List of German Chancellors (1949 - 2030)

@Ingsoc.dmnt , @Lautréamont , @oberdada , @Gilbert Farwynd , et al.:
These four lists are what we currently have to focus on:

Chancellor of the Vierflüssebund (Rhein-Main-Weser-Elbe-Bund) (West Germany)

1965: Erich Mende (LD) [28]

President of the Rhein-Donau-Republik (Rhine-Danube Republic):

1938: Reinhold Maier (Christliche Freidemokraten CFD)
1940: Hans Ehard (Christliche Freidemokraten CFD) [13]
1945: Viktor Renner (Mitte - Demokratische Partei M) [14]
1950: Viktor Renner (Mitte - Demokratische Partei M)
1955: Wilhelm Boden (Christliche Freidemokraten CFD)

1960: Kurt Georg Kiesinger (Christliche Freidemokraten CFD)
1965: Volkmar Gabert (Arbeiterpartei - AP)


Soviet-affiliated States:

Leader of the Working Class of the Socialist German Peoples Republic
1961: Walter Ulbricht (Freie Vereinigte Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands - FVAPD) [26]
1967:
Walter Ulbricht (Preußische Vereinigte Arbeiterpartei - PVAP)


Chairperson of the Deutsche Arbeiterkammer (German Workers' Chamber, DAK)

1967: Anna Eisler (SBDA)

[12] The Soviet Union was not to keep to the agreements of neutrality... when, in Silesia and East Prussia, German nationalist resistance to the occupation popped up, it was - surprisingly - the Soviet Union which came to the rebels' assistance. This started yet another war in which the Entente, to little avail, tried to contain the USSR's ambitions of establishing a communist German nationalist state. The Entente powers proved exhausted and, except for some resistance along the Czechoslovakian border and a successful attempt to retain Saxony and Thuringia, not much else could be done to stop the USSR. After this second part of the war, Germany is completely divided. The Netherlands put Bakker-Schut plan B into action (see map). Luxembourg gains the Saarland and some areas around OTL Trier, with Belgium also gaining a few areas. All other areas west of the Rhine are annexed into the Rhine-Main Republic, together with OTL Hessen. Westphalia, under US occupation, is spun off as its own state. To the south, France and Austria jointly proclaim a Rhine-Danube Republic in order not to foster Bavarian or any other nationalism. Saxony becomes a liberal republic following the Czechoslovakian system. The Hanseatic Union includes all areas of Bremen, Lower Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt west of the Elbe, Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg and Mecklenburg. All these nations shall have their own militaries, with unifications between these states a fringe opinion. United German democracy is commonly seen as having failed, thus, a united Germany is believed to only be possible under authoritarianism. The Hanseatic Union and Westphalia are based on a Westminster-type system, while the Rhine-Main and Rhine-Danube Republics use a French-type semi-presidential system with two-round voting. Saxony-Thuringia on the other hand uses MMP. The final armistice was signed on August 27, 1937, but it was clear that the occupations need to end very soon. Thus, by Spring 1938, all occupations were lifted and states proclaimed. Except in the Soviet zone - where Thälmann was selected as Secretary General of the one and only legal party, the VAPD, free and fair elections were held.

[13] The next 4 years were one of appeasement and consolidation. The late German people aspired to this. The Austrian Chancellor and the 5 leaders of the new democracies in Western Germany were nicknamed the "Gang of Six" in their effort to harmoniously build separate destinies and bring dignity to their peoples in peace and democracy. The death of Wilhelm II in 1941 was seen as closing a chapter in history. President Maier was assassinated by a Bavarian sovereignist in 1940, but the country's institutions enabled it to hold firm as he was succeeded by his justice minister in the thus provoked presidential election. In the west, the spring of 1942 marked the triumphant re-election of Prime Minister Brauer while in the East, criticism of the Berlin regime was becoming increasingly and noticeably rare. Not because the situation was pleasant, but because the Soviet totalitarian machine had a new giant playing field at its disposal. The recent workers' insurrectionist movements in Saxony left no doubt that the new democracies were not yet fully protected, but the age of time was leading to a preference for voluntarily ignoring who was hiding behind them.

[14] After the death of Kaiser Wilhelm II the throne is left vacant. In his famous "Doorn is not Versailles" speech the Crown Prince declares that while it was possible to hold a Kaiser proclamation on foreign soil at the head of the victorious army, it would not be prudent to do so in Exile. He condemns the existing German States as puppets of foreign powers and expresses his certainty that Germany will once again be free and united under the rightful monarch, and that than will be the time and place to proclaim a new Kaiser. However, he will serve as German Head of State (in Exile). Since the provisional government does not know term limits for the chancellor and the new Head of State does not fire Heinrich von Brüning, he remains chancellor (in Exile).

[15] By 1945 both the former Entente and USSR are increasingly coming into conflict - but the absence of direct confrontation zones in Germany (like West Berlin) and the earlier death of Iosib Bessarionis dze Dzugashvili in 1941 and Lavrentiy Beria in 1942, both succeeded by war hero Mikhail N. Tukhachevsky (who was never purged) significantly defuse the "normal" tensions. Never do the two big blocs come to a point where nuclear war threatens to annihilate both of them. On the other hand, proxy wars can more easily ignite without the real threat of MAD. An example is the Czechoslovak Civil War which has led to the Czech side becoming communist while the Slovak part of the nation and a part of eastern Czechia, despite being surrounded on most sides by communists, was propped up from the South. The Treaty of Prague officially divided the nation - and the Czech Workers' Socialist Republic promptly awarded the Sudetenland Germans with linguistic and even a bit of governmental autonomy... In the western successor states of Germany, by now even more closely cooperating with the Entente - which also entails the differences becoming bigger in some areas, e.g. the successor states of Germany start to "take in" the rivalry between Britain and France - start to regain many regional identities. By now, the young generation views themselves as a Bavarian, Badenser or Rhinelander more than as a German. Politically, most successor states continue on a centrist or centre-left course.

