1) Despite rumblings amongst some Tories, David Davis remains leader of the Conservatives.
2) Absolutely he does. In my notes he's the Minister of Foreign Affairs. But I may change that.
Lazarus, Icarus, and Canadian Politics: An Infobox Timeline
- Thread starter CanadianTory
- Start date
1) Despite rumblings amongst some Tories, David Davis remains leader of the Conservatives.
2) Absolutely he does. In my notes he's the Minister of Foreign Affairs. But I may change that.
So just to give everyone some heads up, the Quebec election is going to take some time. Ive been working on a handful of other updates that'll be on their way soonish, all related to the 2012 presidential election, all from 2011.
Since they'll be chronologically out of order and something more akin to a nonlinear story, I may refer to them as something other than Update #. Anyway, expect the first one up sometime this week.
I'm really happy with how these turned out. Like, really happy.
Since they'll be chronologically out of order and something more akin to a nonlinear story, I may refer to them as something other than Update #. Anyway, expect the first one up sometime this week.
I'm really happy with how these turned out. Like, really happy.
Decision 2012 - Chapter One: Her Time
Senator Clinton was feeling fairly cold in January of 2008, and not simply because there was snow on the ground. Having long had her sights set on the Presidency, it was bittersweet attending John Edwards’ nomination. Sure, the party had won back the White House, but the New York Senator had repeatedly told her personal friends and Hillaryland High Command that she felt Edwards was an empty suit, too inept to be President, and that the only reason he had won the Oval Office was because the Republicans and Fred Thompson had screwed the pooch during their time in power. Clinton had also felt betrayed by the entire Democratic Primary. She had been laying the ground work for her own run since shortly after Al Gore had conceded in 2004. As a former First Lady, a Senator from a populous state, and more importantly as a Clinton, Hillary believed she deserved the nomination, and was better equipped than any of the other potential candidates to not only win, but actually get things done once she sat behind the Resolute Desk. Her only real competition, she and her husband surmised, would be Edwards, maybe Joe Biden and John Kerry, whom she would likely dispatch by New Hampshire or South Carolina. But then former Vice President Jeanne Shaheen, who had privately told Clinton that she had no desire to run for President in April of 2005, had reversed course, announced her campaign for the presidency before Clinton was ready, stole her donors, much of her base, and what seemed to be Hillary’s best chance to become President of the United States.
But then the unexpected had happened. Edwards defeated Shaheen, to which the Clinton’s chalked up to a combination of the former V.P.’s own ineptitude and the media’s unfair treatment of the New Hampshirite. He defeated Fred Thompson, whom the Clinton’s greatly respected, meaning that Hillary would be unable to run in four, possibly eight years. Adding to what she considered to be her humiliation, the New York Senator was passed over for both the position of Vice President and Secretary of State. The Clinton’s conceded that Napolitano was a good attack dog, but would likely not put the increasingly Republican state of Arizona into play, and would add little to the incoming administration. Bill and Hillary were also close to Edwards’ eventual pick for Foggy Bottom, Joe Biden. But the idea of the gaffe-prone Delawarean representing America on the world stage, and crafting the new administration’s foreign policy struck Bill Clinton as nightmarish, especially when his wife was an option. But Edwards didn’t much care for either of the Clinton’s, believing them to be the epitome of arrogance and what was wrong with politics, and refused to even have her seriously vetted for any position in his administration.
Fast forward to the early months of 2011 and, once again, events had unfolded unexpectedly. Scandal-plagued John Edwards, after losing the midterms and his wife, had resigned, and Janet Napolitano had beaten Clinton to becoming the nation’s first ever female President. Calls began flooding in to Hillaryland from her donors and loyalists telling them that if their boss still ached to be Commander-in-Chief, this was her best, and likely last, opportunity to do so. They argued that Clinton’s political appeal was manifest. She was experienced, untainted by the scandals that had engulfed the White House, remained a popular two-term Senator from New York, and still enjoyed the fundraising networked amassed by her centrist husband and her own years of work. President Napolitano was still unknown to a large number of Americans, despite having basically stepped in for Edwards during the worsening of his wife’s health and subsequent withdrawal from the public eye. A one-two punch in Iowa and New Hampshire, where voters indicated they were open to a potential challenge, and it would be a cakewalk to the nomination. The only question left to answer by Hillarylanders was; did their boss want to take on a sitting President for the nomination of their party? Especially when it was a fellow woman? The last serious challenge to a sitting President came in the 1980’s, when President Jimmy Carter had been challenged by Democratic icon and Senator from Massachusetts, Teddy Kennedy. If, going off that example, history wasn’t exactly on Hillary’s side.
