Isaac's Empire 2.0

Nice update, BG. When will you write a little more about the social situation of the Empire. Surely, Italy, too, particularly with an ambitious Pope there, is changing. With all those city-states, as well as rampaging militias, it emphatically is not a sleepy backwater at this time.
 
This is my first post on this thread, so to give it a bump I decided to ask a question.

Basileus, how much does anyone know about the helots opening Thessalonica's gates during the jurchen siege? As far as I can tell there's been absolutely zero backlash against them since then, so it seems that nobody knows or nobody cares, both of which seem really unlikely. Even if they opened the gates in complete secrecy (something I'd imagine would be hard to do, they'd have to overcome guards and so make quite a ruckus in doing so) and all died in the sack, somebody has to have noticed something, suspected them or just blamed it on them without evidence. Has any action been taken at all or am I missing something? Given the helots already have many enemies, if there was even a rumour the helots opened the gates or a possibility of one, one of them would have used it to awaken the Uniate-Roman inquisition.

(Also, given the helots were extreme enough to open the gates in the first place, they're probably stupid enough to proudly say that they did and proclaim their intent to do it again. That depends though on how centralised the helots movement is, and if the group that opened the gates was an even more radical sect or acting under the wider doctrine and orders of their movement. More information on the helots might be useful...)
 
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Hello there again, long time no see. I've done something useful out of the Carnival holidays and read this TL from start to finish. I have some general comments I wish to make (thanks for the summary in the last chapter, it helps me to give feedback :D) and then onto the big feedback post for the latest update!

First of all, two points:

(I) Is George I's daughter considered an Empress in her own right? If so, why isn't she referred to as Theodora II in any of the updates? And did Eirene Nafpliotissa crown herself as Eirene II at some point? Oh, and since we're talking regnal numbers, why is George of Genoa numbered as the first and not the second, since there was another George reigning as an active Co-Emperor in the Komnenid era? I think it was John II's firstborn son.

(II) Manuel's reign somehow felt shallow, at a re-read. I know that he is supposed to be the greatest of the Komnenid Emperors, but that wasn't my impression. We spend a lot more time with the other Emperors than we did with Manuel (even with Isaac II, who reigned briefly but was a constant presence throughout Isaac I's and Alexios' reigns) and perhaps it is the fact that he rose to the purple as an old man already that further hurt my perception of his greatness. Of course, his achievement at Nicaea III is undoubtedly the greatest legacy of the Komnenoi, with everlasting consequences in the IE world... but I dunno, having his reign contained in one chapter was a mistake, I think.

Following the defeat of the Jurchen warlord Akutta Khan at the walls of Constantinople in 1281
I must confess that I thought replacing the Mongols was a mistake, at first. I remember you mentioning how it was the desire to write the Hellespont Battle and a Mongol siege of Constantinople that encouraged you to start writing IE, and the Mongols certainly had their charm back in 1.0. My concerns were unfounded, as you proved yourself a great worldbuilder yet again and managed to turn the Jurchens into something as threatening in the IE world as the overused Mongols had been previously, and most importantly unique to IE. The Greek fire battle was as awesome as always, but I do have a feeling that the Siege of Constantinople was severely anticlimatic. Akutta's death was perfect (dying like an ordinary man and all that), but after building up the Jurchen threat throughout most of the 13th century, only to have them defeated solely by weather at the end didn't do anything for me. I'd suggest having the Jurchens meaningfully assault the Theodosian Walls, perhaps even breach into the peribolos or Blachernae before being thrown back in descriptive battles. It would add a lot more to the siege than them just sitting around, with only a few minor skirmishes. I felt that the Jurchens arrived with a thunder and left with a whimper. I liked the massive sense of foreboding in 1.0, but it just wasn't there in the 2.0 siege.