[16] Following the death of Ernst Thälmann there is a short power struggle within the VAPD, but eventually Ruth Fischer is elected as new General Secretary (Due to the enormous pressure by the Ludendorff Regime the ideological differences with Thälmann (and Stalin) aren't that significant, so she never goes to Moscow and does not break with the KPD)

[17] The rest of 1947 was relatively calm, apart from a first alternation of power in Westphalia. Internationally, there was an upsurge in tension during the winter when a misinterpreted power cut in Czechia led the western HQs to believe for a few hours that a massive assault was imminent. While this incident, which had not yet leaked out, was not based on anything, it made European democracies aware of the imminent risk on their doorsteps. A common defence pact for Western Europe is mentioned privately in embassies at the very beginning of 1948.

[18] Partially affected by the neighboring civil war and the establishment of the Czech Workers' Socialist Republic (CDSR), the late 1940s in central Germany saw huge workers' strikes and eventual uprisings in Leipzig, Chemnitz, Jena, Erfurt and Zwickau. In the 1948 election, the VAPST, a sister party of the VAPD, emerged to victory, with possible meddling by both the CDSR and the DSR. Although the new chancellor Böttcher managed to sideline the more radical elements around Walther Ulbricht, there were serious doubts about the new Saxonian-Thuringian government. Especially the Hanseatic Union was now the leading pusher for a Western European defence pact, as the strikes soon spilled over to the industrial regions around Halle.

[19] While widely reported and met with both despair and jubilation across Europe, it was the relative lack of interest shown at the death of Crown Prince Wilhelm von Preußen in 1951 that illustrated just how far the separate parts of the former Empire had grown. Most states had stabilized their governmental organisations and elections (of varying levels of "free-ness and fairness") were being regularly carried out. A few fringe organisations within each country pushed for greater cooperation but for the most part, the individual states either looked to the West or the East for their guidance and support.

[20] After a Soviet backed coup in Saxony-Thuringia, the new socialist state officially joins the DSR. The western powers respond with the creation of a defence pact, called the Pact of Paris. It includes every other German state and even France, Britain, Belgium and the Netherlands. On the other side of the globe tensions are rising as well. In east Asia a third Sino-Japanese war becomes more likely every day.

[21] Tensions rise and fall; Then war breaks out in Asia, While Germany waits.

[22] The resignation of Konrad Adenauer in the autumn of 1955 after 17 years of reign marked a new turning point. The man who had been nicknamed the "Rheinbaron" was the last survivor of the first generation of new leaders of West German democracies. The war is intensifying in Asia, a Chinese landing took place on the island of Kyushu. The news of mutual massacres worries the international community without any actual outside reaction. The United States seems to have returned to a form of isolationism, Western Europe is too busy fighting decolonization and strengthening its collective security to get involved in the Japan-China conflict. In addition to the Treaty of Paris, the European Defense Community has been created, the military staffs are learning to act in a coordinated way. Austria joined as an associate minor partner. The Soviet Union, on the other hand, is waiting for its moment. The 1956 New Year celebrations have a very gloomy atmosphere in European capitals.

[23] Hanseatic Union has always been a left wing nation and so has Westphalia for the last decade. The Socialist Party led government has held a referendum to join the Hanseatic Union. With a 64% vote in favor on a turnout of 87% Wesphalia joins the Union as its 7th state.

[24] Leading the push for a successful unification referedum, Franz Meyers gets elected as new Hanseatic Prime Minister, but other than that change things continue as 'normal'. Indeed, by the end of the 1950's a kind of German "groundhog day" has entered the lives of the German states. The political maneuverings between the Soviet Union and the European Defense Community play out in the background, a kind of Cold War, while the Hot War in the East has reached another stalemate. The reconfirmation of Ruth Fischer as Secretary General Central Committee of the VAPD is an metaphor for just how stagnant things have come - the question is however, is stagnation better than excitement in this climate?

[25] Ruth Fischer resignes from the position of Generel Secretary at age 65, taking the represantative office of President of the German Socialist Republic for her last years. She manages to place her niece Anna Eisler (born 1931) as succesor. (Let's go for a communist dynasty)

[26] The attempt by Soviet Leader Beria to replace Anna Eisler with the Head Commisioner of Distrcit Königsberg Walter Ulbricht fails, leading to a German - Soviet falling out. A millitary invasion of the German Socialist Republic is not possible due to Poland refusing to let Soviet troops pass.
Walter Ulbricht however manages to keep control of the district Königsberg (Eastern Prussia) and sets up his own Socialist German Peoples Republic. (Usually called "Soviet-Prussia") The area of the former Free City of Danzig however stays with the German Socialist Republic. The bridges over the Vistula connecting both parts are blown up.

[27] If the rupture becomes clearer in the east, the links become closer in the west. The defence community served as the basis for the creation of a Western European Economic Community. These institutions are grouped together in the European Community, which is seen as a beacon of democracy, prosperity and stability in these times of crisis. The Europäische Lösung is seen as the best future for the young West German democracies. Franz Meier was re-elected prime minister of the Hanseatic Union while social democracy finally overthrew the reign of the DU in the Rhein-Main Republik.

[28] Change and revolution, even war, ran rampant all over the world. The Soviets had alienated the German socialists as well as the Poles, and as Poland did not allow Soviet troops to pass through for an invasion of the German Socialist Republic - which had entered a process of reform and democratisation under Anna Eisler - war broke out. The USSR tried to replace Poland's pro-Eisler government under Czesław Wycech, but the German and Czech Socialist Republics intervened. The Baltic Sea War was the closest the world had come to World War III, with the major tensions only defused when coups and popular uprisings once again proved the instability of a remnant of fifty years or more ago, namely the Ottoman Empire. Its downfall enabled both Socialist, and the liberal capitalist, side to refocus. An armistice was agreed upon in 1967. Poland ended up divided once again (into a reformist West Poland and a Polish SSR annexed to the USSR), the Baltics became Soviet puppet states. To make it clear that Germany/Germans had "betrayed" the USSR, East Prussia was renamed the Prussian People's Socialist Republic and had Memelland annexed into Lithuania.

