LucaTheDevilCat
Banned
This is gonna be like Pax Atomica I can feel it
Surely there must be Ex-Unitists in hiding
Surely there must be Ex-Unitists in hiding
Last edited:
Let The Eagle Scream!
- Thread starter Murica1776
- Start date
Would South Africa be a South America analogue here? I'd also imagine some sort of Operation Paperclip for technical experts.
LucaTheDevilCat
Banned
I would imagine Oceania would be the 'South America' especially Australia as there are more far more British descended people down there whilst Murica has chosen the batshit crazy Afrikaner Nationalism which would put off any potentional British immigrants (IOTL The National Party stopped a post war flow of British/European immigrants because Afrikaners were their sole voter base). Add on top of this, Australia will loathe the Americans for their economic welfare.
That's true, but if you're a wanted war criminal, "Let's go live in the part of our cultural sphere still carrying a torch for the old days" is a bit conspicuous.
LucaTheDevilCat
Banned
True, but did that stop Juan Peron from opening up Argentina to fleeing Nazis? Bear in mind that Argentina had a large Italian and German population. Australia, New Zealand, South Africa (The English parts) and Rhodesia would be the perfect refuge if you're a Unitist Mengele or Eichmann (Joseph Mengelton and Eyeman perhaps?).
Nothing quite so dramatic, folks, I assure you! This has more to do with the fact that thinking about it, America hasn't had a serious issue with their Empire since the Philippines. That can't realistically last much longer, even the British had to deal with rebellions and riots a lot at the height of their power.
I picked Indochina as the region where things would blow up for a few reasons.
1. Their former French masters, who the US kicked out after WWI, weren't all that bad as far as colonizers go, and although French Unitism was worse, they never experienced it. As a result, they don't view American rule as salvation like most of America's colonies, who Uncle Sam took from fellas much worse than him.
2. Ethnic strife. The peoples of Indochina, especially Cambodians and Vietnamese, do not get along. The Khmer Rouge purged thousands of Vietnamese.
3. History. This region has a long and proud history. It makes sense they'd want to reclaim their independence.
Now, most people in Indochina aren't the ones raising hell, but a sizable minority are, or are sympathetic. This is mainly going to be a lot of independence riots and ethnic riots, not a war per se.
South Africa is the perfect place for Europe to dump excess Unitists. In return for functioning as this dumping ground, they can get some wonderfully talented English computer specialists who help them modernize their racial passport system.
Honestly, South Africa is going to probably be the country/dominion y'all love to hate. I've started envisioning them being Germany's "fixer" if you will. Problems that Germany doesn't want to handle are foisted onto the Commandos, and disappear quite brutally.
Yes and no. On the one hand, the territory controlled by Rhodesia is still a white settler state. However, it's part of Germany's Mittelafrika, although I think I might have them hand it over to S. Africa because they want to reward their ally and lower their own burdens.
LucaTheDevilCat
Banned
I don't think South Africa would want Rhodesia as it's full of English settlers that would tilt the electoral balance in favour of the United Party.
I also speak as a son of a South African, I really do not think the hostility from Afrikaners towards the English would take place. Yes there are historical rivalries but alienating a good chunk of the white minority simply because of their ancestry/language isn't really a smart idea but then it's your timeline so why am I complaing?
The rivalry isn't intelligent; that's the point. The British started it during the war because they went full Anglo supremacy and even treated the Afrikaners like shit. Really Good Ideas like that are part of why Britain lost. In turn, the Afrikaners held on to that anger, and them turning on the British settlers as opposed to working with them is a big reason why they're not a fully independent nation: they need Dutch support.
Things Ain't Great in '68:
Things Ain't Great in '68:
LAPD Officers attack Journeyers at the 1968 DNC in Los Angeles
The 1968 election was the most chaotic political event America had seen in over 60 years. The whole country became embroiled in the opening battles of the Culture War, exacerbated by the Indochina Crisis. A new America would emerge from 1968, and for people living through it, the year felt like the dawn of a new age. Partisan differences hardened. Battle lines were drawn. And the whole country was subjected to a level of political violence not seen since the clashes between the Populists and the Trusts. The whole country felt like it was coming apart. It was perhaps best summed up by Charles Thurmond, Democratic Mayor of Charleston, in an interview with the Charleston Mercury. "Things ain't great in '68, are they?"
On the Republican side of the aisle, Jack Kennedy was successfully primaried by William Joseph McCullough, a UAW boss turned Republican governor of New Jersey. The primary was surprisingly vicious and nasty, and wound up in a brokered convention. Kennedy tried to save himself at the Convention, or failing that, to put up one of his brothers as a unity candidate. The delegates were having none of it. McCullough won a majority of the delegates on the 8th ballot. Kennedy gave a terse concession and endorsement, and then walked away. His dreams of establishing his family in politics were not totally spoiled, but any aspirations of being one of the great Presidents of American history had been crushed. He remains the only Republican President to have been defeated by a primary challenger from his own party. Aside from the drama within the Convention, which did see several screaming matches and fistfights, there were also protests raging outside. The RNC was held in Dallas that year, and thousands of protesters showed up to voice their disapproval of Kennedy's performance in Indochina, sometimes quite profanely. There were even worries of an assassination plot against the President, but thankfully none materialized. The real violence that summer was not at the RNC, but rather at the DNC.