Hillary asked loyalists like James Carville, Solis Doyle, Evelyn Lieberman, Cheryl Mills, Mark Penn, and countless others from her failed ’08 bid what she should do. Some advised caution. Challenging a sitting President wasn’t an easy task, it was less than a year before the Iowa caucus, it would likely take a lot of money, a lot of resources, a lot of volunteers, probably a convention vote, and would increase her negative ratings with voters, not to mention reinforce the notion that the Clinton’s were willing to do anything for power. Others, especially her husband, warned that if she didn’t challenge Napolitano, she would be leaving the nomination to someone whom she felt wasn’t as qualified as her, and someone who, at least according to the polls, was likely to lose to one of the Republican frontrunners, be it Romney, Barbour, Bush, or Huckabee. In the end, the argument was simple. Despite all the challenges, did Hillary Clinton want to let the Republicans take back the White House against a weak candidate, or throw her hat into the ring and save the Democratic Party from itself? More importantly, was she prepared to sit around in the senate until 2016, when she might be past her best before date.
The dilemma ate at her. Supporters wanted her to run. Adversaries in her party feared her potential candidacy, as did the Republicans. As she sat in her office up in Chappapua, she wondered if this was her Bobby Kennedy moment – in which the Democrats, burdened with a terrible war, an increasingly polarized electorate, and an unpopular administration presented a historic opportunity to help heal the country.
Hillary decided that the answer was yes, and began writing her announcement address. She was in it to win it.
But then the unexpected had happened. Edwards defeated Shaheen, to which the Clinton’s chalked up to a combination of the former V.P.’s own ineptitude and the media’s unfair treatment of the New Hampshirite. He defeated Fred Thompson, whom the Clinton’s greatly respected, meaning that Hillary would be unable to run in four, possibly eight years. Adding to what she considered to be her humiliation, the New York Senator was passed over for both the position of Vice President and Secretary of State. The Clinton’s conceded that Napolitano was a good attack dog, but would likely not put the increasingly Republican state of Arizona into play, and would add little to the incoming administration. Bill and Hillary were also close to Edwards’ eventual pick for Foggy Bottom, Joe Biden. But the idea of the gaffe-prone Delawarean representing America on the world stage, and crafting the new administration’s foreign policy struck Bill Clinton as nightmarish, especially when his wife was an option. But Edwards didn’t much care for either of the Clinton’s, believing them to be the epitome of arrogance and what was wrong with politics, and refused to even have her seriously vetted for any position in his administration.
Fast forward to the early months of 2011 and, once again, events had unfolded unexpectedly. Scandal-plagued John Edwards, after losing the midterms and his wife, had resigned, and Janet Napolitano had beaten Clinton to becoming the nation’s first ever female President. Calls began flooding in to Hillaryland from her donors and loyalists telling them that if their boss still ached to be Commander-in-Chief, this was her best, and likely last, opportunity to do so. They argued that Clinton’s political appeal was manifest. She was experienced, untainted by the scandals that had engulfed the White House, remained a popular two-term Senator from New York, and still enjoyed the fundraising networked amassed by her centrist husband and her own years of work. President Napolitano was still unknown to a large number of Americans, despite having basically stepped in for Edwards during the worsening of his wife’s health and subsequent withdrawal from the public eye. A one-two punch in Iowa and New Hampshire, where voters indicated they were open to a potential challenge, and it would be a cakewalk to the nomination. The only question left to answer by Hillarylanders was; did their boss want to take on a sitting President for the nomination of their party? Especially when it was a fellow woman? The last serious challenge to a sitting President came in the 1980’s, when President Jimmy Carter had been challenged by Democratic icon and Senator from Massachusetts, Teddy Kennedy. If, going off that example, history wasn’t exactly on Hillary’s side.