Rhomanian rule rapidly expanded into the chaos left by the collapsing Jurchen Empire, eventually culminating in the incorporation of the Holy Land and Egypt into the imperial orbit.
This remains one of the weak spots of the TL, imho, one which requires a bit of suspension of disbelief and a great deal of praise to Michael Photopoulos. It was more believable back in 1.0, when the Mongols behaved as the destroyer of worlds they were, utterly wrecking Egypt, but the Jurchens are more reasonable conquerors in 1.0 who didn't destroy the Egyptian society. No doubt there is a great power vacuum following Akutta's death and his army's disintegration, but how is it enough to allow the previously beaten Roman armies to capture not only the Holy Land, but to capture and hold Egypt too? If possible, I recommend having one of those updates where you look back in time to further detail the conquest of Egypt by Photopoulos, which was reduced to one line in the update iirc.

A relative golden age followed under the Emperor Constantine X Palaiologos, grandson of the usurper George of Genoa and his wife Zoe Komnena.
Did Constantine X leave any wider legacy to the world, other than defeating the Jurchens? As I understood it, he was a scholarly Emperor who often preferred the solitude of learning to other mundane matters. Did we see any major outbreaks in philosophy or political thought during his reign? Did we see the philosophers gaining ground in the Orthodox Church, at least in Constantinople (perhaps foreshadowing and setting the state for the clashes between Church and State under David I?)? Did we see something akin to the OTL Palaiologan Renaissance in this golden age, with Constantine being a major patron of arts and literature? Or perhaps some books by the Emperor, mirroring Constantine VII? I think that's an aspect of Constantine X's reign worth exploring.

About George of Genoa, may we get more information on his background? Back when he first became Emperor, I had the impression that he had a military background, but his reign would disprove that notion, especially his law-making. How did a commoner Genoese soldier become one of the brightest legal minds of the Empire, or was his Codex written by people hired to do so?

In 1301, one of these nephews, Constantine Maleinos, led a major revolt that saw him acclaimed as Emperor for a single day in the capital, before being cut down by the general Michael Photopoulos, conqueror of Egypt back in the 1280s.
Brutal. :D

Samuel travelled to Constantinople and there was behind the ascension of George's elderly cousin Basil III
Wise man. Did he share George's surname?




It was a joyful time: but it would not last. In March, Constantine departed the City to accompany his eldest son Michael to Epirus2, where the seventeen year old would take up the position of Strategos
It's interesting that Strategos of Epirus was good enough for the Emperor's eldest son. Is Constantine XI actively trying to undermine Michael's ability to succeed him, or is this a genuine office for him to hold? If so, why not Strategos of one of the wealthier provinces, or Catepan of Italy or Egypt? Or a court office at Constantinople?

Michael too had died shortly after his father's departure, mauled to death by an angry bear he had been hunting.
He could learn a thing or two from Leonardo di Caprio. :cool:

Xanthis, for his part, took up the office of [/SIZE][/COLOR]Caesar
He can do that on his own? Also, were higher titles than Caesar ever created ITTL?

One figure, however, had been left conspicuously alone. Anna Dasiotissa was no less grief-wracked than her husband, and now she found herself a distinct afterthought to both Constantine and Andronikos Xanthis. Wandering the corridors of the Great Palace, leading her two year old daughter Sophia by the hand, she cut a sad sight.
If a beautiful one at that.

But at the age of twenty two she had lost none of her legendary beauty and indeed, a select few saw in her grief an even more surpassing loveliness.
Called it. :D

What exactly went on between John and his stepmother that spring can never be known: and it should be pointed out that some writers at the time emphasised that the two had done nothing more immoral than pray together, a tradition that would be vigorously quashed by the next generation.
I'm unsure what to make of this. On one hand, Constantine XI is a fat old man and Anna is the greatest beauty of her age, and emotionally vulnerable at the time. On the other, Anna could surely find a better lover than a sixteen year old and Andronikos Xanthis is bound to have had many enemies seeking to discredit him through his daughter. I guess I'll make up my mind if John III and Anna end up marrying, or more clues are given.