Dick Nixon had the Democratic Party firmly behind him by the time of the Convention. He received the endorsements of several high key figures, including Rev. Malcolm Little, which resulted in Nixon winning the black vote by double digits in the three way primary contest between himself, Mississippi Senator Johnny Williams, and Georgia Governor William Anderson. Nixon's overwhelming support from black Democrats, many newly minted Democrats, gave him a strong electability argument that carried him to the Convention in Los Angeles. Once there, the former Republican solidified his hold on the party by naming Lyndon Johnson his Vice President. The Nixon-Johnson arrangement would go down in history as one of the most effective political alliances in American history, especially once the duo made it into office. If Nixon was fairly popular inside the Los Angeles Convention Center, the story outside was very different. LA was a hotbed of the Journeyer movement, and more radical groups besides. A massive group of Journeyers gathered outside the Convention Center, where they harassed delegates and LAPD officers alike, frequently spitting at them. Despite this, anger didn't translate into violence until after Nixon's acceptance speech. 15 miles away from the convention center, a group of Anarcho-Marxist Journeyer UCLA students calling themselves The People's Front tossed a Molotov Cocktail from their leader Andy Willburn's car at an LAPD cruiser before speeding off. Officer James Brown and his wife Lucinda were inside having a lunch date. They both died from 3rd degree burns within minutes. When news of the attack reached the LAPD and the DNC delegates, it was the straw that broke the camel's back. In an instant, the officers outside the DNC charged the Journeyers in a blind rage, beating anyone they could find. They were soon joined by delegates from the DNC, who used bench legs, fists, and the signs indicating which state delegates were from as weapons. The commanding officer on the scene, Captain Billy Martinez, turned the water cannons on the fleeing protesters. After the riot, Republican Mayor Javier Santos condemned the LAPD, and fired Captain Martinez. This was, in many ways, a slap on the wrist given what had happened. However, the LAPD didn't see it that way. They turned their backs to Santos whenever he walked by, and the Policeman's Union formally endorsed his Democratic challenger, Anthony Corelone. Corelone would win the 1969 Mayoral Election in a landslide, promising law and order.
Aside from two chaotic political conventions, the Indochina Crisis proved to be the third unnerving aspect of 1968's Unholy Trinity of chaos. Night after night, Americans watched in horror as rioters burned down buildings, attacked colonial police, and beat people from other ethnic groups. Although no more than 40% of the population in Indochina ever supported the rioters or participated at a given time, the perception across the Empire was of a region torn by chaos and violence. How to address the Indochina Crisis became the hot button issue of 1968. Although not all of these groups had representation, the nations was divided into roughly four factions: the Anti-Imperialists, the Reconcilers, the Unionists, and the Radical Unionists. The Anti-Imperialists were the camp that many Journeyers fell into, and they were quite notable, even if they didn't have political power per se. At their most moderate, this group felt that Indochina should be given wide concessions, as part of an eventual plan for independence. Many were calling for the US to evacuate all its Territories, and some even wanted Washington to apologize for "Our nation's imperialist campaign of pillage and plunder." This group held many noisy rallies, and proved a useful strawman for the Unionists. However, in the end they were sidelined on this issue. The Reconcilers were mainly the Republican Establishment. They wanted to reconcile with the various groups rioting (hence the name) and were open to limited political and cultural concessions. On the opposite side of the partisan spectrum were the Democratic Unionists. They wanted to call in the military police, possibly the troops, crush the riots, and get things back to normal. However, the more radical Democrats would embrace a different idea altogether.
Much as Heinzism would lay the foundations for a strong, somewhat radical left wing in the Republican Party, the Radical Unionist movement would become the nexus for the more conservative, nationalist, populist wing of the Democrats. It's hard to lay a finger on an exact starting point for the movement, but the best bet would be the 4th of July Massacre. Saloth Sar, leader of the radical Khmer National Front, led his 1200 machete wielding followers on a killing spree in Krong Chaktomuk, the largest city in Cambodia, during the city's 4th of July parade. The majority of the 389 victims were colonial police officers and American colonists, although about 140 native Khmer and 20 Vietnamese were also killed. Obviously, there was an upsurge in anger and patriotism across the country. However, the reaction in the budding Democratic heartland, Old Dixie and the Caribbean, was downright biblical. In the immediate aftermath, Havana, which was home to a large population of Khmer workers imported to keep the city's many resorts and hotels running, saw vicious "riots" as the established Havana whites, Hispanics, and blacks ganged up on the migrants. The New York Times described the atmosphere in the city as "Redeemer-esque." Southern police departments and sheriffs departments raided businesses and bars run and frequented by Indochinese migrants throughout the rest of the year, engaging in mass roundups and harassment with impunity.
When school started back in August, The Crimson White, school newspaper of the University of Alabama, published an anonymous piece entitled "The Bama Man's Dixie." It was a rendition of the old Confederate anthem, but with lyrics changed to be ardently pro-Union and anti-Indochinese. The most controversial part of the piece was the stanza calling upon Americans to "Fear no danger, Shun no labor, Hang every single traitor, To Arms! To Arms! To Arms for God and Country!" It instantly polarized national opinion, both for the tune and the lyrics. The Chicago Tribune, long America's most leftist major paper, ran the headline "Unitism with Dixie Characteristics: Alabama Students Call for Lynching of Indochinese." On the opposite side of the spectrum, the Charleston Mercury covered the story with the headline "Rallying Round the Flag: Bama Students Stand Up for the Union." The tune remained controversial even among conservatives for its association with the CSA, even though supporters pointed out that the song was a favorite of Lincoln's. For those less inclined towards Dixie, the Tiger's Roar, student paper of the historically black Savannah State University published "Marching Toward Hanoi," a song in the vein of Marching Through Georgia. Aside from belligerent song writing, Radical Unionists college-aged and otherwise began holding rallies and forming political advocacy groups to push for "Indochinese Reconstruction." They wanted the federal government to do to Indochina what they had done to the Antebellum South; put it under military occupation and refuse to let up until the old structure and culture is broken, and replaced with Americanism. This was unfeasible, but the Radical Unionists did push Nixon towards a harder line on Indochina.
When Nixon was elected in a landslide in November, the worst of the chaos died down after a brief flare up of anti-Nixon protests. The country left the year more than a little traumatized. The old American self-confidence had been badly shaken. The outpouring of violence and radicalism shocked all who lived through it. Under these circumstance, it's no wonder that America turned to Nixon. He was a familiar face, and his promises of Law and Order were just what the country wanted. Nixon did indeed restore order, and stood up in the face of unprecedented events abroad. However, the methods he would use to do so would remain controversial for generations after he died....