Hillary asked loyalists like James Carville, Solis Doyle, Evelyn Lieberman, Cheryl Mills, Mark Penn, and countless others from her failed ’08 bid what she should do. Some advised caution. Challenging a sitting President wasn’t an easy task, it was less than a year before the Iowa caucus, it would likely take a lot of money, a lot of resources, a lot of volunteers, probably a convention vote, and would increase her negative ratings with voters, not to mention reinforce the notion that the Clinton’s were willing to do anything for power. Others, especially her husband, warned that if she didn’t challenge Napolitano, she would be leaving the nomination to someone whom she felt wasn’t as qualified as her, and someone who, at least according to the polls, was likely to lose to one of the Republican frontrunners, be it Romney, Barbour, Bush, or Huckabee. In the end, the argument was simple. Despite all the challenges, did Hillary Clinton want to let the Republicans take back the White House against a weak candidate, or throw her hat into the ring and save the Democratic Party from itself? More importantly, was she prepared to sit around in the senate until 2016, when she might be past her best before date.
The dilemma ate at her. Supporters wanted her to run. Adversaries in her party feared her potential candidacy, as did the Republicans. As she sat in her office up in Chappapua, she wondered if this was her Bobby Kennedy moment – in which the Democrats, burdened with a terrible war, an increasingly polarized electorate, and an unpopular administration presented a historic opportunity to help heal the country.
Hillary decided that the answer was yes, and began writing her announcement address. She was in it to win it.
Decision 2012 - Chapter Two: Madam President
Janet Napolitano didn’t really spend her life wanting to be President. Sure, the idea was appealing, but once she accepted John Edwards’ offer to become his running-mate, she thought she’d be relegated to the usual job of Vice Presidents; funerals and travelling. The new President didn’t seem eager to establish the type of relationship that defined the administration of Bill Clinton and Al Gore, or Gore and Shaheen. Edwards was the boss, and Napolitano, ever the loyal foot soldier, would do all in her power to help her Democratic colleagues and her President succeed while they owned the White House. Besides, 2016 seemed a long time away, and Napolitano wasn’t even sure if she’d get the chance to run. There were plenty of younger or more ambitious Democrats waiting in the wings. She was the uncharismatic former Governor of a state that her party had little hope of winning, and within the next four, let alone eight years, voters in her state would forget of her achievements as they further embraced the Republican Party. She would be defined by the Vice Presidency, and it seemed that in the current administration, that meant a noble end to her political ambitions rather than a partnership or springboard to the top job. While disappointing, it didn’t appear Napolitano had much of a choice. She didn’t think she was going to get offered the Vice Presidency in the first place, but jumped at the chance to play an influential role in the future of the Democratic Party. Friends and donors from Arizona encouraged her to keep the option of running viable, to avoid looking like she was closing the door completely, should Clinton or one of the other potential Democratic heavyweights not run. She owed it to herself and the country, they argued.
But then came 2010. A sex scandal involving the President. An increasingly frail First Lady. A shellacking in the midterms. A sizable defeat not witnessed since the 1930s. Investigations, rumours of investigations, Edwards losing his mind, withdrawing from public, abandoning his office, discussions with members of the Cabinet concerning the implementation of the 25th Amendment. In the span of less than a year, the Vice President found herself effectively the Acting President of the United States, travelling the country and the globe, trying in vein to paint a picture of normalcy and business-as-usual while the White House was engulfed in crisis. Napolitano had privately confided to friends that she worried that the country was about to enter a constitutional crisis not seen since Watergate – and that the situation could become all the worse if the President opted to try and keep hold of his office. But in May 2011 Edwards decided that he didn’t have either the capital or the interest of waging such a fight, and resigned, throwing Napolitano into the office she didn’t believe she’d ever hold. Over the years her name had been floated as a possible candidate to become the first woman to hold the office of President, but it had been low on most experts lists. Shaheen, Clinton, and Dole were usually named as more likely eventualities. And yet, here she was; Janet Napolitano, the 46th President of the United States, the first woman to hold the office in the nation’s history. Upon hearing that Edwards had decided to resign, the incoming President had uttered to her chief of staff only two words.
