Isaac's Empire 2.0
- Thread starter Basileus Giorgios
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An update on where I'm up to...
The bad news is I'm yet to actually write any new content: but I've re-read IE2 from the reign of Eirene Naupliotissa onwards, plus taken a look at some of the supplementary material written ten years ago plus IE version 1. Incidentally, if any fans of the TL missed out on this the first time round, there's some absolutely brilliant stuff in this thread that's well worth a read, and I think is broadly still going to be more or less canonical. It begins about ten years in the future of where the main TL is currently up to, though contains material running into IE's 18th century, so is by its nature quite spoilery.
I've been spending the past week re-reading and formulating thoughts on where to go from here- the next update will be a continuation of the main narrative of the TL, as opposed to anything else- though with some very minor retcons to take into account five years of extra reading! I now have a fairly clear idea in my head as to how Samuel is going to end up calling the shots in Constantinople, and I've reminded myself of roughly where I was planning to head with some of the other dangling story threads, most notably the Helot religious fanatics.
I do have a question to throw open to the floor at this point though. Clearly, the Black Death is not going to happen as OTL here- but do climactic conditions in the 14th century mean some sort of major arrival of bubonic plague is pretty much inevitable at some point in the 1340s/1350s, in the way it's arguable the Justinian plague was always going to be "triggered" by external climactic factors in the 540s? Does anybody have any thoughts?
And in general- if anybody has any thoughts or suggestions for where they'd like the TL to go, please do throw them out there! Whilst I'm still getting back into the habit of writing, inspiration is much appreciated.
The bad news is I'm yet to actually write any new content: but I've re-read IE2 from the reign of Eirene Naupliotissa onwards, plus taken a look at some of the supplementary material written ten years ago plus IE version 1. Incidentally, if any fans of the TL missed out on this the first time round, there's some absolutely brilliant stuff in this thread that's well worth a read, and I think is broadly still going to be more or less canonical. It begins about ten years in the future of where the main TL is currently up to, though contains material running into IE's 18th century, so is by its nature quite spoilery.
I've been spending the past week re-reading and formulating thoughts on where to go from here- the next update will be a continuation of the main narrative of the TL, as opposed to anything else- though with some very minor retcons to take into account five years of extra reading! I now have a fairly clear idea in my head as to how Samuel is going to end up calling the shots in Constantinople, and I've reminded myself of roughly where I was planning to head with some of the other dangling story threads, most notably the Helot religious fanatics.
I do have a question to throw open to the floor at this point though. Clearly, the Black Death is not going to happen as OTL here- but do climactic conditions in the 14th century mean some sort of major arrival of bubonic plague is pretty much inevitable at some point in the 1340s/1350s, in the way it's arguable the Justinian plague was always going to be "triggered" by external climactic factors in the 540s? Does anybody have any thoughts?
And in general- if anybody has any thoughts or suggestions for where they'd like the TL to go, please do throw them out there! Whilst I'm still getting back into the habit of writing, inspiration is much appreciated.
Just read through this whole time-line. It's been a wonderful piece of work, and I hope to see it picked up again.
I do wonder though - the lands outside Rome probably should be hit as badly as Rome itself in any ATL Pandemic in the mid 14th Century. Also, if I recall correctly, Europe underwent a wave of famines prior to that in the earlier 14th Century which brought a halt to High Medieval demographic expansion - this probably should have knock-on effects on Western Europe. Unlike Justinian's plague, an alternate Black Death should be damaging Rome's potential enemies as badly as Rome itself.
Within the Empire, I wonder whether some places will be hit harder, and others less so, and their implications for the demographic and cultural landscape of the Empire - maybe, in the long run, if Rome can hold on to their Syrian and Egyptian frontiers, a certain degree of Re-romanization could occur in the Levant. Politically though, I can imagine that an alternate plague may well put an end to a revolving door of Emperors in the 1340s, if a high number of claimants die or are crippled during the pandemic - which means that Rome might be able to finally find another century of political stability or hopefully even longer. It could be that a Plague might ironically avert a civil war this time round, by killing off claimants who were on the path of plunging the Empire into another round of civil wars.