To the West, the Hanseatic Union and Rhine-Main Republic united after a referendum. And, to many people's surprise, this new nation - officially Rheim-Main-Weser-Elbe-Bund or Vierflüssebund , but most call it West Germany - voted for a British- or Dutch-type constitutional monarchy, thus bringing back the successor of Wilhelm II., Louis Ferdinand, to Germany! Another (small) surprise came when not Willy Brandt, but liberal democrat Erich Mende became the first Chancellor.

East Germany saw many reforms enacted and, by the late 1960s, it was a moderately democratic socialist nation with several different parties. As Anna Eisler was very popular, the left-wing (here, these classifications refer primarily to social policy, as economic policy is relatively uniform across parties).
And in the Rhine-Danube Republic, the first candidate from the social democrat Socialist Labour Party, Volkmar Gabert, won the elections.
[/QUOTE]
 
Chancellor of the Vierflüssebund (Rhein-Main-Weser-Elbe-Bund) (West Germany)

1965: Erich Mende (LD) [28]
1969: Erich Mende (LD)

King of the Vierflüssebund (Rhein-Main-Weser-Elbe-Bund)
(West Germany)

1965-1969: Louis "Ludwig" Ferdinand
1969-????: Michael [29]


......

President of the Rhein-Donau-Republik (Rhine-Danube Republic):

1938: Reinhold Maier (Christliche Freidemokraten CFD)
1940: Hans Ehard (Christliche Freidemokraten CFD) [13]
1945: Viktor Renner (Mitte - Demokratische Partei M) [14]
1950: Viktor Renner (Mitte - Demokratische Partei M)
1955: Wilhelm Boden (Christliche Freidemokraten CFD)

1960: Kurt Georg Kiesinger (Christliche Freidemokraten CFD)
1965: Volkmar Gabert (Arbeiterpartei - AP)


Soviet-affiliated States:

Leader of the Working Class of the Socialist German Peoples Republic
1961: Walter Ulbricht (Freie Vereinigte Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands - FVAPD) [26]
1967:
Walter Ulbricht (Preußische Vereinigte Arbeiterpartei - PVAP)


Chairperson of the Deutsche Arbeiterkammer (German Workers' Chamber, DAK)

1967: Anna Eisler (SBDA)

[12] The Soviet Union was not to keep to the agreements of neutrality... when, in Silesia and East Prussia, German nationalist resistance to the occupation popped up, it was - surprisingly - the Soviet Union which came to the rebels' assistance. This started yet another war in which the Entente, to little avail, tried to contain the USSR's ambitions of establishing a communist German nationalist state. The Entente powers proved exhausted and, except for some resistance along the Czechoslovakian border and a successful attempt to retain Saxony and Thuringia, not much else could be done to stop the USSR. After this second part of the war, Germany is completely divided. The Netherlands put Bakker-Schut plan B into action (see map). Luxembourg gains the Saarland and some areas around OTL Trier, with Belgium also gaining a few areas. All other areas west of the Rhine are annexed into the Rhine-Main Republic, together with OTL Hessen. Westphalia, under US occupation, is spun off as its own state. To the south, France and Austria jointly proclaim a Rhine-Danube Republic in order not to foster Bavarian or any other nationalism. Saxony becomes a liberal republic following the Czechoslovakian system. The Hanseatic Union includes all areas of Bremen, Lower Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt west of the Elbe, Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg and Mecklenburg. All these nations shall have their own militaries, with unifications between these states a fringe opinion. United German democracy is commonly seen as having failed, thus, a united Germany is believed to only be possible under authoritarianism. The Hanseatic Union and Westphalia are based on a Westminster-type system, while the Rhine-Main and Rhine-Danube Republics use a French-type semi-presidential system with two-round voting. Saxony-Thuringia on the other hand uses MMP. The final armistice was signed on August 27, 1937, but it was clear that the occupations need to end very soon. Thus, by Spring 1938, all occupations were lifted and states proclaimed. Except in the Soviet zone - where Thälmann was selected as Secretary General of the one and only legal party, the VAPD, free and fair elections were held.

[13] The next 4 years were one of appeasement and consolidation. The late German people aspired to this. The Austrian Chancellor and the 5 leaders of the new democracies in Western Germany were nicknamed the "Gang of Six" in their effort to harmoniously build separate destinies and bring dignity to their peoples in peace and democracy. The death of Wilhelm II in 1941 was seen as closing a chapter in history. President Maier was assassinated by a Bavarian sovereignist in 1940, but the country's institutions enabled it to hold firm as he was succeeded by his justice minister in the thus provoked presidential election. In the west, the spring of 1942 marked the triumphant re-election of Prime Minister Brauer while in the East, criticism of the Berlin regime was becoming increasingly and noticeably rare. Not because the situation was pleasant, but because the Soviet totalitarian machine had a new giant playing field at its disposal. The recent workers' insurrectionist movements in Saxony left no doubt that the new democracies were not yet fully protected, but the age of time was leading to a preference for voluntarily ignoring who was hiding behind them.

[14] After the death of Kaiser Wilhelm II the throne is left vacant. In his famous "Doorn is not Versailles" speech the Crown Prince declares that while it was possible to hold a Kaiser proclamation on foreign soil at the head of the victorious army, it would not be prudent to do so in Exile. He condemns the existing German States as puppets of foreign powers and expresses his certainty that Germany will once again be free and united under the rightful monarch, and that than will be the time and place to proclaim a new Kaiser. However, he will serve as German Head of State (in Exile). Since the provisional government does not know term limits for the chancellor and the new Head of State does not fire Heinrich von Brüning, he remains chancellor (in Exile).

