affairs, and many feared that this situation would continue until the end of the Bundestag's term. So when the new CDU leader Ernst Albrecht announced his intention to form a new majority including the right-wing FPD and the moribund centrist FDP, the announcement was greeted with enthusiasm, and within a few months the FDP was wrested from a powerless SPD in return for the disproportionate promise to get both the Foreign Affairs and Finances ministries. A few days after the tenth anniversary of Albertz's presence in the chancellery, he was overthrown by the Bundestag, which hastened to appoint Albrecht as his successor. What program would this new majority implement and with what legitimacy would it be able to govern?
List of Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany:
1949: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP)
1953: Franz Blücher (FDP-CDU-CSU-DRP) [1]
1956: Heinrich Lübke (CDU-FDP-CSU) [2]
1960: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [3]
1964: Heinrich Lübke (CDU/CSU-FPD) [4]
1968: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [5]
1972: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [6]
1976: Heinrich Albertz (SPD-FDP) [7]
1978: Ernst Albrecht (CDU-FPD-FDP) [8]
[1]The elections of 1953 seemed even more intense the previous ones. SPD and KPD were still alienated from the other parties because of their cooperation in east Germany (the GDR is much more democratic than in OTL). The war in Korea led to a red scare in FRG and also helped the FDP and her allies. But there was still one issue Blücher and his party. The far right DRP was full of former NSDAP members and many western countries were criticising Blücher's cooperation with them. However Blücher also needed them to prevent SPD, KPD governments in many German states. The CSU politician Josef Müller gave Blücher an interesting option. If Germany would adopt a "first past the post" system, the FDP would not need the DRP anymore. The CSU anticipated that they would still win most of the potential counties in Bavaria. Even some SPD politicians were open to the idea in order to get rid of the KPD as their leftist rival. However the CDU was against it. Will Müller's plan succeed?
[2] As the DRP fell more into extremism and infighting, calls for electoral reform to push them out intensified within the government. The FDP and CSU, favouring Müller's first-past-the-post proposal, put pressure on the CDU. While they refused to accept a pure majoritarian system, they eventually agreed to adopt a mixed system, with 75% of seats elected via FPTP and 25% via proportional representation. Unlike the original MMP system, the proportional element would not balance the FPTP seats, giving larger parties a clear advantage. This was passed after significant debate in 1956, supported by the FDP, CDU, CSU, and SPD. In response, the outraged DRP left the governing coalition. Chancellor Blücher immediately seized the opportunity to test the new electoral system, calling and intentionally losing a motion of confidence in the Bundestag in order to call a snap election.
However, the FDP's situation was less rosy than Blücher had believed. A large segment of their broad, moderate base were troubled by the conservative developments of the government. Election day came, and the result was a shock - the FDP only managed to reach third place, though it narrowly edged out the CDU in terms of votes. The CDU emerged as the largest party on a wave of Catholic support in the Rhineland, Westphalia, and Baden. As expected, the CSU swept most of Bavaria. The SPD also improved its position, though only marginally. Both the DRP and KPD were thrown out of the Bundestag, leaving it with only four parties. Blücher resigned from the governemnt in the aftermath, but the FDP agreed to a new coalition with the CDU/CSU under new Chancellor Heinrich Lübke.
[3] The first Lübcke cabinet was a period of political restructuration and economic growth. The CDU and the CSU merged into one indivisible entity at the federal level, while the distinction remained at the state level. The FDP continued its right-winging and became the Freiheitliche Partei Deutschlands by integrating some conservative elements penalized by the electoral system or disappointed by the politics of Lübcke. The 1960 election saw the CDU/CSU becoming the largest party in Germany and narrowly missing out on an absolute majority, while the FPD made up for its losses in the center with conservative reinforcements and was separated by only a few points from the falling SPD. Negotiations between the two partners in the outgoing coalition were fierce. The FPD retained the Foreign Ministry, from which it could impose its vision on inter-German relations.
[4] Despite being a very poor public speaker, it wasn't until the second Lübcke cabinet that the Chancellor began to become a source of international ridicule - perhaps inspired by Kennedy's "Ich Bin Ein Berliner" speech, he attempted to make a number of public statements in broken English. It was, however, the allegations of ties to the Nazi regime that caused the most scandal and Lübcke faced a number of calls to resign. The SPD saw a chance to regain some of their lost momentum, however, when it was revealed that the source of the allegations was East Germany, the CDU/CSU fought back with allegations of their own (most notably that the Stasi had operatives working inside the Opposition) and Lübcke led his party to yet another victory.
[5] Following the 1964 loss, SPD reinvented itself under the former pastor and West-Berlin mayor Albertz, and eventually squeaked out a victory in 1968 by appealing to under-30 voters frustrated with Blücher's and Lübke's failures to denazify their governments as well as to pacifist religious voters worried about Lübke's hawkishness and the nuclear arms race. His majority is fairly narrow however, contingent on the support of Scheel's "continuity FDP" - effectively a regional party fighting for FPTP scraps in Protestant parts of NRW and Rheinland-Pfalz where neither SPD nor CDU are well-entrenched - and under threat of the marginalized left wing of SPD flipping the table.
[6] Albertz's national reform program accomplished more than any previous program during a comparable period. Levels of social spending were increased, more funds were allocated for housing, transportation, schools, and communications, and significant federal benefits were provided to farmers. Various measures were introduced to expand health coverage and federal aid to sports organizations was increased. A series of liberal social reforms were instituted while the welfare state expanded significantly, with health, housing, and welfare laws producing welcome improvements, and by the end of the Albertz Chancellery, West Germany had one of the largest welfare systems world. However, all of this did little to stem the increase in student protests who only seemed fuelled by Albert'z reforms rather than soothed by them.
[7] Albertz’s second term was less successful than his first as leftist student groups saw his liberal agenda as not radical enough, while the conservative elements of society saw it as going too far. Despite these troubles, his SPD-FDP coalition saw a return to power on a reduced majority. However, only a few weeks after the re-election scandal rocked the government with serious allegations that advisors to high ranking cabinet members had been infiltrated by agents of the Stasi. While Albertz himself was not personally indicated, as the long-standing Chancellor, the buck (or deutschmark) stopped with him. Increasing calls came for his resignation or even a motion of no-confidence, but Albertz stood firm. How long could he weather the storm?
[8] While Albertz was able to maintain his personal integrity and survive a vote of confidence in December, too much damage had been done to the credibility of the government, which felt too illegitimate to undertake any project and too unpopular to go before the voters. The year 1977 was thus impressive for the inaction of a government that was content to dispatch current affairs, and many feared that this situation would continue until the end of the Bundestag's term. So when the new CDU leader Ernst Albrecht announced his intention to form a new majority including the right-wing FPD and the moribund centrist FDP, the announcement was greeted with enthusiasm, and within a few months the FDP was wrested from a powerless SPD in return for the disproportionate promise to get both the Foreign Affairs and Finances ministries. A few days after the tenth anniversary of Albertz's presence in the chancellery, he was overthrown by the Bundestag, which hastened to appoint Albrecht as his successor. What program would this new majority implement and with what legitimacy would it be able to govern?
I also thought of restarting this, but with a new list. @oberdada , as the last post was less than six months old, I don't think this counts as a necro (or do you think other rules could be violated?)