Journeyers protest America's presence in Vietnam and Indochina generally
Soldiers on the march in the American District of Hanoi, after beating back rioters
Democrats march in a pro-Union rally in Birmingham
LAPD Officers attack Journeyers at the 1968 DNC in Los Angeles
On the Republican side of the aisle, Jack Kennedy was successfully primaried by William Joseph McCullough, a UAW boss turned Republican governor of New Jersey. The primary was surprisingly vicious and nasty, and wound up in a brokered convention. Kennedy tried to save himself at the Convention, or failing that, to put up one of his brothers as a unity candidate. The delegates were having none of it. McCullough won a majority of the delegates on the 8th ballot. Kennedy gave a terse concession and endorsement, and then walked away. His dreams of establishing his family in politics were not totally spoiled, but any aspirations of being one of the great Presidents of American history had been crushed. He remains the only Republican President to have been defeated by a primary challenger from his own party. Aside from the drama within the Convention, which did see several screaming matches and fistfights, there were also protests raging outside. The RNC was held in Dallas that year, and thousands of protesters showed up to voice their disapproval of Kennedy's performance in Indochina, sometimes quite profanely. There were even worries of an assassination plot against the President, but thankfully none materialized. The real violence that summer was not at the RNC, but rather at the DNC.
Dick Nixon had the Democratic Party firmly behind him by the time of the Convention. He received the endorsements of several high key figures, including Rev. Malcolm Little, which resulted in Nixon winning the black vote by double digits in the three way primary contest between himself, Mississippi Senator Johnny Williams, and Georgia Governor William Anderson. Nixon's overwhelming support from black Democrats, many newly minted Democrats, gave him a strong electability argument that carried him to the Convention in Los Angeles. Once there, the former Republican solidified his hold on the party by naming Lyndon Johnson his Vice President. The Nixon-Johnson arrangement would go down in history as one of the most effective political alliances in American history, especially once the duo made it into office. If Nixon was fairly popular inside the Los Angeles Convention Center, the story outside was very different. LA was a hotbed of the Journeyer movement, and more radical groups besides. A massive group of Journeyers gathered outside the Convention Center, where they harassed delegates and LAPD officers alike, frequently spitting at them. Despite this, anger didn't translate into violence until after Nixon's acceptance speech. 15 miles away from the convention center, a group of Anarcho-Marxist Journeyer UCLA students calling themselves The People's Front tossed a Molotov Cocktail from their leader Andy Willburn's car at an LAPD cruiser before speeding off. Officer James Brown and his wife Lucinda were inside having a lunch date. They both died from 3rd degree burns within minutes. When news of the attack reached the LAPD and the DNC delegates, it was the straw that broke the camel's back. In an instant, the officers outside the DNC charged the Journeyers in a blind rage, beating anyone they could find. They were soon joined by delegates from the DNC, who used bench legs, fists, and the signs indicating which state delegates were from as weapons. The commanding officer on the scene, Captain Billy Martinez, turned the water cannons on the fleeing protesters. After the riot, Republican Mayor Javier Santos condemned the LAPD, and fired Captain Martinez. This was, in many ways, a slap on the wrist given what had happened. However, the LAPD didn't see it that way. They turned their backs to Santos whenever he walked by, and the Policeman's Union formally endorsed his Democratic challenger, Anthony Corelone. Corelone would win the 1969 Mayoral Election in a landslide, promising law and order.
Aside from two chaotic political conventions, the Indochina Crisis proved to be the third unnerving aspect of 1968's Unholy Trinity of chaos. Night after night, Americans watched in horror as rioters burned down buildings, attacked colonial police, and beat people from other ethnic groups. Although no more than 40% of the population in Indochina ever supported the rioters or participated at a given time, the perception across the Empire was of a region torn by chaos and violence. How to address the Indochina Crisis became the hot button issue of 1968. Although not all of these groups had representation, the nations was divided into roughly four factions: the Anti-Imperialists, the Reconcilers, the Unionists, and the Radical Unionists. The Anti-Imperialists were the camp that many Journeyers fell into, and they were quite notable, even if they didn't have political power per se. At their most moderate, this group felt that Indochina should be given wide concessions, as part of an eventual plan for independence. Many were calling for the US to evacuate all its Territories, and some even wanted Washington to apologize for "Our nation's imperialist campaign of pillage and plunder." This group held many noisy rallies, and proved a useful strawman for the Unionists. However, in the end they were sidelined on this issue. The Reconcilers were mainly the Republican Establishment. They wanted to reconcile with the various groups rioting (hence the name) and were open to limited political and cultural concessions. On the opposite side of the partisan spectrum were the Democratic Unionists. They wanted to call in the military police, possibly the troops, crush the riots, and get things back to normal. However, the more radical Democrats would embrace a different idea altogether.
Much as Heinzism would lay the foundations for a strong, somewhat radical left wing in the Republican Party, the Radical Unionist movement would become the nexus for the more conservative, nationalist, populist wing of the Democrats. It's hard to lay a finger on an exact starting point for the movement, but the best bet would be the 4th of July Massacre. Saloth Sar, leader of the radical Khmer National Front, led his 1200 machete wielding followers on a killing spree in Krong Chaktomuk, the largest city in Cambodia, during the city's 4th of July parade. The majority of the 389 victims were colonial police officers and American colonists, although about 140 native Khmer and 20 Vietnamese were also killed. Obviously, there was an upsurge in anger and patriotism across the country. However, the reaction in the budding Democratic heartland, Old Dixie and the Caribbean, was downright biblical. In the immediate aftermath, Havana, which was home to a large population of Khmer workers imported to keep the city's many resorts and hotels running, saw vicious "riots" as the established Havana whites, Hispanics, and blacks ganged up on the migrants. The New York Times described the atmosphere in the city as "Redeemer-esque." Southern police departments and sheriffs departments raided businesses and bars run and frequented by Indochinese migrants throughout the rest of the year, engaging in mass roundups and harassment with impunity.