[15] By 1945 both the former Entente and USSR are increasingly coming into conflict - but the absence of direct confrontation zones in Germany (like West Berlin) and the earlier death of Iosib Bessarionis dze Dzugashvili in 1941 and Lavrentiy Beria in 1942, both succeeded by war hero Mikhail N. Tukhachevsky (who was never purged) significantly defuse the "normal" tensions. Never do the two big blocs come to a point where nuclear war threatens to annihilate both of them. On the other hand, proxy wars can more easily ignite without the real threat of MAD. An example is the Czechoslovak Civil War which has led to the Czech side becoming communist while the Slovak part of the nation and a part of eastern Czechia, despite being surrounded on most sides by communists, was propped up from the South. The Treaty of Prague officially divided the nation - and the Czech Workers' Socialist Republic promptly awarded the Sudetenland Germans with linguistic and even a bit of governmental autonomy... In the western successor states of Germany, by now even more closely cooperating with the Entente - which also entails the differences becoming bigger in some areas, e.g. the successor states of Germany start to "take in" the rivalry between Britain and France - start to regain many regional identities. By now, the young generation views themselves as a Bavarian, Badenser or Rhinelander more than as a German. Politically, most successor states continue on a centrist or centre-left course.

[16] Following the death of Ernst Thälmann there is a short power struggle within the VAPD, but eventually Ruth Fischer is elected as new General Secretary (Due to the enormous pressure by the Ludendorff Regime the ideological differences with Thälmann (and Stalin) aren't that significant, so she never goes to Moscow and does not break with the KPD)

[17] The rest of 1947 was relatively calm, apart from a first alternation of power in Westphalia. Internationally, there was an upsurge in tension during the winter when a misinterpreted power cut in Czechia led the western HQs to believe for a few hours that a massive assault was imminent. While this incident, which had not yet leaked out, was not based on anything, it made European democracies aware of the imminent risk on their doorsteps. A common defence pact for Western Europe is mentioned privately in embassies at the very beginning of 1948.

[18] Partially affected by the neighboring civil war and the establishment of the Czech Workers' Socialist Republic (CDSR), the late 1940s in central Germany saw huge workers' strikes and eventual uprisings in Leipzig, Chemnitz, Jena, Erfurt and Zwickau. In the 1948 election, the VAPST, a sister party of the VAPD, emerged to victory, with possible meddling by both the CDSR and the DSR. Although the new chancellor Böttcher managed to sideline the more radical elements around Walther Ulbricht, there were serious doubts about the new Saxonian-Thuringian government. Especially the Hanseatic Union was now the leading pusher for a Western European defence pact, as the strikes soon spilled over to the industrial regions around Halle.

[19] While widely reported and met with both despair and jubilation across Europe, it was the relative lack of interest shown at the death of Crown Prince Wilhelm von Preußen in 1951 that illustrated just how far the separate parts of the former Empire had grown. Most states had stabilized their governmental organisations and elections (of varying levels of "free-ness and fairness") were being regularly carried out. A few fringe organisations within each country pushed for greater cooperation but for the most part, the individual states either looked to the West or the East for their guidance and support.

[20] After a Soviet backed coup in Saxony-Thuringia, the new socialist state officially joins the DSR. The western powers respond with the creation of a defence pact, called the Pact of Paris. It includes every other German state and even France, Britain, Belgium and the Netherlands. On the other side of the globe tensions are rising as well. In east Asia a third Sino-Japanese war becomes more likely every day.

[21] Tensions rise and fall; Then war breaks out in Asia, While Germany waits.

[22] The resignation of Konrad Adenauer in the autumn of 1955 after 17 years of reign marked a new turning point. The man who had been nicknamed the "Rheinbaron" was the last survivor of the first generation of new leaders of West German democracies. The war is intensifying in Asia, a Chinese landing took place on the island of Kyushu. The news of mutual massacres worries the international community without any actual outside reaction. The United States seems to have returned to a form of isolationism, Western Europe is too busy fighting decolonization and strengthening its collective security to get involved in the Japan-China conflict. In addition to the Treaty of Paris, the European Defense Community has been created, the military staffs are learning to act in a coordinated way. Austria joined as an associate minor partner. The Soviet Union, on the other hand, is waiting for its moment. The 1956 New Year celebrations have a very gloomy atmosphere in European capitals.

[23] Hanseatic Union has always been a left wing nation and so has Westphalia for the last decade. The Socialist Party led government has held a referendum to join the Hanseatic Union. With a 64% vote in favor on a turnout of 87% Wesphalia joins the Union as its 7th state.

[24] Leading the push for a successful unification referedum, Franz Meyers gets elected as new Hanseatic Prime Minister, but other than that change things continue as 'normal'. Indeed, by the end of the 1950's a kind of German "groundhog day" has entered the lives of the German states. The political maneuverings between the Soviet Union and the European Defense Community play out in the background, a kind of Cold War, while the Hot War in the East has reached another stalemate. The reconfirmation of Ruth Fischer as Secretary General Central Committee of the VAPD is an metaphor for just how stagnant things have come - the question is however, is stagnation better than excitement in this climate?

[25] Ruth Fischer resignes from the position of Generel Secretary at age 65, taking the represantative office of President of the German Socialist Republic for her last years. She manages to place her niece Anna Eisler (born 1931) as succesor. (Let's go for a communist dynasty)

[26] The attempt by Soviet Leader Beria to replace Anna Eisler with the Head Commisioner of Distrcit Königsberg Walter Ulbricht fails, leading to a German - Soviet falling out. A millitary invasion of the German Socialist Republic is not possible due to Poland refusing to let Soviet troops pass.
Walter Ulbricht however manages to keep control of the district Königsberg (Eastern Prussia) and sets up his own Socialist German Peoples Republic. (Usually called "Soviet-Prussia") The area of the former Free City of Danzig however stays with the German Socialist Republic. The bridges over the Vistula connecting both parts are blown up.