“Well, fuck.”
As to who would make up her campaign team, Napolitano was left with little option other than adopting some of her predecessor’s orphaned staff. With only a little over six months before the Iowa Caucus, the President needed experienced campaigners who had gone through the process before. Besides, her success meant they’d continue to enjoy the trappings of power, and it wasn’t like anyone else was clamoring for Joe Trippi, David Bonoir, or Eric Shultz. Unless they redeemed themselves with their new Commander-in-Chief, they’d be forever connected with Edwards.
Within the newly set-up NapolitanoVille, headed by former DNC Chair Steve Grossman and Napolitano’s former gubernatorial campaign manager Mario Diaz, they faced three questions. First, who would Napolitano pick to be her Vice President? Second, who would challenge the President for the nomination? Finally, depending on who their challenger was, how would they run their campaign? Play to her centrist tendencies or move to the left? After weeks of humming and hawing, the President and her team settled on former Tennessee Governor Phil Bredesen. Moderate with some conservative-leanings, experienced and respected by Republicans in congress, Bredesen was a mixed pick for the most part and allowed the President a variety of options. Sure, the “Professional Left” as the President liked to call them were upset that one of their own had been passed over, but as Napolitano saw it she could use him as cover if she needed to tact more to the left herself. There was also the possibility of picking someone else at the convention if circumstances called for it, and besides, Bredesen supplied her with an ample number of southern donors, which would be needed if she were survive a competitive primary. As to who would challenge her for the nomination, it wouldn’t be long before it became clear that New York Senator Hillary Clinton would be her main competition. The President liked and respected Clinton, and had recommended her for State during the early weeks of John Edwards’ transition. But she knew Hillary was still upset about having missed out on 2008, and that challenging her for the nomination was likely her last shot at the office. That didn’t stop the President from repeatedly referring to Clinton as a “spoiled bitch”, however.
Hillary and her supporters would no doubt prove to be formidable opponents in the short-term. But Napolitano was confident that enough Democrats wouldn’t be able to stomach the idea of denying a sitting President, someone who had answered the call to serve in a time of crisis, the nomination, especially when alternatives were the Clintons. They acted like they fucking owned the party. It was just so unseemly. Embarrassing really. If Hillary really was for progressing women’s issue, she should be trying to help the first woman President, not trying to tear her down.
Napolitano knew she wasn’t perfect. But compared to Clinton? It’d be over by March at the latest.
But then came 2010. A sex scandal involving the President. An increasingly frail First Lady. A shellacking in the midterms. A sizable defeat not witnessed since the 1930s. Investigations, rumours of investigations, Edwards losing his mind, withdrawing from public, abandoning his office, discussions with members of the Cabinet concerning the implementation of the 25th Amendment. In the span of less than a year, the Vice President found herself effectively the Acting President of the United States, travelling the country and the globe, trying in vein to paint a picture of normalcy and business-as-usual while the White House was engulfed in crisis. Napolitano had privately confided to friends that she worried that the country was about to enter a constitutional crisis not seen since Watergate – and that the situation could become all the worse if the President opted to try and keep hold of his office. But in May 2011 Edwards decided that he didn’t have either the capital or the interest of waging such a fight, and resigned, throwing Napolitano into the office she didn’t believe she’d ever hold. Over the years her name had been floated as a possible candidate to become the first woman to hold the office of President, but it had been low on most experts lists. Shaheen, Clinton, and Dole were usually named as more likely eventualities. And yet, here she was; Janet Napolitano, the 46th President of the United States, the first woman to hold the office in the nation’s history. Upon hearing that Edwards had decided to resign, the incoming President had uttered to her chief of staff only two words.
“Well, fuck.”
As to who would make up her campaign team, Napolitano was left with little option other than adopting some of her predecessor’s orphaned staff. With only a little over six months before the Iowa Caucus, the President needed experienced campaigners who had gone through the process before. Besides, her success meant they’d continue to enjoy the trappings of power, and it wasn’t like anyone else was clamoring for Joe Trippi, David Bonoir, or Eric Shultz. Unless they redeemed themselves with their new Commander-in-Chief, they’d be forever connected with Edwards.