When school started back in August, The Crimson White, school newspaper of the University of Alabama, published an anonymous piece entitled "The Bama Man's Dixie." It was a rendition of the old Confederate anthem, but with lyrics changed to be ardently pro-Union and anti-Indochinese. The most controversial part of the piece was the stanza calling upon Americans to "Fear no danger, Shun no labor, Hang every single traitor, To Arms! To Arms! To Arms for God and Country!" It instantly polarized national opinion, both for the tune and the lyrics. The Chicago Tribune, long America's most leftist major paper, ran the headline "Unitism with Dixie Characteristics: Alabama Students Call for Lynching of Indochinese." On the opposite side of the spectrum, the Charleston Mercury covered the story with the headline "Rallying Round the Flag: Bama Students Stand Up for the Union." The tune remained controversial even among conservatives for its association with the CSA, even though supporters pointed out that the song was a favorite of Lincoln's. For those less inclined towards Dixie, the Tiger's Roar, student paper of the historically black Savannah State University published "Marching Toward Hanoi," a song in the vein of Marching Through Georgia. Aside from belligerent song writing, Radical Unionists college-aged and otherwise began holding rallies and forming political advocacy groups to push for "Indochinese Reconstruction." They wanted the federal government to do to Indochina what they had done to the Antebellum South; put it under military occupation and refuse to let up until the old structure and culture is broken, and replaced with Americanism. This was unfeasible, but the Radical Unionists did push Nixon towards a harder line on Indochina.
When Nixon was elected in a landslide in November, the worst of the chaos died down after a brief flare up of anti-Nixon protests. The country left the year more than a little traumatized. The old American self-confidence had been badly shaken. The outpouring of violence and radicalism shocked all who lived through it. Under these circumstance, it's no wonder that America turned to Nixon. He was a familiar face, and his promises of Law and Order were just what the country wanted. Nixon did indeed restore order, and stood up in the face of unprecedented events abroad. However, the methods he would use to do so would remain controversial for generations after he died....
Journeyers protest America's presence in Vietnam and Indochina generally
Soldiers on the march in the American District of Hanoi, after beating back rioters
Democrats march in a pro-Union rally in Birmingham
President Nixon triumphant after eliminating the Journeyers, Indochinese protesters, Germans, Italians, Russians, and South Africans using his All-American robo body (1970 colorized)
Chapter 50: "We're Playing Hardball:" Nixon's First Term
Chapter 50: "We're Playing Hardball:" Nixon's First Term
President Nixon visits the troops deployed in rural Cambodia (1969)
When Dick Nixon was sworn into office in January of 1969, he was a man with a lot on his plate. Crime was on the rise. The nation was horribly divided. The Indochina Crisis continued to rage on, and foreign friends and foes alike smelled weakness. It would take strong, decisive leadership to dig America out of this mess. Regardless of what one thinks of his methods, it can't be denied that Nixon put America's house back in order.
The first issue was the Indochina Crisis. Where Kennedy waffled, Nixon was firm to the point of harshness. Immediately after the inauguration ceremony, Nixon's first act as President was to get on the phone with James Westmoreland, Governor of Indochina, and have him finally declare the Territory to be in a formal state of insurrection. As soon as the declaration became formal, Nixon declared "We're playing hardball," and ordered the deployment of 12,000 infantrymen and military policemen, as well as 400 Sherman tanks, to Indochina. This supplemented the 3,000 soldiers that had been integrated into the Colonial Police Force for Indochina after the War. Hanoi, a particular hotspot of rebellion, was the first target. The troops fired tear gas and live ammunition at rioters in the Battle of Hanoi, which lasted from January 31st through to February 13th. The Army killed some 3,768 rioters, and wounded 2,200 more. Nonetheless, it achieved what Nixon wanted; a firm victory in Indochina. In February he deployed a further 10,000 troops, supplemented with gun boats and air support, to track down and eliminate Saloth Sar and his Khmer National Front. The movement had grown in the wake of the 4th of July Massacre, uniting the most extreme Khmer nationalists under his umbrella. Sar and his 2500 supporters were founded hiding out in a makeshift village in the jungle. The Army was ready to move in and arrest him, but were expecting over 200 casualties. Nixon was having none of it. In a move still controversial to this day, Nixon ordered the Air Force to firebomb the compound on April 12th. There were no survivors. Although some denounced Nixon's actions as illegal and immoral, the level of hatred most of the country felt for the KNF meant that Nixon's approval ratings got a nice 5 point bump. The Army in Cambodia then fanned out across the countryside on a witch hunt for Khmer nationalists, who had been the most violent group of rioters by far. The green and yellow banner of the Khmer Empire was made an illegal hate symbol, and the Army burned every single one they could find. With the incredible weight of Uncle Sam bearing down, most of the moderates in Cambodia gave up, especially after the fire bombing made the depths of American anger vividly apparent. However, some 30,000 extremists gathered in Krong Chaktomuk for one final, epic showdown on June 10th. They burned the Vietnamese quarter of the city before sufficient troops had arrived, although some suggest that this was partly because the American forces didn't care about the Vietnamese. However, there's not much in the way of concrete evidence to support that assertion. On June 11th, the riot continued, and was met with 50 tanks, 6,000 soldiers, and 4,000 policemen. The nationalists either charged, or opened fire if they had firearms. The tanks opened up. The result was as predictable as it was bloody. 12,000 rioters died, 4,000 more were critically injured, and another 3,364 sustained moderate or minor industries. 15 new Boeing Tomahawk Helicopters loaded with troops landed behind those who attempted to flee, and forced them to surrender. Every single remaining rioter was arrested, and charged with 4,100 counts of murder (the number of Vietnamese who died the day before), 5,000 counts of arson, treason, espionage, sabotage, rioting, rebellion, and 23,000 counts of possession of a hate symbol. Most of those arrested were given prison sentences of varying length. However, some 600, the most unrepentant murderers, were sentenced to death by public hanging. Nixon sent a message to Cambodia. It was heard loud and clear. The Crisis was over in Cambodia in time for the next 4th of July parade in Krong Chaktomuk. In an act of collective punishment against Cambodia, the city was renamed Lafayetteville by an executive order. Given the French origin of the name, it was a double slap in the face, but the continued presence of the military in Cambodia meant people wisely decided not to protest.