[27] If the rupture becomes clearer in the east, the links become closer in the west. The defence community served as the basis for the creation of a Western European Economic Community. These institutions are grouped together in the European Community, which is seen as a beacon of democracy, prosperity and stability in these times of crisis. The Europäische Lösung is seen as the best future for the young West German democracies. Franz Meier was re-elected prime minister of the Hanseatic Union while social democracy finally overthrew the reign of the DU in the Rhein-Main Republik.

[28] Change and revolution, even war, ran rampant all over the world. The Soviets had alienated the German socialists as well as the Poles, and as Poland did not allow Soviet troops to pass through for an invasion of the German Socialist Republic - which had entered a process of reform and democratisation under Anna Eisler - war broke out. The USSR tried to replace Poland's pro-Eisler government under Czesław Wycech, but the German and Czech Socialist Republics intervened. The Baltic Sea War was the closest the world had come to World War III, with the major tensions only defused when coups and popular uprisings once again proved the instability of a remnant of fifty years or more ago, namely the Ottoman Empire. Its downfall enabled both Socialist, and the liberal capitalist, side to refocus. An armistice was agreed upon in 1967. Poland ended up divided once again (into a reformist West Poland and a Polish SSR annexed to the USSR), the Baltics became Soviet puppet states. To make it clear that Germany/Germans had "betrayed" the USSR, East Prussia was renamed the Prussian People's Socialist Republic and had Memelland annexed into Lithuania.

To the West, the Hanseatic Union and Rhine-Main Republic united after a referendum. And, to many people's surprise, this new nation - officially Rheim-Main-Weser-Elbe-Bund or Vierflüssebund , but most call it West Germany - voted for a British- or Dutch-type constitutional monarchy, thus bringing back the successor of Wilhelm II., Louis Ferdinand, to Germany! Another (small) surprise came when not Willy Brandt, but liberal democrat Erich Mende became the first Chancellor.

East Germany saw many reforms enacted and, by the late 1960s, it was a moderately democratic socialist nation with several different parties. As Anna Eisler was very popular, the left-wing (here, these classifications refer primarily to social policy, as economic policy is relatively uniform across parties).
And in the Rhine-Danube Republic, the first candidate from the social democrat Socialist Labour Party, Volkmar Gabert, won the elections.

[29] Things were finally beginning to settle down when in the fall of 1969 King Louis Ferdinand was murdered by a young communist in Bielefeld. The emotion was consequent. The young Prince Michael succeeded his father and a wave of panic swept through the country. A few weeks later Chancellor Mende was largely re-elected, the people needed to feel safe. The young federation was looking for culprits.
 
Hey, I am thinking about restarting the TL. Just a traditional 1949 FRG TL. What do you think? Or do you want to continue this TL?
I couldn't contribute anymore to the current TL as it became too difficult for me to keep track of all the people/events. Personally, I would suggest a new post 1949 TL, with a starting POD or theme.
Some ideas could be (but I'm sure better ideas could be thought of - also the POD doesn't necessarily have to be 1949):
What if the SPD did better in the 1949 election?
What if Kurt Schumacher was more open to a grand coalition?
What if a neutral united Germany had been established?
What if D-Day failed and a democratic but pro-Soviet (otl Finland) united Germany was established?
 
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Yeah, I also kinda got bored due to sensory overload, with all those Germanies floating around... I'd suggest going for something shorter to revive the thread, like my old favourite of Brandt losing that infamous VONC in 1972.
 

Deleted member 117308

Thanks for all the reply. I agree with you. I also struggled to keep track with so many nations and governments.
 
Start of the 4th TL

Deleted member 117308

1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [1]


[1] After the Social Democrats narrowly win the first election in West Germany a coalition with the CDU is formed. The former CDU chairman Adenauer was sidelined, after his declining health became publicly known. Parts of the CDU and the FDP are still worried, that the Schumacher´s foreign policy would turn Germany into a Soviet satellite.
 
TL #4 - Big Tent Politics!
What if the SPD and CDU formed a coalition in 1949?

1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [1]
1952: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [2]


[1] After the Social Democrats narrowly win the first election in West Germany a coalition with the CDU is formed. The former CDU chairman Adenauer was sidelined, after his declining health became publicly known. Parts of the CDU and the FDP are still worried, that the Schumacher´s foreign policy would turn Germany into a Soviet satellite.
[2] Schumacher's brief tenure had an impact that couldn’t be measured in mere time. While many of SPD policies were tempered by the necessity of the coalition with the CDU rather than Schumacher’s own beliefs, he is still generally credited as an architect of the “Third Way”, an independent path between the West and East. The early 1952 election was dubbed the “Stroke Election”, called in an effort to head off challenges from the Opposition parties. While the SPD-CDU coalition returned to power, Schumacher played little role in campaigning and it was clear he would need to be replaced soon.
 

Deleted member 117308

TL #4 - Big Tent Politics!
What if the SPD and CDU formed a coalition in 1949?

1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [1]
1952: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [2]
1954:
Erich Ollenhauer (SPD - CDU) [3]


[1] After the Social Democrats narrowly win the first election in West Germany a coalition with the CDU is formed. The former CDU chairman Adenauer was sidelined, after his declining health became publicly known. Parts of the CDU and the FDP are still worried, that the Schumacher´s foreign policy would turn Germany into a Soviet satellite.
[2] Schumacher's brief tenure had an impact that couldn’t be measured in mere time. While many of SPD policies were tempered by the necessity of the coalition with the CDU rather than Schumacher’s own beliefs, he is still generally credited as an architect of the “Third Way”, an independent path between the West and East. The early 1952 election was dubbed the “Stroke Election”, called in an effort to head off challenges from the Opposition parties. While the SPD-CDU coalition returned to power, Schumacher played little role in campaigning and it was clear he would need to be replaced soon.