What is the status of the Silk Road in this time-line? I believe it was a vital factor in the spread of the plague from the East to the West - unless latest research suggests otherwise, the Bubonic Plague equivalent is likely to start from the East again. Perhaps a highly successful Jurchen Kiev expands their control over much of the northern Silk Road this time to the borders of the Dzungarian Gate during the late 13th and early 14th centuries, and the explosion of east-west trade in this period and movement of campaigning armies bring back the plague, first to Kiev, then from there to all of Europe? I believe what made the Black Death so devastating, was not just climatical conditions, but the expansion of trade across Europe and Asia.
Also, IIRC, the Plague in China in OTL played a big role in ultimately undermining the Yuan Dynasty - so chances are very high that whichever dynasty (whether Han Chinese, Jurchen or Mongol) ruling China right now has a very high chance of falling within the mid 14th Century if a plague breaks out across Eurasia in the 15th Century again. There are quite alot of butterflies that might result from that.
Finally, on a slightly different tangent, what are the current leading dynasties within Europe?
1. How durable is the Anglo-French Union? What are the chances of Scotland joining the Union?
2. How is the Reconquista going? Have the Christians driven the Muslims back to Granada, or have they been even more successful? Or less so?
- Could we see a tussle between Iberia and Rome over North Africa in this time-line, analogous but not exactly like between the Spanish and the Ottomans in OTL.
- Is the Age of Exploration still on course in Iberia?
3. Have the Germans decisively avoided de-centralization in this time-line? What about the rise of various confederations within Germany - such as the Hanseatic League or the Swiss Confederation, or even the Dutch and Flemish cities?
4. Did Scandinavia manage to unite in this time-line? If so, could the Kalmar Union hold this time around?
5. How are the Poles fairing? How are the Lithuanians fairing? Would a stronger Russianized Jurchen Kiev see the Poles and Lithuanians gradually fall under the Russian orbit, or would Jurchen Kiev disintegrate, the Lithuanians expand rapidly into Ruthenia as per OTL.... or perhaps even more excitingly, a massive Polish-Lithuanian-Kievite Commonwealth that succeeds the collapse of Jurchen Kiev, rivals of the German Emperors? Or are the Germans much more successful with their Eastward expansion in this time-line, the Poles remain divided and the Lithuanian state strangled in it's crib by ATL Teutonic Knights backed by more powerful German Emperors?
6. What are the odds of a more successful Hapsburg analog in this time-line? Could such an analog even do the unthinkable one day... and rise to the Purple through marriage?
7. When will Gunpowder begin to arrive in Europe? Will Swiss esque Pike walls come into prominence again in the coming centuries? Will we see a later or earlier development of Pike and Shot tactics?
Outside Europe:
8. What is the status of India? Is the north still dominated by a Turkic ATL Delhi Sultanate? Is that Sultanate more or less stable in this timeline? What about the South?
9. With Egypt recovered, are Roman traders once more making the trip to India to trade, following old Arab Trade routes? Could it be that these traders bring back an ATL Black Death from India?
10. Is China still split along the Yangtze River in this time-line, as with the Southern Song and Jin Dynasties in OTL? Or has a dynasty finally managed to reclaim the Mandate of Heaven, uncontested?
11. Did the Shogunate even rose in this time-line, given the early point of divergence predates the Genpei War?
12. Is Maritime South East Asia still on course for Islamization in this time-line, or have the butterflies mean that the spread of Islam has been delayed to the point that European Explorers will come into contact a largely Hindu/Buddhist "East Indies" in the late 1400s and 1500s? Could Maritime South East Asia follow the trajectory of the Philippines religiously in this time-line?
13. Would we see the rise of alternate Meso-American and Andean Empires in this time-line?
14. Did any Mansa Munsa equivalent rose during the 14th Century in West Africa?
15. With the Roman conquest of Egypt, has Ethiopia returned into contact with wider Christiandom? Has the Islamization of Sudan been butterflied away hard in this time-line?
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Thanks for your interesting comments... I'll take them into account! Now, to your questions.