What can be stated with absolute certainty is that Constantine XI was convinced that he had been betrayed in the most horrendous way possible. Only the intercession of Xanthis allowed John to keep his eyes. The young man was banished to Italy, his imperial honours withdrawn, his name stripped from the ecclesiastical diptychs.
Way to make a massive scandal out of this and expose your own weakness, Constantine. :rolleyes:

As for Anna, her wronged husband settled upon tearing out her tongue and sending her to a convent in icy Theodosia.
Moron.

EDIT: I've been reading A History of Private Life and it seems that the usual punishment for adulteresses was monastic exile and mutilation by having her noses cut off. Is there any special reason for Constantine going after Anna's tongue instead of her nose or was this unintentional?

Yet this extraordinary woman refused to accept punishment. In a daring flight from Constantinople, Anna boarded a ship and fled to Italy together with little Sophia, there to seek out the protection of her “guardian”, the Patriarch of Rome.
Yay, you go girl! I hope she hadn't lost her tongue by then.

It's endearing to see so many empowered women in IE, with all those scheming Empresses. This was something of a constant presence in the 12th century that I missed in the next two, probably because of Eirene II. I must ask, though: was Constantine X's wife an influential consort? The Emperor himself was a withdrawn ruler, a vacuum that could easily be filled by his wife, especially following George Palaiologos' death and before the Maleinoi became so prominent.

There could be no delay. John stormed northward through Italy at the head of a militia army recruited (some said press-ganged) from the city states and descended south through Dalmatia, receiving reinforcements from the Croats and Hungarians as he went.
Is there any particular reason for that?

By the way, I liked your stories on Croatia and Hungary, even though my heart breaks at the Árpáds having become extinct and the distinct lack of kings named Béla. Any chance of them making a comeback? Maybe through a Greek descendant of Theodora of Hungary taking the name of Arpados?

Once again John was crowned, this time, in an innovation, as Emperor of the Bulgars in Ochrida, former capital of the Bulgarian Empire.
So it is here that this tradition begins.

He was additionally supported by the wily Croat mercenary commander Matko [/SIZE][/COLOR]Talovać, a veteran of several European wars, and an expert on the rapid movement of troops.

I'm sure he must be a fascinating character.

Also, what is Constantine XI doing throughout all of the civil war?

These were the troops that Xanthis had hoped would nip John’s rebellion in the bud early on, but they had been successfully prevented from joining up by the intervention of a Genoan fleet, backed by reinforcements sent by King Charles II of Aragon, who saw an opportunity to expand his nascent Mediterranean empire.
It's nice to see other powers doing well. Is Aragon still ruled by the House of Jimenez, or is the House of Barcelona dominant ITTL? Also, may I recommend having the Borjas do something interesting in Aragon further down the line, maybe usurping the throne? Aut Caesar, aut nihil. :D

(They needn't be the OTL Borgias, of course, but they could very well be another family that happens to come from the town of Borja)




The Italian reinforcements had arrived in the camp of John around ten days after he had retreated from Adrianople, and brought with them ready supplies of food, wine and morale. Heartened, within a couple of days, the rebel army was on the march again, and this time, Xanthis could do little to oppose them. He marched instead to the Hellespont, there to await the Eastern armies, and instructed Constantinople to prepare for a siege. Militarily, the plan was sound, given the city’s impregnable status and the large size of the Eastern army, but it proved a disastrous miscalculation. Thinking themselves abandoned, the Byzantines opted to throw themselves on the mercy of the rebels, and John entered Constantinople without a fight on the 29th of July 1334.
Biggest Oops in recent history.

Captured also was the family patriarch, the Emperor Constantine XI, who died very soon after John entered Constantinople.
Harsh. You win or you die. But why wasn't there a middle ground of blinding + monastic exile?

John III was swiftly crowned by that experienced weather-vane Patriarch Christopher I13
This Patriarch reminds me of a certain Brazilian political party. :D

War raged across the world: and few could foretell who might end up the eventual victor
Opará.

In truth, this is an insult, coming from the ancient practise of Roman Senators travelling many miles to welcome the Emperor into the city.
Why is that regarded as an insult?

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Overall, a solid update. As others have mentioned before, it's nice to see a more detailed rise for Samuel.
 