Operation Liberty's Fury: KNF HQ firebombed
In Vietnam, the rebellion was far less vicious, and thus received a less visceral American reaction. However, one incident did shake the nation to its core. On October 11th, 1969, the Army captured the compound belonging to a small band of rebels calling themselves the North Vietnamese Army for Liberation, who in reality hadn't done much other than cause a small ruckus in the country. However, what was notable about this event were the weapons found inside the compound; they were of Chinese origin. Nixon ordered the OSS to seize the compound from the Army, and no media was allowed inside due to a "ongoing chemical leak." The OSS agents traced the serial numbers, which hadn't all been filed off yet, to a factory in Wuhan. Agents were sent to infiltrate the factory and extract their record orders; the weapons had been ordered by the Chinese Army. Nixon ordered further investigation, but knew the truth deep down. In 1968, China had elected Yen Chia-Kan, a nationalist who wanted to expand China's influence in Asia and leave America's shadow. Part of that involved weakening the hold of America's colonial empire in the region. The OSS confirmed what Nixon's paranoia had made his suspect from the start; the Chinese had sent those weapons to try and make America's life in Indochina more difficult. They believed that if the Crisis ground on longer than three years, America would rather quit than wage a full war. In the ensuing power vacuum, the Chinese could ensure friendly parties took power in the region. This operation had been rather secretive in China, as public feeling on trying to push out the US was far from unanimous, and some believed it would only make things worse for China. Nixon fumed in private, and began planning revenge. First though, he had to finish dealing with Indochina.
Laos was fairly easy to pacify, having been the least rebellious of the Indochinese territories. The rest of 1969 was spent pacifying the remaining rebel groups and rioters, which were beginning to lose traction anyway as the people of Indochina began to shift their support away from the various nationalist organizations and radical language rights groups. A decent majority had never been huge fans, and the large minority began to change their tune when they saw that A.) The radicals hadn't achieved anything and B.) That Washington was prepared to bear down hard on Indochina. On Presidents Day 1970, President Nixon was able to declare total victory in Indochina. His approval ratings hovered at 80% throughout the whole year, and the Democrats gained enough ground in the midterm election to have a veto proof majority in the Senate.
With Indochina done and dusted, the OSS released its findings about Chinese support of the Vietnamese rebels before Congress in March. The betrayal caused shockwaves in the international community. The Chinese issued a feeble denial, but it was transparent it an obvious lie. Nixon cancelled upcoming trade talks with the Chinese, but that seemed to be all. However, this wasn't so. In the following months, there were a series of strange accidents in Chinese military bases near the border with Indochina. Then in August, the masterminds behind the weapons scheme started dying in strange ways. President Yen rightly suspected sabotage, but had no concrete proof, and had lost a great deal of credibility abroad over the scandal. Shortly after the last ringleader died, President Yen received a gift from Nixon. It came in a fine box, and appeared to be a reconciliation gift. Inside was the head of a dragon like those used in Chinese New Year's parades, and a note from Nixon:
Dear President Yen,
I hope you are well. These past months have been trying ones for the relationship between our two nations. However, I know we can overcome those past difficulties. I admit, I don't know much about Chinese culture, but I think the symbolism of this gift is universal. Take its meaning to heart.
Sincerely,
Dick
President Yen seemed to concede that he had overstepped, and had only been saved from harsher treatment by the fact that the US and China were massive trade partners. However, this would not be his last duel with Dick Nixon. The rivalry between these two men would shape much of the 1970's.
Also on the foreign side of things, Nixon had to try and navigate an increasingly complicated relationship with India, and began making plans for the collapse of the UOCS, which was struggling internally, although one wouldn't know it without access to classified information. However, there weren't many dramatic events in his first term on the foreign affairs front.
Domestically, Nixon and LBJ were some busy fellas. LBJ was a former Army Lieutenant and still held the armed forces close to his heart. The military saw several consecutive years of budget increases, which were poured into R&D. Speaking of R&D, on July 4th, 1969, in a mission that had been timed to fall on America's birthday, the United States of America planted the first men on the moon. Those men, Neil Armstrong and Jack Hardy, came home to a heroes welcome, and the image of them planting the Star Spangled Banner on the moon became a national icon. Even the Germans were begrudgingly awed. Although Nixon had little to do with NASA beyond supporting the agency he inherited, the landing lent credibility to his administration. Nixon used that credibility to launch a committee on government waste, with the goal of "eliminating every penny of superfluous spending." In reality, the committee was a bit overhyped, but they did implement legitimate cost saving measures that gave money back to the taxpayers. There was also a sinister side to this initiative; Nixon wanted the Executive Branch as streamlined as possible so he could more effectively control it. Regardless of intentions, the program was a moderate success. In 1970, Nixon passed the Restoration of Order Act, which authorized the sale of military surplus to the police, and is credited with beginning the militarization of police in America, which would last for decades. Given the chaos of '68 and the Indochina Crisis, the bill was fairly popular, but concerns were already present. Nixon also created the Environmental Protection Agency as a compromise with Republicans, which was another broadly applauded piece of legislation.
By 1972, Nixon had become the most unlikely savior in American history. This party-hopping, balding man with the jowls of a basset hound and some unfortunate issues with paranoia and control had seemingly saved the country from insurrection and stood up to foreign nations who abused the nation's trust. However, his second term would bring its own challenges....
President Yen of China
Neil Armstrong salutes the American flag on the Moon.
LAPD officers in military gear purchased under the ROA, during the 1975 riots.