What you've got in France is not so much an Anglo-French union as a Norman dynasty ruling England plus most of the OTL Angevin Empire in France, and other French territories. This has, unsurprisingly, led to a much greater focus on the continental domains, and means the outlying parts of the British Isles are largely independent, if sometimes acknowledging the suzerainty of the Norman King.
This situation will change, but only slowly.
It's... going, but won't be quite as successful in TTL as IOTL. I'll look at Iberia in a future update.
It won't be a major priority for the Romans- they will look east and south, rather than west, in the coming generations.
TTL's Age of Exploration is not led by Iberians!
Yes. There are confederations, but Germany has been very centralised in response to the Jurchen invasions.
No- and this is important.
Not something I've given a great deal of thought to, I'm afraid- in IE version 1, the eastern European kingdoms were a bit space filling, and that might remain the case until somebody wants to come up with some supplementary material!
A German dynasty on the Roman throne! Keep reading.
Gunpowder- here called "firelance" technology, is already starting to spread to Europe, and technological developments are already somewhat ahead of OTL- I alluded to this in the description of Samuel's fortress at Arischia.
Outside Europe:
There isn't an independent Delhi Sultanate yet. Keep reading...
Now there's an idea!
There isn't a ruling imperial dynasty in China.
No- Nyapan remains a powerful monarchy, that is launching naval conquests.
SE Asia will remain Buddhist ITTL.
Yes.
Yes
Tentatively, yes. The Romans won't be paying much attention to the region until the 1380s and 90s, though.
The little optimum ended and for the following decades saw colder tempetures and crop failure this was not unique to Europe as climate change helped the fall of the yuan dynasty.
These harvest failures and the over population made Europe very susecptibale to plagues .
How ever
New studies suggest that it was not bubonico plague ie not y pesitis .
The plague reaches its peak in seasons with high humidity and a temperature of between 10 °C (26 °C), as rats' fleas thrive in this climate , the Black Death is recorded as occurring in periods during which rats' fleas could not have spread as much , i.e. hot Mediterranean summers above (26 °C) the plague reaches dried and places colder then 10 c and hoter than 26
The speed of infection also makes no sense even with Europe being over populated and having weaken imunine system the speed of advace was way too fast for bubonic plague
and the people gained an inmunity in such a short period which is not common
Some suggueet that the plague was actually an ebola like virus , Anthrax
Or a combination of plagues .
Did a re-read when you announced the new content -- glad to see this back. Given the way that the Normans assumed the English throne (puppetry rather than outright conquest) has the development of the IOTL English language and culture been thwarted? If English still happens, is Northumbria basically a Saxon remnant?
I know Ghazan looking West is pretty heavily implied, but a Jusen Irano-Muslim conquest of Northern India would be interesting, uniting the areas IOTL that had Turkic rulers and Iranian clerical classes. The chaos of conquest could also be an interesting way to start an alternate Black Death (which could also be pneumonic etc. instead of bubonic)...
I know Ghazan looking West is pretty heavily implied, but a Jusen Irano-Muslim conquest of Northern India would be interesting, uniting the areas IOTL that had Turkic rulers and Iranian clerical classes. The chaos of conquest could also be an interesting way to start an alternate Black Death (which could also be pneumonic etc. instead of bubonic)...
I've seen a documentary about this and it was on the History Channel IIRC, basically it posits that the Black Death was some sort of viral haemorragic-fever caused by an unknown filovirus.
Read through the TL, and I must admit that I very much like what I have seen so far.
Though, it seems almost like a bad joke at times, that every time Emperor dies there is a distinct possibility of a civil war erupting, with multiple sides at that. What can Byzantines do so that transition of power becomes easier and less likely to result in a Free-For-All?
Gunpowder/Firelance technology does make an appearance, but what exactly are we talking about? It did take quite a period of time until technology grew mature enough to have an actual impact on warfare, though it will certainly be interesting to see just what Byzantines come up with. Most important impact of developed gunpowder weapons could very likely be the consolidation of Ruling Dynasty, at least reducing the chance of uprisings and pretenders?
I have seen mentions of Emperors funding large public works, but what exactly is being built? Are we talking about some sort of infrastructure, like roads, viaducts or sewers or something prettier to look at, like a statue, but less practical in long term?
Great work!