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This is my first post on this thread, so to give it a bump I decided to ask a question.

Basileus, how much does anyone know about the helots opening Thessalonica's gates during the jurchen siege? As far as I can tell there's been absolutely zero backlash against them since then, so it seems that nobody knows or nobody cares, both of which seem really unlikely. Even if they opened the gates in complete secrecy (something I'd imagine would be hard to do, they'd have to overcome guards and so make quite a ruckus in doing so) and all died in the sack, somebody has to have noticed something, suspected them or just blamed it on them without evidence. Has any action been taken at all or am I missing something? Given the helots already have many enemies, if there was even a rumour the helots opened the gates or a possibility of one, one of them would have used it to awaken the Uniate-Roman inquisition.

(Also, given the helots were extreme enough to open the gates in the first place, they're probably stupid enough to proudly say that they did and proclaim their intent to do it again. That depends though on how centralised the helots movement is, and if the group that opened the gates was an even more radical sect or acting under the wider doctrine and orders of their movement. More information on the helots might be useful...)

As mentioned in Chapter 22, Constantine X was reluctant to directly punish the Helots and ignored the advice of his brother-in-law the Caesar Gregory Maleinos to do just that. Indeed, attempts were made in the 1280s and 1290s to conciliate and strike up a dialogue with them, while at the same time ensuring that the large towns of Greece and Macedonia, the Helot heartland, were well fed with Egyptian grain to dampen down potential Helot support.

The Helots themselves became more of a philosophical and mystical movement than the violent revolutionaries they had been, and by the beginning of the fourteenth century the movement had attained a degree of intellectualism, moving away from its populist roots.

Nonetheless, they're another Chekov's gun: and don't worry, I will be returning to them.

Looks like this thread has gone all quiet... Too busy now with real, grown-up, politics, eh BG?

Pretty much, yes! I'll try to get some more done in 2016 than I did in 2015, though.

Hello there again, long time no see. I've done something useful out of the Carnival holidays and read this TL from start to finish. I have some general comments I wish to make (thanks for the summary in the last chapter, it helps me to give feedback :D) and then onto the big feedback post for the latest update!

First of all, two points:

(I) Is George I's daughter considered an Empress in her own right? If so, why isn't she referred to as Theodora II in any of the updates? And did Eirene Nafpliotissa crown herself as Eirene II at some point? Oh, and since we're talking regnal numbers, why is George of Genoa numbered as the first and not the second, since there was another George reigning as an active Co-Emperor in the Komnenid era? I think it was John II's firstborn son.

(II) Manuel's reign somehow felt shallow, at a re-read. I know that he is supposed to be the greatest of the Komnenid Emperors, but that wasn't my impression. We spend a lot more time with the other Emperors than we did with Manuel (even with Isaac II, who reigned briefly but was a constant presence throughout Isaac I's and Alexios' reigns) and perhaps it is the fact that he rose to the purple as an old man already that further hurt my perception of his greatness. Of course, his achievement at Nicaea III is undoubtedly the greatest legacy of the Komnenoi, with everlasting consequences in the IE world... but I dunno, having his reign contained in one chapter was a mistake, I think.

1. Though Theodora initially rose to power as Empress in her own right after the brief intercession of the party of Patriarch Theodotos and Emperor Leo VII, she was far too wary of her grandmother Eirene to actually act as one. Very soon after her accession she married Isaac Palaiologos, Isaac III, and thereafter acted merely as an Empress-consort, staying very much in the background throughout the seven years of their marriage prior to her early death in childbirth. Technically you could call her Theodora II following on from Theodora the Macedonian, but that's why I've chosen not to.

2. Yeah, as for Manuel, I think you're probably right. I suppose it's just not especially interesting to write about a successful and peaceful imperial reign? Perhaps I'll revisit some of the events of his reign in more detail with "spin-off" stuff going forward. I've actually written a fair bit on contemporary Armenia which I don't think I published: or maybe I did? Hmmm. It's been too long!