President Nixon visits the troops deployed in rural Cambodia (1969)
The first issue was the Indochina Crisis. Where Kennedy waffled, Nixon was firm to the point of harshness. Immediately after the inauguration ceremony, Nixon's first act as President was to get on the phone with James Westmoreland, Governor of Indochina, and have him finally declare the Territory to be in a formal state of insurrection. As soon as the declaration became formal, Nixon declared "We're playing hardball," and ordered the deployment of 12,000 infantrymen and military policemen, as well as 400 Sherman tanks, to Indochina. This supplemented the 3,000 soldiers that had been integrated into the Colonial Police Force for Indochina after the War. Hanoi, a particular hotspot of rebellion, was the first target. The troops fired tear gas and live ammunition at rioters in the Battle of Hanoi, which lasted from January 31st through to February 13th. The Army killed some 3,768 rioters, and wounded 2,200 more. Nonetheless, it achieved what Nixon wanted; a firm victory in Indochina. In February he deployed a further 10,000 troops, supplemented with gun boats and air support, to track down and eliminate Saloth Sar and his Khmer National Front. The movement had grown in the wake of the 4th of July Massacre, uniting the most extreme Khmer nationalists under his umbrella. Sar and his 2500 supporters were founded hiding out in a makeshift village in the jungle. The Army was ready to move in and arrest him, but were expecting over 200 casualties. Nixon was having none of it. In a move still controversial to this day, Nixon ordered the Air Force to firebomb the compound on April 12th. There were no survivors. Although some denounced Nixon's actions as illegal and immoral, the level of hatred most of the country felt for the KNF meant that Nixon's approval ratings got a nice 5 point bump. The Army in Cambodia then fanned out across the countryside on a witch hunt for Khmer nationalists, who had been the most violent group of rioters by far. The green and yellow banner of the Khmer Empire was made an illegal hate symbol, and the Army burned every single one they could find. With the incredible weight of Uncle Sam bearing down, most of the moderates in Cambodia gave up, especially after the fire bombing made the depths of American anger vividly apparent. However, some 30,000 extremists gathered in Krong Chaktomuk for one final, epic showdown on June 10th. They burned the Vietnamese quarter of the city before sufficient troops had arrived, although some suggest that this was partly because the American forces didn't care about the Vietnamese. However, there's not much in the way of concrete evidence to support that assertion. On June 11th, the riot continued, and was met with 50 tanks, 6,000 soldiers, and 4,000 policemen. The nationalists either charged, or opened fire if they had firearms. The tanks opened up. The result was as predictable as it was bloody. 12,000 rioters died, 4,000 more were critically injured, and another 3,364 sustained moderate or minor industries. 15 new Boeing Tomahawk Helicopters loaded with troops landed behind those who attempted to flee, and forced them to surrender. Every single remaining rioter was arrested, and charged with 4,100 counts of murder (the number of Vietnamese who died the day before), 5,000 counts of arson, treason, espionage, sabotage, rioting, rebellion, and 23,000 counts of possession of a hate symbol. Most of those arrested were given prison sentences of varying length. However, some 600, the most unrepentant murderers, were sentenced to death by public hanging. Nixon sent a message to Cambodia. It was heard loud and clear. The Crisis was over in Cambodia in time for the next 4th of July parade in Krong Chaktomuk. In an act of collective punishment against Cambodia, the city was renamed Lafayetteville by an executive order. Given the French origin of the name, it was a double slap in the face, but the continued presence of the military in Cambodia meant people wisely decided not to protest.
Operation Liberty's Fury: KNF HQ firebombed
In Vietnam, the rebellion was far less vicious, and thus received a less visceral American reaction. However, one incident did shake the nation to its core. On October 11th, 1969, the Army captured the compound belonging to a small band of rebels calling themselves the North Vietnamese Army for Liberation, who in reality hadn't done much other than cause a small ruckus in the country. However, what was notable about this event were the weapons found inside the compound; they were of Chinese origin. Nixon ordered the OSS to seize the compound from the Army, and no media was allowed inside due to a "ongoing chemical leak." The OSS agents traced the serial numbers, which hadn't all been filed off yet, to a factory in Wuhan. Agents were sent to infiltrate the factory and extract their record orders; the weapons had been ordered by the Chinese Army. Nixon ordered further investigation, but knew the truth deep down. In 1968, China had elected Yen Chia-Kan, a nationalist who wanted to expand China's influence in Asia and leave America's shadow. Part of that involved weakening the hold of America's colonial empire in the region. The OSS confirmed what Nixon's paranoia had made his suspect from the start; the Chinese had sent those weapons to try and make America's life in Indochina more difficult. They believed that if the Crisis ground on longer than three years, America would rather quit than wage a full war. In the ensuing power vacuum, the Chinese could ensure friendly parties took power in the region. This operation had been rather secretive in China, as public feeling on trying to push out the US was far from unanimous, and some believed it would only make things worse for China. Nixon fumed in private, and began planning revenge. First though, he had to finish dealing with Indochina.
Laos was fairly easy to pacify, having been the least rebellious of the Indochinese territories. The rest of 1969 was spent pacifying the remaining rebel groups and rioters, which were beginning to lose traction anyway as the people of Indochina began to shift their support away from the various nationalist organizations and radical language rights groups. A decent majority had never been huge fans, and the large minority began to change their tune when they saw that A.) The radicals hadn't achieved anything and B.) That Washington was prepared to bear down hard on Indochina. On Presidents Day 1970, President Nixon was able to declare total victory in Indochina. His approval ratings hovered at 80% throughout the whole year, and the Democrats gained enough ground in the midterm election to have a veto proof majority in the Senate.
With Indochina done and dusted, the OSS released its findings about Chinese support of the Vietnamese rebels before Congress in March. The betrayal caused shockwaves in the international community. The Chinese issued a feeble denial, but it was transparent it an obvious lie. Nixon cancelled upcoming trade talks with the Chinese, but that seemed to be all. However, this wasn't so. In the following months, there were a series of strange accidents in Chinese military bases near the border with Indochina. Then in August, the masterminds behind the weapons scheme started dying in strange ways. President Yen rightly suspected sabotage, but had no concrete proof, and had lost a great deal of credibility abroad over the scandal. Shortly after the last ringleader died, President Yen received a gift from Nixon. It came in a fine box, and appeared to be a reconciliation gift. Inside was the head of a dragon like those used in Chinese New Year's parades, and a note from Nixon:
Dear President Yen,
I hope you are well. These past months have been trying ones for the relationship between our two nations. However, I know we can overcome those past difficulties. I admit, I don't know much about Chinese culture, but I think the symbolism of this gift is universal. Take its meaning to heart.