Though, it seems almost like a bad joke at times, that every time Emperor dies there is a distinct possibility of a civil war erupting, with multiple sides at that. What can Byzantines do so that transition of power becomes easier and less likely to result in a Free-For-All?
Gunpowder/Firelance technology does make an appearance, but what exactly are we talking about? It did take quite a period of time until technology grew mature enough to have an actual impact on warfare, though it will certainly be interesting to see just what Byzantines come up with. Most important impact of developed gunpowder weapons could very likely be the consolidation of Ruling Dynasty, at least reducing the chance of uprisings and pretenders?
I have seen mentions of Emperors funding large public works, but what exactly is being built? Are we talking about some sort of infrastructure, like roads, viaducts or sewers or something prettier to look at, like a statue, but less practical in long term?
Great work!
I would say they'd pay attention much sooner because at this point in time, the Ethiopian Tewahedo Church cannot elect their own patriarch. Each time an Abbuna dies, the Ethiopian emperor and church had to write to the Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria for a new Abbuna and the Coptic patriarch selects one from among the monks of the Monastery of Saint Anthony in Egypt and send him to Ethiopia. The new Abbuna was almost always ignorant of Ethiopian culture and language so the real church power rested with the Ichege (abbot of a monastery that moved with the capital to keep advising the emperor on church matters--it's now the monastery of Debre Libanos). It's only in OTL 1959 that Ethiopia was able to have its own Patriarch.
So any decision, religious and political, that Constantinople makes concerning the Coptic Church in Egypt will affect Ethiopia, and before the Islamic conquest of Egypt cut them off, Ethiopian emperors often wrote to Constantinople as well as Alexandria.
Furthermore, depending on how much control Ethiopia had on the coast, the Ethiopian navy in the Red Sea was a strong factor in the Egyptian trade with India. This was why Ethiopia had been courted as an important ally of Constantinople before the Islamic conquest cut them from each other. In fact, of all the foreign powers that Constantinople was willing to treat as equals and call "emperor" instead of the lesser "king", only Persia, Ethiopia and China made the cut.
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An Ethnographic Survey of Rhōmanía in 1330: Part One
Will respond to interesting comments later- this is really useful stuff, thank you.
For now... whilst the narrative update for Chapter 28 continues, I've started work on this piece- hopefully it'll be of interest and spark some discussion!
Northern Italy: Only ever a “semi-detached” part of Rhōmanía proper since the early twelfth century, identity in northern Italy is largely tied up within one’s own city state, with a limited sense of pan-Italian feeling. Use of the term “Roman” is growing, but very slowly, and is still in the early fourteenth century linked to the aristocracy and those with mercantile links to Constantinople – and of course inhabitants of the city of Rome. Linguistically, the dialects of the city states continue to be spoken at street level, though amongst the educated elites, classic Latin has seen a revival since the early thirteenth century, and Romaic tutors are available in the larger cities.
Religiously, Northern Italy is firmly part of the world of the Uniate Church, and the pretensions of the Patriarch of Paris are generally ignored. There are small Jewish minorities dotted around the cities, with the largest communities resident in Genoua and Pisa, where they maintain close links with their co-religionists in Iberia and north Africa. Ironically, Jews are some of the most pro-imperial residents of northern Italy, given the protections they receive under imperial Roman law.
Aside from the Jews, there are a few small German speaking communities north of the Po, but otherwise different ethnicities are largely comprised of merchants. One final community to note is a well-established Muslim village on the isle of Aegyllion (OTL Capraia), complete with several mosques, that serves as an unofficial hub for Islamic trade and business in Italy.
Southern Italy and Sicily: Considerably more closely integrated into Rhōmanía than the north, parts of this region are becoming very much part of the Roman mainstream- notably Kalabria, which is totally dominated by Romaic speaking Romans. Elsewhere, in Loukania and Apoulia, there are more Latinate speakers, but they are a minority. The language of the church and administration here is Romaic, and Roman law is more or less uniformly imposed, with a few small exceptions.