Within the newly set-up NapolitanoVille, headed by former DNC Chair Steve Grossman and Napolitano’s former gubernatorial campaign manager Mario Diaz, they faced three questions. First, who would Napolitano pick to be her Vice President? Second, who would challenge the President for the nomination? Finally, depending on who their challenger was, how would they run their campaign? Play to her centrist tendencies or move to the left? After weeks of humming and hawing, the President and her team settled on former Tennessee Governor Phil Bredesen. Moderate with some conservative-leanings, experienced and respected by Republicans in congress, Bredesen was a mixed pick for the most part and allowed the President a variety of options. Sure, the “Professional Left” as the President liked to call them were upset that one of their own had been passed over, but as Napolitano saw it she could use him as cover if she needed to tact more to the left herself. There was also the possibility of picking someone else at the convention if circumstances called for it, and besides, Bredesen supplied her with an ample number of southern donors, which would be needed if she were survive a competitive primary. As to who would challenge her for the nomination, it wouldn’t be long before it became clear that New York Senator Hillary Clinton would be her main competition. The President liked and respected Clinton, and had recommended her for State during the early weeks of John Edwards’ transition. But she knew Hillary was still upset about having missed out on 2008, and that challenging her for the nomination was likely her last shot at the office. That didn’t stop the President from repeatedly referring to Clinton as a “spoiled bitch”, however.
Hillary and her supporters would no doubt prove to be formidable opponents in the short-term. But Napolitano was confident that enough Democrats wouldn’t be able to stomach the idea of denying a sitting President, someone who had answered the call to serve in a time of crisis, the nomination, especially when alternatives were the Clintons. They acted like they fucking owned the party. It was just so unseemly. Embarrassing really. If Hillary really was for progressing women’s issue, she should be trying to help the first woman President, not trying to tear her down.
Napolitano knew she wasn’t perfect. But compared to Clinton? It’d be over by March at the latest.
Well I've got the updates written for the four I want to cover, and logos done for all twelve candidates.
Please tell me that Jeb! will be used here.
In all seriousness these will be good, here's hoping a fun GOP primary to accompany the Democratic slugfest. If Napolitano wins then surely according to the Chotiner Rule that any incumbent who faces a major primary challenge, she'll lose in November.
Please tell me that Jeb! will be used here.
In all seriousness these will be good, here's hoping a fun GOP primary to accompany the Democratic slugfest. If Napolitano wins then surely according to the Chotiner Rule that any incumbent who faces a major primary challenge, she'll lose in November.
Can't/Won't spoil a thing. Some stuff will be revealed in Chapter Three: The Michigan Man.
M I T TCan't/Won't spoil a thing. Some stuff will be revealed in Chapter Three: The Michigan Man.
You should see the logo I made for his campaign, and the team backing him.
Decision 2012 - Chapter Three: The Michigan Man
Although widely seen as a member of the Republican establishment, there was no significant love between Michigan Governor Mitt Romney and the top party brass of the Grand Old Party. He wasn’t really one of them. He was a business executive who stumbled his way into elected office. Yet, here was Romney, a long-time rumoured presidential candidate, with polling showing him having a decent shot at defeating President John Edwards in a head-to-head match-up come 2012. It boggled many donor’s minds. This guy? His stump speeches were PowerPoint presentations; void of emotion, human connection, and charm. Plus, he often came across as the literal caricature of the Republican Party. A soulless businessman without a moral code, more interested in picking the position that best suited him politically than what felt right in his heart. Democrats would have a field day. The very idea of the man serving as the Republican nominee for President of the United States was unnerving to a great many financial and political heavyweights, many of whom wanted to see the likes of Governor Haley Barbour, Senator Jeb Bush, or Indiana Governor Daniel McIntosh instead.
Mitt knew this. But he had faced similar problems in the past, and had always found a way to overcome them.