[3] In 1954 Erich Ollenhauer replaced Schumacher as chancellor. The coalition remained stable, but Ollenhauer was not as popular as his predecessor. The elections of 1956 seemed to be unpredictable. Will Ollenhauer remain in power, or will he be replaced by a CDU or even a FDP candidate?
 
Last edited by a moderator:
TL #4 - Big Tent Politics!
What if the SPD and CDU formed a coalition in 1949?

1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [1]
1952: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [2]
1954:
Erich Ollenhauer (SPD - CDU) [3]
1956:
Gerhard Schröder (FDP-CDU) [4]

[1] After the Social Democrats narrowly win the first election in West Germany a coalition with the CDU is formed. The former CDU chairman Adenauer was sidelined, after his declining health became publicly known. Parts of the CDU and the FDP are still worried, that the Schumacher´s foreign policy would turn Germany into a Soviet satellite.
[2] Schumacher's brief tenure had an impact that couldn’t be measured in mere time. While many of SPD policies were tempered by the necessity of the coalition with the CDU rather than Schumacher’s own beliefs, he is still generally credited as an architect of the “Third Way”, an independent path between the West and East. The early 1952 election was dubbed the “Stroke Election”, called in an effort to head off challenges from the Opposition parties. While the SPD-CDU coalition returned to power, Schumacher played little role in campaigning and it was clear he would need to be replaced soon.

[3] In 1954 Erich Ollenhauer replaced Schumacher as chancellor. The coalition remained stable, but Ollenhauer was not as popular as his predecessor. The elections of 1956 seemed to be unpredictable. Will Ollenhauer remain in power, or will he be replaced by a CDU or even a FDP candidate?
[4] The 1956 elections began a changeover. Gerhard Schröder and the right-wing FDP succeeded in shifting the balance of power to the right and overtaking the SPD and convinced the Christian Democrats to form a coalition with them. Its governance initiated a shift of the country towards the west.
 

Deleted member 117308

TL #4 - Big Tent Politics!
What if the SPD and CDU formed a coalition in 1949?

1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [1]
1952: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [2]
1954:
Erich Ollenhauer (SPD - CDU) [3]
1956:
Gerhard Schröder (FDP - CDU) [4]
1960: Gerhard Schröder (FDP - CDU) [5]


[1] After the Social Democrats narrowly win the first election in West Germany a coalition with the CDU is formed. The former CDU chairman Adenauer was sidelined, after his declining health became publicly known. Parts of the CDU and the FDP are still worried, that the Schumacher´s foreign policy would turn Germany into a Soviet satellite.
[2] Schumacher's brief tenure had an impact that couldn’t be measured in mere time. While many of SPD policies were tempered by the necessity of the coalition with the CDU rather than Schumacher’s own beliefs, he is still generally credited as an architect of the “Third Way”, an independent path between the West and East. The early 1952 election was dubbed the “Stroke Election”, called in an effort to head off challenges from the Opposition parties. While the SPD-CDU coalition returned to power, Schumacher played little role in campaigning and it was clear he would need to be replaced soon.

[3] In 1954 Erich Ollenhauer replaced Schumacher as chancellor. The coalition remained stable, but Ollenhauer was not as popular as his predecessor. The elections of 1956 seemed to be unpredictable. Will Ollenhauer remain in power, or will he be replaced by a CDU or even a FDP candidate?
[4] The 1956 elections began a changeover. Gerhard Schröder and the right-wing FDP succeeded in shifting the balance of power to the right and overtaking the SPD and convinced the Christian Democrats to form a coalition with them. Its governance initiated a shift of the country towards the west.

[5] After the elections chancellor Schröder announces further cooperation with the Franco-Italian Coal and Steel Community (FICSC). One day later the new Soviet general secretary Beria answers with blockade of West Berlin.
 
Last edited by a moderator:

Deleted member 117308

I changed the FDP to yellow, to avoid confusion in the future.
 
TL #4 - Big Tent Politics!
What if the SPD and CDU formed a coalition in 1949?

1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [1]
1952: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [2]
1954:
Erich Ollenhauer (SPD - CDU) [3]
1956:
Gerhard Schröder (FDP - CDU) [4]
1960: Gerhard Schröder (FDP - CDU) [5]
1962: Herbert Hupka (SPD-
GB/BHE) [6]

[1] After the Social Democrats narrowly win the first election in West Germany a coalition with the CDU is formed. The former CDU chairman Adenauer was sidelined, after his declining health became publicly known. Parts of the CDU and the FDP are still worried, that the Schumacher´s foreign policy would turn Germany into a Soviet satellite.
[2] Schumacher's brief tenure had an impact that couldn’t be measured in mere time. While many of SPD policies were tempered by the necessity of the coalition with the CDU rather than Schumacher’s own beliefs, he is still generally credited as an architect of the “Third Way”, an independent path between the West and East. The early 1952 election was dubbed the “Stroke Election”, called in an effort to head off challenges from the Opposition parties. While the SPD-CDU coalition returned to power, Schumacher played little role in campaigning and it was clear he would need to be replaced soon.

[3] In 1954 Erich Ollenhauer replaced Schumacher as chancellor. The coalition remained stable, but Ollenhauer was not as popular as his predecessor. The elections of 1956 seemed to be unpredictable. Will Ollenhauer remain in power, or will he be replaced by a CDU or even a FDP candidate?
[4] The 1956 elections began a changeover. Gerhard Schröder and the right-wing FDP succeeded in shifting the balance of power to the right and overtaking the SPD and convinced the Christian Democrats to form a coalition with them. Its governance initiated a shift of the country towards the west.