Sikelia retains Arabic speakers, both Christian and Muslim, though the Muslims are a harassed and dwindling minority, with many opting to retreat to Ifriqiya. By 1330, Muslims probably make up no more than 10% of the total population, concentrated on the western coast of the island. The imperial government has encouraged immigration to Sikelia from the Aegean heartlands, with the result that some cities like Syrakousai are now virtually monoculturally Roman.
As seat of the imperial administration, the remaining ethno-religious diversity in southern Italy is largely provided by the army. The armies of the Katepánō are often recruited from unassimilated Armenian and Slavic subject peoples, who have brought some culinary innovations to the region- but it should be born in mind that this “multiethnicity” is largely skin-deep. Military service is a powerful integrator into the Romaic speaking mainstream, with even those Armenians and Slavs who choose to settle in Italy generally taking Romaic speaking wives and bringing up their children as Romans.
Illyria: If anything, even less integrated into the imperial mainstream than is northern Italy, the kingdoms of this region are in practice autonomous, though they occasionally pay lip service to the authority of the Emperor. By far the most important local monarch here is the Croat king, who occasionally takes court titles from Constantinople. The influence of Rhōmanía here is largely linguistic- the courts of the Croatian and Serbian monarchs now generally correspond in elegant Attic Greek, and there is growing adoption of Romaic as a common second language in the region.
The exception here are the cities of the Dalmatian coastline, dominated by Rhausin (OTL Dubrovnik). Here, a Latinate speaking population is slowly but surely being converted into a Romaic speaking one. Bilingualism is common, but, as in southern Italy, the language of church and administration is Romaic- though one innovation is a growing use of Romaic language written in the Latin alphabet. There is a strong sense of “Romanness” in the cities of the Dalmatian coast, amongst both Latin and Romaic speakers.
Hellas: There is little to note in the southernmost regions of the Haemic peninsula- this region is utterly dominated by Romaic speaking Romans, with what minor diversity there is provided by Jews and merchants- the region is not heavily militarised. Small mosques exist at Korinthos and Thessaloniki, for the use of the tiny merchant communities. There are also small, mostly semi-nomadic, populations of Latinate herdsmen referred to as “Blakhoi” by the authorities, though these are dwindling. In the north of Hellas, there are a smattering of Sklavenic speaking villages.
For now... whilst the narrative update for Chapter 28 continues, I've started work on this piece- hopefully it'll be of interest and spark some discussion!
An Ethnographic Survey of Rhōmanía in 1330: Part One
Northern Italy: Only ever a “semi-detached” part of Rhōmanía proper since the early twelfth century, identity in northern Italy is largely tied up within one’s own city state, with a limited sense of pan-Italian feeling. Use of the term “Roman” is growing, but very slowly, and is still in the early fourteenth century linked to the aristocracy and those with mercantile links to Constantinople – and of course inhabitants of the city of Rome. Linguistically, the dialects of the city states continue to be spoken at street level, though amongst the educated elites, classic Latin has seen a revival since the early thirteenth century, and Romaic tutors are available in the larger cities.
Religiously, Northern Italy is firmly part of the world of the Uniate Church, and the pretensions of the Patriarch of Paris are generally ignored. There are small Jewish minorities dotted around the cities, with the largest communities resident in Genoua and Pisa, where they maintain close links with their co-religionists in Iberia and north Africa. Ironically, Jews are some of the most pro-imperial residents of northern Italy, given the protections they receive under imperial Roman law.
Aside from the Jews, there are a few small German speaking communities north of the Po, but otherwise different ethnicities are largely comprised of merchants. One final community to note is a well-established Muslim village on the isle of Aegyllion (OTL Capraia), complete with several mosques, that serves as an unofficial hub for Islamic trade and business in Italy.
Southern Italy and Sicily: Considerably more closely integrated into Rhōmanía than the north, parts of this region are becoming very much part of the Roman mainstream- notably Kalabria, which is totally dominated by Romaic speaking Romans. Elsewhere, in Loukania and Apoulia, there are more Latinate speakers, but they are a minority. The language of the church and administration here is Romaic, and Roman law is more or less uniformly imposed, with a few small exceptions.