Sincerely,
Dick
President Yen seemed to concede that he had overstepped, and had only been saved from harsher treatment by the fact that the US and China were massive trade partners. However, this would not be his last duel with Dick Nixon. The rivalry between these two men would shape much of the 1970's.
Also on the foreign side of things, Nixon had to try and navigate an increasingly complicated relationship with India, and began making plans for the collapse of the UOCS, which was struggling internally, although one wouldn't know it without access to classified information. However, there weren't many dramatic events in his first term on the foreign affairs front.
Domestically, Nixon and LBJ were some busy fellas. LBJ was a former Army Lieutenant and still held the armed forces close to his heart. The military saw several consecutive years of budget increases, which were poured into R&D. Speaking of R&D, on July 4th, 1969, in a mission that had been timed to fall on America's birthday, the United States of America planted the first men on the moon. Those men, Neil Armstrong and Jack Hardy, came home to a heroes welcome, and the image of them planting the Star Spangled Banner on the moon became a national icon. Even the Germans were begrudgingly awed. Although Nixon had little to do with NASA beyond supporting the agency he inherited, the landing lent credibility to his administration. Nixon used that credibility to launch a committee on government waste, with the goal of "eliminating every penny of superfluous spending." In reality, the committee was a bit overhyped, but they did implement legitimate cost saving measures that gave money back to the taxpayers. There was also a sinister side to this initiative; Nixon wanted the Executive Branch as streamlined as possible so he could more effectively control it. Regardless of intentions, the program was a moderate success. In 1970, Nixon passed the Restoration of Order Act, which authorized the sale of military surplus to the police, and is credited with beginning the militarization of police in America, which would last for decades. Given the chaos of '68 and the Indochina Crisis, the bill was fairly popular, but concerns were already present. Nixon also created the Environmental Protection Agency as a compromise with Republicans, which was another broadly applauded piece of legislation.
By 1972, Nixon had become the most unlikely savior in American history. This party-hopping, balding man with the jowls of a basset hound and some unfortunate issues with paranoia and control had seemingly saved the country from insurrection and stood up to foreign nations who abused the nation's trust. However, his second term would bring its own challenges....
President Yen of China
Neil Armstrong salutes the American flag on the Moon.
LAPD officers in military gear purchased under the ROA, during the 1975 riots.
Aroo?!Chapter 50: "We're Playing Hardball:" Nixon's First Term
When Dick Nixon was sworn into office in January of 1969, he was a man with a lot on his plate. Crime was on the rise. The nation was horribly divided. The Indochina Crisis continued to rage on, and foreign friends and foes alike smelled weakness. It would take strong, decisive leadership to dig America out of this mess. Regardless of what one thinks of his methods, it can't be denied that Nixon put America's house back in order.
President Nixon visits the troops deployed in rural Cambodia (1969)
The first issue was the Indochina Crisis. Where Kennedy waffled, Nixon was firm to the point of harshness. Immediately after the inauguration ceremony, Nixon's first act as President was to get on the phone with James Westmoreland, Governor of Indochina, and have him finally declare the Territory to be in a formal state of insurrection. As soon as the declaration became formal, Nixon declared "We're playing hardball," and ordered the deployment of 12,000 infantrymen and military policemen, as well as 400 Sherman tanks, to Indochina. This supplemented the 3,000 soldiers that had been integrated into the Colonial Police Force for Indochina after the War. Hanoi, a particular hotspot of rebellion, was the first target. The troops fired tear gas and live ammunition at rioters in the Battle of Hanoi, which lasted from January 31st through to February 13th. The Army killed some 3,768 rioters, and wounded 2,200 more. Nonetheless, it achieved what Nixon wanted; a firm victory in Indochina. In February he deployed a further 10,000 troops, supplemented with gun boats and air support, to track down and eliminate Saloth Sar and his Khmer National Front. The movement had grown in the wake of the 4th of July Massacre, uniting the most extreme Khmer nationalists under his umbrella. Sar and his 2500 supporters were founded hiding out in a makeshift village in the jungle. The Army was ready to move in and arrest him, but were expecting over 200 casualties. Nixon was having none of it. In a move still controversial to this day, Nixon ordered the Air Force to firebomb the compound on April 12th. There were no survivors. Although some denounced Nixon's actions as illegal and immoral, the level of hatred most of the country felt for the KNF meant that Nixon's approval ratings got a nice 5 point bump. The Army in Cambodia then fanned out across the countryside on a witch hunt for Khmer nationalists, who had been the most violent group of rioters by far. The green and yellow banner of the Khmer Empire was made an illegal hate symbol, and the Army burned every single one they could find. With the incredible weight of Uncle Sam bearing down, most of the moderates in Cambodia gave up, especially after the fire bombing made the depths of American anger vividly apparent. However, some 30,000 extremists gathered in Krong Chaktomuk for one final, epic showdown on June 10th. They burned the Vietnamese quarter of the city before sufficient troops had arrived, although some suggest that this was partly because the American forces didn't care about the Vietnamese. However, there's not much in the way of concrete evidence to support that assertion. On June 11th, the riot continued, and was met with 50 tanks, 6,000 soldiers, and 4,000 policemen. The nationalists either charged, or opened fire if they had firearms. The tanks opened up. The result was as predictable as it was bloody. 12,000 rioters died, 4,000 more were critically injured, and another 3,364 sustained moderate or minor industries. 15 new Boeing Tomahawk Helicopters loaded with troops landed behind those who attempted to flee, and forced them to surrender. Every single remaining rioter was arrested, and charged with 4,100 counts of murder (the number of Vietnamese who died the day before), 5,000 counts of arson, treason, espionage, sabotage, rioting, rebellion, and 23,000 counts of possession of a hate symbol. Most of those arrested were given prison sentences of varying length. However, some 600, the most unrepentant murderers, were sentenced to death by public hanging. Nixon sent a message to Cambodia. It was heard loud and clear. The Crisis was over in Cambodia in time for the next 4th of July parade in Krong Chaktomuk. In an act of collective punishment against Cambodia, the city was renamed Lafayetteville by an executive order. Given the French origin of the name, it was a double slap in the face, but the continued presence of the military in Cambodia meant people wisely decided not to protest.