[5] After the elections chancellor Schröder announces further cooperation with the Franco-Italian Coal and Steel Community (FICSC). One day later the new Soviet general secretary Beria answers with blockade of West Berlin.
[6] The blockade of West Berlin was soon ended when it emerged that the FICSC members and the USA stood up to Beria, who, in an attempt to save face, offered the German leadership a unified, neutral Germany. The opposition SPD, in an effort to strengthen Schumacher's vision of a "Third Way", pressured to accept Beria's offer, but Schröder intended to stay on the Western course and talked about West Germany becoming part of FICSC. This prompted outcry among many CDU and FDP deputees, who switched their allegiance either to the SPD, or the nationalist All-German Bloc/League of Expellees and Deprived of Rights, the fiercest opposition to FICSC entry, and the party mostly in favour of a neutralist, unified Germany. With the coalition having lost its majority in the Bundestag, Schröder called for a vote of confidence through an early election. Controversially, the SPD chose Herbert Hupka as its candidate and won the majority of votes. As promised during the campaign, he put together a coalition with the GB/BHE in order to advance German unification.
 
TL #4 - Big Tent Politics!
What if the SPD and CDU formed a coalition in 1949?

1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [1]
1952: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [2]
1954:
Erich Ollenhauer (SPD - CDU) [3]
1956:
Gerhard Schröder (FDP - CDU) [4]
1960: Gerhard Schröder (FDP - CDU) [5]
1962: Herbert Hupka (SPD-
GB/BHE) [6]
1964: Herbert Hupka (SPD-VP) [6]


[1] After the Social Democrats narrowly win the first election in West Germany a coalition with the CDU is formed. The former CDU chairman Adenauer was sidelined, after his declining health became publicly known. Parts of the CDU and the FDP are still worried, that the Schumacher´s foreign policy would turn Germany into a Soviet satellite.
[2] Schumacher's brief tenure had an impact that couldn’t be measured in mere time. While many of SPD policies were tempered by the necessity of the coalition with the CDU rather than Schumacher’s own beliefs, he is still generally credited as an architect of the “Third Way”, an independent path between the West and East. The early 1952 election was dubbed the “Stroke Election”, called in an effort to head off challenges from the Opposition parties. While the SPD-CDU coalition returned to power, Schumacher played little role in campaigning and it was clear he would need to be replaced soon.

[3] In 1954 Erich Ollenhauer replaced Schumacher as chancellor. The coalition remained stable, but Ollenhauer was not as popular as his predecessor. The elections of 1956 seemed to be unpredictable. Will Ollenhauer remain in power, or will he be replaced by a CDU or even a FDP candidate?
[4] The 1956 elections began a changeover. Gerhard Schröder and the right-wing FDP succeeded in shifting the balance of power to the right and overtaking the SPD and convinced the Christian Democrats to form a coalition with them. Its governance initiated a shift of the country towards the west.

[5] After the elections chancellor Schröder announces further cooperation with the Franco-Italian Coal and Steel Community (FICSC). One day later the new Soviet general secretary Beria answers with blockade of West Berlin.
[6] The blockade of West Berlin was soon ended when it emerged that the FICSC members and the USA stood up to Beria, who, in an attempt to save face, offered the German leadership a unified, neutral Germany. The opposition SPD, in an effort to strengthen Schumacher's vision of a "Third Way", pressured to accept Beria's offer, but Schröder intended to stay on the Western course and talked about West Germany becoming part of FICSC. This prompted outcry among many CDU and FDP deputees, who switched their allegiance either to the SPD, or the nationalist All-German Bloc/League of Expellees and Deprived of Rights, the fiercest opposition to FICSC entry, and the party mostly in favour of a neutralist, unified Germany. With the coalition having lost its majority in the Bundestag, Schröder called for a vote of confidence through an early election. Controversially, the SPD chose Herbert Hupka as its candidate and won the majority of votes. As promised during the campaign, he put together a coalition with the GB/BHE in order to advance German unification.
[7] With its attempt to create a "third way", the government in Bonn is attracting the wrath of Westerners. Threats of economic sanctions in the event of a rapprochement force the coalition to act very cautiously and to offer guarantees to what is now called the "Western European Community". The All-German Bloc/League of Expellees and Deprived of Rights reorganises itself into the "People's Party", which competes with the FDP on the right while the CDU moderates itself to attract SPD voters worried about the coalition.
 
TL #4 - Big Tent Politics!
What if the SPD and CDU formed a coalition in 1949?

1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [1]
1952: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [2]
1954:
Erich Ollenhauer (SPD - CDU) [3]
1956:
Gerhard Schröder (FDP - CDU) [4]
1960: Gerhard Schröder (FDP - CDU) [5]
1962: Herbert Hupka (SPD-
GB/BHE) [6]
1964: Herbert Hupka (SPD-VP) [7]
1966: Gustav Heinemann (GVP-CDU) [8]



[1] After the Social Democrats narrowly win the first election in West Germany a coalition with the CDU is formed. The former CDU chairman Adenauer was sidelined, after his declining health became publicly known. Parts of the CDU and the FDP are still worried, that the Schumacher´s foreign policy would turn Germany into a Soviet satellite.
[2] Schumacher's brief tenure had an impact that couldn’t be measured in mere time. While many of SPD policies were tempered by the necessity of the coalition with the CDU rather than Schumacher’s own beliefs, he is still generally credited as an architect of the “Third Way”, an independent path between the West and East. The early 1952 election was dubbed the “Stroke Election”, called in an effort to head off challenges from the Opposition parties. While the SPD-CDU coalition returned to power, Schumacher played little role in campaigning and it was clear he would need to be replaced soon.

[3] In 1954 Erich Ollenhauer replaced Schumacher as chancellor. The coalition remained stable, but Ollenhauer was not as popular as his predecessor. The elections of 1956 seemed to be unpredictable. Will Ollenhauer remain in power, or will he be replaced by a CDU or even a FDP candidate?
[4] The 1956 elections began a changeover. Gerhard Schröder and the right-wing FDP succeeded in shifting the balance of power to the right and overtaking the SPD and convinced the Christian Democrats to form a coalition with them. Its governance initiated a shift of the country towards the west.