Sikelia retains Arabic speakers, both Christian and Muslim, though the Muslims are a harassed and dwindling minority, with many opting to retreat to Ifriqiya. By 1330, Muslims probably make up no more than 10% of the total population, concentrated on the western coast of the island. The imperial government has encouraged immigration to Sikelia from the Aegean heartlands, with the result that some cities like Syrakousai are now virtually monoculturally Roman.
As seat of the imperial administration, the remaining ethno-religious diversity in southern Italy is largely provided by the army. The armies of the Katepánō are often recruited from unassimilated Armenian and Slavic subject peoples, who have brought some culinary innovations to the region- but it should be born in mind that this “multiethnicity” is largely skin-deep. Military service is a powerful integrator into the Romaic speaking mainstream, with even those Armenians and Slavs who choose to settle in Italy generally taking Romaic speaking wives and bringing up their children as Romans.
Illyria: If anything, even less integrated into the imperial mainstream than is northern Italy, the kingdoms of this region are in practice autonomous, though they occasionally pay lip service to the authority of the Emperor. By far the most important local monarch here is the Croat king, who occasionally takes court titles from Constantinople. The influence of Rhōmanía here is largely linguistic- the courts of the Croatian and Serbian monarchs now generally correspond in elegant Attic Greek, and there is growing adoption of Romaic as a common second language in the region.
The exception here are the cities of the Dalmatian coastline, dominated by Rhausin (OTL Dubrovnik). Here, a Latinate speaking population is slowly but surely being converted into a Romaic speaking one. Bilingualism is common, but, as in southern Italy, the language of church and administration is Romaic- though one innovation is a growing use of Romaic language written in the Latin alphabet. There is a strong sense of “Romanness” in the cities of the Dalmatian coast, amongst both Latin and Romaic speakers.
Hellas: There is little to note in the southernmost regions of the Haemic peninsula- this region is utterly dominated by Romaic speaking Romans, with what minor diversity there is provided by Jews and merchants- the region is not heavily militarised. Small mosques exist at Korinthos and Thessaloniki, for the use of the tiny merchant communities. There are also small, mostly semi-nomadic, populations of Latinate herdsmen referred to as “Blakhoi” by the authorities, though these are dwindling. In the north of Hellas, there are a smattering of Sklavenic speaking villages.
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What we'd call modern Greek- but which certainly by 1250 IOTL, and in all all probability for centuries beforehand, had become known as Romaiika- or "the tongue of the Romans".
In the IE universe, as the language continues to evolve, you'll end up with Attic Greek being called "the tongue of the Hellenes", and regular Greek being called "the tongue of the Romans". When I talk about Greek language in future updates, I mean court Attic, not regular spoken Romaic.
As an aside, the term "modern Greek" was seen as bizarre even into the 19th century IOTL. And even today, the term for the language is still used in some contexts- see here.
An Ethnographic Survey of Rhōmanía in 1330: Part Two
An Ethnographic Survey of Rhōmanía in 1330: Part Two
Boulgaria: The first area of Rhōmanía we come to with both a direct imperial administration and large numbers of non-Roman subjects.
Boulgaria is an ethnic patchwork, though dominated by Sklavenic speakers. The imperial authorities are most wary of the so called “Keltoboulgaroi”- those Boulgarians who follow the Orthodox Patriarch of Paris, and who probably make up a small majority of the total. The imperial authorities are here helped by the destruction of much of the wealth and prestige of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Boulgaria by the Jušen in 1282, which has allowed for the restoration of a Uniate Patriarchate in Okhrida. This Uniate Patriarchate has provided an alternative, imperial-loyalist Church hierarchy to spring up in Boulgaria, and has been given significant financial support by Pope Samouil of Rome, its most important “graduate”.
At a vernacular level, the Boulgarian language is spoken by the overwhelming majority of the population, and the lower levels of the church and even imperial administrations also are conducted in Boulgarian. In addition to Boulgarian speakers, there are Blakhoi, and Romaic-speaking military colonies along the Istros and on the coast. The north eastern parts of Boulgaria have a number of Rhossiyan speaking towns and villages, chiefly made up of refugees and their descendants. Remarkably, one fort on the Istros and its accompanying village is still occupied by Jušen mercenaries under a Jušen speaking pagan Arkhon, though recent years have seen them receive, by local demand, a Romaic speaking Uniate priest.