Although born in Michigan, a state where his father had also served as Governor during the 1960s, Mitt had spent most of his adult life elsewhere. As a Mormon, a controversial faith that many other Christians still considered a cult, he had spent his missionary years in France. After that he and his wife Ann moved to Massachusetts, where he served as CEO of Bain and Company and one of the founders of Bain Capital. The plan had always been to launch Mitt’s political career in Massachusetts, starting with his unsuccessful Senate run against Liberal lion Teddy Kennedy in 1994. Yet Bill Weld and Paul Celluci’s iron grip on the state Republican Party and Governorship meant that Romney would have to look elsewhere to get into politics. Among the states considered were neighbouring New Hampshire, the Mormon capital of Utah where Mitt had saved the 2002 Salt Lake City Olympic games, Colorado, and his birth-state of Michigan. With the blessing and backing of long-time Governor John Engler, Mitt and Ann packed their bags for home.
Just like the response from some national Republicans, when he arrived in Michigan Mitt wasn’t exactly embraced. Carpetbagger, flip-flopper, opportunist. If he was a real Michiganian, where had he been? There was resentment. Mitt lacked the hard working, blue collar appeal that his father was remembered for. Yet through a careful and coordinated campaign, endorsements from the Michigan Republican Party, local bigwigs, his refusal to accept the Vice Presidency or run for the Presidency until after his term expired, and a whole lot of fundraising dollars, Romney was somehow elected the governor of a state where he hadn’t lived in for decades. He immersed himself into the political culture of the state, and soon appeared comfortable with the state legislature and its wheeler-dealers. His fiscal-over-social policy approach was popular in the state, enough that he had been narrowly given a second term by voters. But Michigan was still facing tough times. The state economy was still suffering from the decline in the American manufacturing market and had only narrowly avoided seeing its credit rating downgraded. With approvals hovering under fifty percent, it was a fair assumption whether or not Romney would actually run for president.
But Mitt himself didn’t see it that way. What he saw was an impressive resume: successful businessman and job creator; saviour of the 2002 Olympics; the “Mr. Fix-it” two term Governor of a Democrat-leaning swing state. His personal life was impeccable: he had married his high school sweetheart, was the father to five handsome sons. He was well spoken, and with his chiseled jaw and dark glossy hair looked like the perfect casting to be the next President of the United States. None of that alleviated his families worries, however. What about his Mormon faith? Well, he wasn’t going to change that. Evangelicals would get on board or go with someone else. His wealth? It meant he knew how to create jobs and be successful, arguably some good traits in an elected official. His record in Michigan? Just so long as he explained the number of tax cuts he had provided, the long-term jobs that had been created under his watch, and the external factors that had been outside of his control, he’d be fine. Besides, voters in his state had just given his Lieutenant Governor her own four-year mandate, so how bad a job could he have done?
The weekend after the midterm elections of 2010, Mitt was in the living room of the Lawrence A. Young Cottage, his gubernatorial summer residence on Mackinac Island, surrounded by his family. If he was going to run for President, he had to get started soon. Going around the room, Romney poked and prodded his wife, his sons, and their wives about whether or not he should pursue the White House in two years time. They expressed their concern over their privacy as a family, if Mitt could actually win the darn thing, and if America was really ready to believe that such a great candidate as their guy was actually the real deal. But the Romney’s concluded that Mitt had the moral obligation, if not to the country than to God, to run for President. He was by far the best candidate, and would be able to turn the country around.
It would be a textbook Republican campaign. Top-tier consultants, pollsters, fundraisers, and media experts. A millionaire with countless millionaire friends, raising money for the campaign would take little to no time at all. He’d court major establishment figures like former Defence Secretary John McCain or New Jersey Governor Chris Christie, rack up endorsements from people in both the public and private sector, rollout policy positions to appeal to social, economic, and foreign policy conservatives, and eliminate the opposition through his Restore America’s Future Super PAC.
It would be a long and contentious battle for the nomination. Mitt’s time in politics had taught him that. But there was a path, and he would win it.
Mitt knew this. But he had faced similar problems in the past, and had always found a way to overcome them.