[5] After the elections chancellor Schröder announces further cooperation with the Franco-Italian Coal and Steel Community (FICSC). One day later the new Soviet general secretary Beria answers with blockade of West Berlin.
[6] The blockade of West Berlin was soon ended when it emerged that the FICSC members and the USA stood up to Beria, who, in an attempt to save face, offered the German leadership a unified, neutral Germany. The opposition SPD, in an effort to strengthen Schumacher's vision of a "Third Way", pressured to accept Beria's offer, but Schröder intended to stay on the Western course and talked about West Germany becoming part of FICSC. This prompted outcry among many CDU and FDP deputees, who switched their allegiance either to the SPD, or the nationalist All-German Bloc/League of Expellees and Deprived of Rights, the fiercest opposition to FICSC entry, and the party mostly in favour of a neutralist, unified Germany. With the coalition having lost its majority in the Bundestag, Schröder called for a vote of confidence through an early election. Controversially, the SPD chose Herbert Hupka as its candidate and won the majority of votes. As promised during the campaign, he put together a coalition with the GB/BHE in order to advance German unification.
[7] With its attempt to create a "third way", the government in Bonn is attracting the wrath of Westerners. Threats of economic sanctions in the event of a rapprochement force the coalition to act very cautiously and to offer guarantees to what is now called the "Western European Community". The All-German Bloc/League of Expellees and Deprived of Rights reorganises itself into the "People's Party", which competes with the FDP on the right while the CDU moderates itself to attract SPD voters worried about the coalition.
[8]The rebranding does not end the left-nationalist coalition's troubles, however. With reunification negotiations stalling into 1966, SPD moderates incensed by Hupka and GB/BHE "blowing our chance at reunification over Ostelbien bullshit" desert the coalition en masse. Heinemann's GVP, a fringe splinter party in '60 and '62, finds itself in the role of the patriotic-but-sensible moderate choice needed in those times and wins a landslide victory in the 1966 elections.
 
Last edited:
TL #4 - Big Tent Politics!
What if the SPD and CDU formed a coalition in 1949?

1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [1]
1952: Kurt Schumacher (SPD - CDU) [2]
1954:
Erich Ollenhauer (SPD - CDU) [3]
1956:
Gerhard Schröder (FDP - CDU) [4]
1960: Gerhard Schröder (FDP - CDU) [5]
1962: Herbert Hupka (SPD-
GB/BHE) [6]
1964: Herbert Hupka (SPD-VP) [7]

1966: Gustav Heinemann (GVP-CDU) [8]
1970: Rainer Barzel (GVP-CDU) [9]


[1] After the Social Democrats narrowly win the first election in West Germany a coalition with the CDU is formed. The former CDU chairman Adenauer was sidelined, after his declining health became publicly known. Parts of the CDU and the FDP are still worried, that the Schumacher´s foreign policy would turn Germany into a Soviet satellite.
[2] Schumacher's brief tenure had an impact that couldn’t be measured in mere time. While many of SPD policies were tempered by the necessity of the coalition with the CDU rather than Schumacher’s own beliefs, he is still generally credited as an architect of the “Third Way”, an independent path between the West and East. The early 1952 election was dubbed the “Stroke Election”, called in an effort to head off challenges from the Opposition parties. While the SPD-CDU coalition returned to power, Schumacher played little role in campaigning and it was clear he would need to be replaced soon.
[3] In 1954 Erich Ollenhauer replaced Schumacher as chancellor. The coalition remained stable, but Ollenhauer was not as popular as his predecessor. The elections of 1956 seemed to be unpredictable. Will Ollenhauer remain in power, or will he be replaced by a CDU or even a FDP candidate?
[4] The 1956 elections began a changeover. Gerhard Schröder and the right-wing FDP succeeded in shifting the balance of power to the right and overtaking the SPD and convinced the Christian Democrats to form a coalition with them. Its governance initiated a shift of the country towards the west.
[5] After the elections chancellor Schröder announces further cooperation with the Franco-Italian Coal and Steel Community (FICSC). One day later the new Soviet general secretary Beria answers with blockade of West Berlin.
[6] The blockade of West Berlin was soon ended when it emerged that the FICSC members and the USA stood up to Beria, who, in an attempt to save face, offered the German leadership a unified, neutral Germany. The opposition SPD, in an effort to strengthen Schumacher's vision of a "Third Way", pressured to accept Beria's offer, but Schröder intended to stay on the Western course and talked about West Germany becoming part of FICSC. This prompted outcry among many CDU and FDP deputees, who switched their allegiance either to the SPD, or the nationalist All-German Bloc/League of Expellees and Deprived of Rights, the fiercest opposition to FICSC entry, and the party mostly in favour of a neutralist, unified Germany. With the coalition having lost its majority in the Bundestag, Schröder called for a vote of confidence through an early election. Controversially, the SPD chose Herbert Hupka as its candidate and won the majority of votes. As promised during the campaign, he put together a coalition with the GB/BHE in order to advance German unification.
[7] With its attempt to create a "third way", the government in Bonn is attracting the wrath of Westerners. Threats of economic sanctions in the event of a rapprochement force the coalition to act very cautiously and to offer guarantees to what is now called the "Western European Community". The All-German Bloc/League of Expellees and Deprived of Rights reorganises itself into the "People's Party", which competes with the FDP on the right while the CDU moderates itself to attract SPD voters worried about the coalition.
[8]The rebranding does not end the left-nationalist coalition's troubles, however. With reunification negotiations stalling into 1966, SPD moderates incensed by Hupka and GB/BHE "blowing our chance at reunification over Ostelbien bullshit" desert the coalition en masse. Heinemann's GVP, a fringe splinter party in '60 and '62, finds itself in the role of the patriotic-but-sensible moderate choice needed in those times and wins a landslide victory in the 1966 elections.
[9] while the coalition is succesful in the 1970 election, Heinmann decides to retire at age 71, handing the chancellorship over to Barzel
 
Last edited:
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