The Boulgarian martial aristocracy, the so-called boilades, enjoyed close to a century of resurgence between 1183 and 1277- though its worth considering many of them descended from Roman and even Armenian ancestors. The traumas of the Jusen occupation and then struggles against the Romans between 1282 and 1320 have shredded them, and seen many of them resettled elsewhere in Rhōmanía- most notably in Egypt. Those who remained have been encouraged to adopt a much more Roman cultural profile, to better advance in the administration and restored Church. By 1330, this process is still very much underway, but all of the current senior boilades are at minimum able to speak Romaic as a second language and pay lip service to the Uniate Church.
Khersonesos Taurike: Another distinctly mixed area, though probably more comparable to southern Italy than to Boulgaria. Focused on the city of Kherson, there has been an imperial presence here for many centuries, albeit a shaky one.
The heart of the region is the city of Kherson, which is largely inhabited by Romans- though in addition to the usual merchants and soldiers, there is a genuine multicultural aspect to the city, which has a Rhossiyan quarter and a Gothic quarter. Kherson also contains a mosque and no less than four synagogues.
Beyond the walls of Kherson itself, the influence of Rhōmanía waxes and wanes. In the reign of David Pegonites, with the Khanate of the Kievan Jušen consumed by religious conflict, the influence of Rhōmanía has expanded, with all of the local Gothic princes directly appointed by the local Strategos at Kherson, and swearing loyalty to the Emperor. The Goths speak a Germanic language heavily influenced by Romaic and with some Slavic and Turkic loanwords- they follow the Uniate Church. Tauric Gothic is written using a Romaic alphabet. Meanwhile, along the southern coast of the peninsula, more and more Romaic speaking villages are springing up, with strong links across the Euxine Sea to the towns of Anatolia- notably Trapezounta, Sinope and Amastris.
Western Anatolia: By 1330, the Themata of Anatolia west of a rough line Amastris-Ankyra-Ikonion-Side are coming to be known by the generic term “Lydia”.
As with Hellas, Lydia makes up the imperial heartland, and is something of a Roman monoculture, with only Jews existing as a large group distinct from the Roman minority. One small exception is the settlement of several villages of Ethiopians in the environs of Halikarnassos- veterans of the Egyptian revolt of 1295 who have been promised lands in the heartland of Rhōmanía. As an almost exclusively male group, however, these are by 1330 either dying off, or being swiftly integrated by taking Roman wives- their children and in some cases even grandchildren being raised as “ordinary” provincial Romans.
Eastern Anatolia: By 1330, the By 1330, the Themata of Anatolia west of the Tauros and east of a rough line Amastris-Ankyra-Ikonion-Side are coming to be known by the generic term “Kappadokia”.
Though this region is still heavily dominated by ethnic Romans, there is a little more diversity here than further west. Most notably, there are distinct Armenian communities around the cities of Koloneia and Sebasteia, both Chalcedonians and anti-Chalcedonians. There are a number of anti-Chalcedonian Armenian monasteries in the area that are occasionally harassed by the imperial authorities.
The regions along the Halys valley are home to a number of semi-nomadic groups of Christian Turks, who date their ancestry back to the eleventh century. These might have been expected to fade into the Roman background of the region, but their numbers were boosted by an influx of new Turkish settlers following the Jušen conquest of Iran. The degree of integration of these Anatolian Turks is generally dependent upon their lifestyle- agricultural villages often speak Romaic, whereas herders tend on the whole to continue to speak Turkish and even, it is rumoured, follow Islam. As a sign of their durability, this region of central/eastern Anatolia is coming to be known as "Tourkia". (1)
Finally, on the Pontic coast there are several Gothic and Rhossiyan speaking villages- and most importantly, a large Kartvelian community in and around the city of Trapezounta and its environs- descendants of the Kartvelians crushed by the Jušen in the 1250s and 1260s. These Kartvelians have something of an uneasy relationship with the Roman majority- following, as they do, the Uniate Church, but otherwise showing little interest of integration towards Roman norms.
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1- I couldn't resist having "Turkey" exist, despite everything, in the IE universe!