Operation Liberty's Fury: KNF HQ firebombed
In Vietnam, the rebellion was far less vicious, and thus received a less visceral American reaction. However, one incident did shake the nation to its core. On October 11th, 1969, the Army captured the compound belonging to a small band of rebels calling themselves the North Vietnamese Army for Liberation, who in reality hadn't done much other than cause a small ruckus in the country. However, what was notable about this event were the weapons found inside the compound; they were of Chinese origin. Nixon ordered the OSS to seize the compound from the Army, and no media was allowed inside due to a "ongoing chemical leak." The OSS agents traced the serial numbers, which hadn't all been filed off yet, to a factory in Wuhan. Agents were sent to infiltrate the factory and extract their record orders; the weapons had been ordered by the Chinese Army. Nixon ordered further investigation, but knew the truth deep down. In 1968, China had elected Yen Chia-Kan, a nationalist who wanted to expand China's influence in Asia and leave America's shadow. Part of that involved weakening the hold of America's colonial empire in the region. The OSS confirmed what Nixon's paranoia had made his suspect from the start; the Chinese had sent those weapons to try and make America's life in Indochina more difficult. They believed that if the Crisis ground on longer than three years, America would rather quit than wage a full war. In the ensuing power vacuum, the Chinese could ensure friendly parties took power in the region. This operation had been rather secretive in China, as public feeling on trying to push out the US was far from unanimous, and some believed it would only make things worse for China. Nixon fumed in private, and began planning revenge. First though, he had to finish dealing with Indochina.
Laos was fairly easy to pacify, having been the least rebellious of the Indochinese territories. The rest of 1969 was spent pacifying the remaining rebel groups and rioters, which were beginning to lose traction anyway as the people of Indochina began to shift their support away from the various nationalist organizations and radical language rights groups. A decent majority had never been huge fans, and the large minority began to change their tune when they saw that A.) The radicals hadn't achieved anything and B.) That Washington was prepared to bear down hard on Indochina. On Presidents Day 1970, President Nixon was able to declare total victory in Indochina. His approval ratings hovered at 80% throughout the whole year, and the Democrats gained enough ground in the midterm election to have a veto proof majority in the Senate.
With Indochina done and dusted, the OSS released its findings about Chinese support of the Vietnamese rebels before Congress in March. The betrayal caused shockwaves in the international community. The Chinese issued a feeble denial, but it was transparent it an obvious lie. Nixon cancelled upcoming trade talks with the Chinese, but that seemed to be all. However, this wasn't so. In the following months, there were a series of strange accidents in Chinese military bases near the border with Indochina. Then in August, the masterminds behind the weapons scheme started dying in strange ways. President Yen rightly suspected sabotage, but had no concrete proof, and had lost a great deal of credibility abroad over the scandal. Shortly after the last ringleader died, President Yen received a gift from Nixon. It came in a fine box, and appeared to be a reconciliation gift. Inside was the head of a dragon like those used in Chinese New Year's parades, and a note from Nixon:
Dear President Yen,
I hope you are well. These past months have been trying ones for the relationship between our two nations. However, I know we can overcome those past difficulties. I admit, I don't know much about Chinese culture, but I think the symbolism of this gift is universal. Take its meaning to heart.
Sincerely,
Dick
President Yen seemed to concede that he had overstepped, and had only been saved from harsher treatment by the fact that the US and China were massive trade partners. However, this would not be his last duel with Dick Nixon. The rivalry between these two men would shape much of the 1970's.
Also on the foreign side of things, Nixon had to try and navigate an increasingly complicated relationship with India, and began making plans for the collapse of the UOCS, which was struggling internally, although one wouldn't know it without access to classified information. However, there weren't many dramatic events in his first term on the foreign affairs front.
Domestically, Nixon and LBJ were some busy fellas. LBJ was a former Army Lieutenant and still held the armed forces close to his heart. The military saw several consecutive years of budget increases, which were poured into R&D. Speaking of R&D, on July 4th, 1969, in a mission that had been timed to fall on America's birthday, the United States of America planted the first men on the moon. Those men, Neil Armstrong and Jack Hardy, came home to a heroes welcome, and the image of them planting the Star Spangled Banner on the moon became a national icon. Even the Germans were begrudgingly awed. Although Nixon had little to do with NASA beyond supporting the agency he inherited, the landing lent credibility to his administration. Nixon used that credibility to launch a committee on government waste, with the goal of "eliminating every penny of superfluous spending." In reality, the committee was a bit overhyped, but they did implement legitimate cost saving measures that gave money back to the taxpayers. There was also a sinister side to this initiative; Nixon wanted the Executive Branch as streamlined as possible so he could more effectively control it. Regardless of intentions, the program was a moderate success. In 1970, Nixon passed the Restoration of Order Act, which authorized the sale of military surplus to the police, and is credited with beginning the militarization of police in America, which would last for decades. Given the chaos of '68 and the Indochina Crisis, the bill was fairly popular, but concerns were already present. Nixon also created the Environmental Protection Agency as a compromise with Republicans, which was another broadly applauded piece of legislation.
By 1972, Nixon had become the most unlikely savior in American history. This party-hopping, balding man with the jowls of a basset hound and some unfortunate issues with paranoia and control had seemingly saved the country from insurrection and stood up to foreign nations who abused the nation's trust. However, his second term would bring its own challenges....
President Yen of China
Neil Armstrong salutes the American flag on the Moon.
LAPD officers in military gear purchased under the ROA, during the 1975 riots.
Last edited:
Gotta say, I'm surprised no one commented on Nixon basically imitating the Godfather with that gift. He literally killed some Chinese spymasters and then sent him the head of a dragon. That'd be akin to someone like Putin killing a few CIA agents and then sending Trump the head of a stuffed bald eagle and saying "I hope we can reach an understanding."