Although born in Michigan, a state where his father had also served as Governor during the 1960s, Mitt had spent most of his adult life elsewhere. As a Mormon, a controversial faith that many other Christians still considered a cult, he had spent his missionary years in France. After that he and his wife Ann moved to Massachusetts, where he served as CEO of Bain and Company and one of the founders of Bain Capital. The plan had always been to launch Mitt’s political career in Massachusetts, starting with his unsuccessful Senate run against Liberal lion Teddy Kennedy in 1994. Yet Bill Weld and Paul Celluci’s iron grip on the state Republican Party and Governorship meant that Romney would have to look elsewhere to get into politics. Among the states considered were neighbouring New Hampshire, the Mormon capital of Utah where Mitt had saved the 2002 Salt Lake City Olympic games, Colorado, and his birth-state of Michigan. With the blessing and backing of long-time Governor John Engler, Mitt and Ann packed their bags for home.
Just like the response from some national Republicans, when he arrived in Michigan Mitt wasn’t exactly embraced. Carpetbagger, flip-flopper, opportunist. If he was a real Michiganian, where had he been? There was resentment. Mitt lacked the hard working, blue collar appeal that his father was remembered for. Yet through a careful and coordinated campaign, endorsements from the Michigan Republican Party, local bigwigs, his refusal to accept the Vice Presidency or run for the Presidency until after his term expired, and a whole lot of fundraising dollars, Romney was somehow elected the governor of a state where he hadn’t lived in for decades. He immersed himself into the political culture of the state, and soon appeared comfortable with the state legislature and its wheeler-dealers. His fiscal-over-social policy approach was popular in the state, enough that he had been narrowly given a second term by voters. But Michigan was still facing tough times. The state economy was still suffering from the decline in the American manufacturing market and had only narrowly avoided seeing its credit rating downgraded. With approvals hovering under fifty percent, it was a fair assumption whether or not Romney would actually run for president.
But Mitt himself didn’t see it that way. What he saw was an impressive resume: successful businessman and job creator; saviour of the 2002 Olympics; the “Mr. Fix-it” two term Governor of a Democrat-leaning swing state. His personal life was impeccable: he had married his high school sweetheart, was the father to five handsome sons. He was well spoken, and with his chiseled jaw and dark glossy hair looked like the perfect casting to be the next President of the United States. None of that alleviated his families worries, however. What about his Mormon faith? Well, he wasn’t going to change that. Evangelicals would get on board or go with someone else. His wealth? It meant he knew how to create jobs and be successful, arguably some good traits in an elected official. His record in Michigan? Just so long as he explained the number of tax cuts he had provided, the long-term jobs that had been created under his watch, and the external factors that had been outside of his control, he’d be fine. Besides, voters in his state had just given his Lieutenant Governor her own four-year mandate, so how bad a job could he have done?
The weekend after the midterm elections of 2010, Mitt was in the living room of the Lawrence A. Young Cottage, his gubernatorial summer residence on Mackinac Island, surrounded by his family. If he was going to run for President, he had to get started soon. Going around the room, Romney poked and prodded his wife, his sons, and their wives about whether or not he should pursue the White House in two years time. They expressed their concern over their privacy as a family, if Mitt could actually win the darn thing, and if America was really ready to believe that such a great candidate as their guy was actually the real deal. But the Romney’s concluded that Mitt had the moral obligation, if not to the country than to God, to run for President. He was by far the best candidate, and would be able to turn the country around.
It would be a textbook Republican campaign. Top-tier consultants, pollsters, fundraisers, and media experts. A millionaire with countless millionaire friends, raising money for the campaign would take little to no time at all. He’d court major establishment figures like former Defence Secretary John McCain or New Jersey Governor Chris Christie, rack up endorsements from people in both the public and private sector, rollout policy positions to appeal to social, economic, and foreign policy conservatives, and eliminate the opposition through his Restore America’s Future Super PAC.
It would be a long and contentious battle for the nomination. Mitt’s time in politics had taught him that. But there was a path, and he would win it.
Logojoy.com is really handy, with the help of a little bit of photoshop and Microsoft paint.
Also if you guys think Mitt Romney is "bad", wait until you see the other candidates.