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An Ethnographic Survey of Rhōmanía in 1330: Part Three
An Ethnographic Survey of Rhōmanía in 1330: Part Three
Syria: The generic term “Syria” covers roughly from Damaskos in the south to the Tauros, and encompasses the ancient region of Kilikia.
The rule of Rhōmanía in this province has been established now, on and off, for the better part of four centuries, and it has led to substantial settlement of Romaic speakers, especially around the provincial capital at Antiokheia. In Kilikia, the descendants of Armenians settled in the tenth century now generally speak Romaic, but many of them continue to hold to their anti-Chalcedonian Church. In Syria, “Armenian” is therefore largely a religious term used to denote those whose cultural profile is otherwise very similar to those Romans of the core provinces.
Muslims are, as in Sikelia, only a small minority, barely tolerated by the imperial authorities. Harassment of Islamic communities along the Euphrates frontier in particular reached near genocidal levels when imperial rule was re-established in the 1280s and 1290s, with Muslims being driven into newly Islamised Jušen Iran, lest they act as fifth columnists on the frontier. The largest remaining Islamic communities in Syria are now clustered along the coastline and in the hills, where they comprise perhaps a fifth of the population. In Syria (interestingly, unlike in Sikelia), Muslims are forced to pay a poll tax and are not, unlike Jews, seen as Roman citizens.
Nonetheless, Syria remains dominated by Arabic speakers- though these are Christians. The dominant group – politically, if not numerically - are Uniate followers of Chalcedon, and call themselves Malak-ī in their own language: the authorities know them as “Moulakhosyrioi”. Under any title, they have become the dominant administrative class across the reconquered East, and are prized for their bilingualism. The other group are the anti-Chalcedonian “Iakoboi”. Unlike their Armenian co-religionists, the anti-Chalcedonians of Syria are sometimes harassed by the authorities, as they do not provide substantial numbers of troops to serve in the Tagmata. Since the reimposition of the rule of Rhōmanía in Syria, a slow trickle of conversion to the Uniate Church has been observed.
Palaistine: The profile of Palaistine is broadly similar to that of Syria, with one notable exception- this is the only imperial province with a thriving Islamic population.
The Muslims of Palaistine are tolerated largely due to Rhōmanía’s need to establish friendly relations with the tribes of the Arabian deserts who precariously control the Holy Places- a strategic objective has developed to keep Jušen Iran out of the Erythraian Sea. Indeed, Muslims harassed out of Syria and Egypt are partly encouraged to settle in Palaistine, where, in some circumstances, even citizenship is permitted to local community leaders. It is therefore in Palaistine that the first translation of the Qur'an into Romaic has taken place.
Aigyptos: By far the richest, most populous- and most troublesome of the restored territories of the East. Aigyptos is governed by a Katepánō with a permanent detachment of some 20,000 troops, to keep down a restive local population. Since imperial rule was reimposed following the collapse of the Jušen state into civil war in 1282, the province has seen major revolts in 1284 and most seriously in 1295, in addition to disturbances in 1302, 1308, 1315 and 1319.
The authorities have attempted several innovative methods to keep the Nile Valley and its harvest under control- the most notable of which has been the division up of land-lots along the river amongst “Boulgarokleroukhoi”. These estates, largely given in compensation to the former ruling class of conquered Boulgaria, have seen the establishment of a new ruling class in Aigyptos- once very distinct from the subject population, and broadly loyal to Rhōmanía. The military authorities can play divide-and-rule with their new subjects and their masters- where a Boulgarian landlord is violently exploiting his tenants, they can step in as “saviours”. The result has seen, in 1330, a decade of calm in Aigyptos for the first time in the half-century of restored imperial rule, and for the first time significant military recruitment and the beginnings of the adoption of Romaic as a common language between Sklavenic overlords and Coptic and Arabic subjects.
The restive nature of the province also leads to other administrative changes. The local anti-Chalcedonian church is empowered to run mostly legal and low level administrative matters, with the office of the Katepánō only directly interested in ensuring a portion of the grain harvest is exported to the Aegean. Taxation is very light in Aigyptos compared to the core provinces, but the region’s innate prosperity allows it to still make a substantial contribution to the coffers of Rhōmanía.
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