I must confess that I thought replacing the Mongols was a mistake, at first. I remember you mentioning how it was the desire to write the Hellespont Battle and a Mongol siege of Constantinople that encouraged you to start writing IE, and the Mongols certainly had their charm back in 1.0. My concerns were unfounded, as you proved yourself a great worldbuilder yet again and managed to turn the Jurchens into something as threatening in the IE world as the overused Mongols had been previously, and most importantly unique to IE. The Greek fire battle was as awesome as always, but I do have a feeling that the Siege of Constantinople was severely anticlimatic. Akutta's death was perfect (dying like an ordinary man and all that), but after building up the Jurchen threat throughout most of the 13th century, only to have them defeated solely by weather at the end didn't do anything for me. I'd suggest having the Jurchens meaningfully assault the Theodosian Walls, perhaps even breach into the peribolos or Blachernae before being thrown back in descriptive battles. It would add a lot more to the siege than them just sitting around, with only a few minor skirmishes. I felt that the Jurchens arrived with a thunder and left with a whimper. I liked the massive sense of foreboding in 1.0, but it just wasn't there in the 2.0 siege.

Sorry for the disappointment on that front. I tried to cover it by making more of the continued Jurchen attacks on Anatolia throughout the period, and of course the Jurchens will continue to be a thing going forwards in their new Iranian heartland, but hey: one for IE 3.0? :p

This remains one of the weak spots of the TL, imho, one which requires a bit of suspension of disbelief and a great deal of praise to Michael Photopoulos. It was more believable back in 1.0, when the Mongols behaved as the destroyer of worlds they were, utterly wrecking Egypt, but the Jurchens are more reasonable conquerors in 1.0 who didn't destroy the Egyptian society. No doubt there is a great power vacuum following Akutta's death and his army's disintegration, but how is it enough to allow the previously beaten Roman armies to capture not only the Holy Land, but to capture and hold Egypt too? If possible, I recommend having one of those updates where you look back in time to further detail the conquest of Egypt by Photopoulos, which was reduced to one line in the update iirc.

Egypt itself was, but I did try to convey how it happened. Following Akutta's early death, various Jurchen governors began to jockey for power, and the army of Michael Photopoulos threw in its lot with one David, a Christian convert based out of Damascus.

David then defeated his Egyptian counterpart and his army, and, to seal the terms of his new Rhomanian alliance, married his sister to Photopoulos. Vague promises of respecting Photopoulos' conquest of Cilicia and Antioch in exchange for the Strategos' guarding of David's back followed, and, using that pretext, imperial troops were sent south to garrison the various strongpoints in Palestine and Syria. Photopoulos himself entered Egypt at about the time news arrived of David's defeat and death.

As mentioned in the update, all this happened only six years after the initial Jurchen conquest of Egypt by Akutta Khan back in 1276 which had killed a lot of fighting men, and more had been levied by him for the attack on Constantinople in 1281. Yet more troops were killed or deployed elsewhere in 1282 by the unnamed Egyptian governor defeated by David the Jurchen, and David himself in his ill-fated Mesopotamian bid for power. And remember, as mentioned in Chapter Twenty One, that Akutta himself only took power after a four year civil war between 1270 and 1274. Egypt was, basically, completely exhausted, with the Roman Tagmata the only sizeable military forces left anywhere west of Iran.

Nonetheless, the country wasn't exactly quiescent to rule. There was an armed revolt in 1284, several attempts to organise one later in the decades, and a really serious uprising in 1294/95 that took two campaigning seasons, and the movement of a number of large armies, to put down: this was the revolt that the "One Hour Emperor" Constantine Maleinos really made his name in, and he remained as Catapan of Egypt until the launch of his revolt in 1301.

Going forward, David I Pegnonites attempted to conciliate Egyptian opinion by reaching out to the anti-Chalcedonian Christians in his reign (1314-1327) while at the same time continuing with the heavy military presence. By the end of the reign, however, anti-Roman sentiment was beginning to die down, with a generation having grown up under imperial rule. The country is not secure, far from it, and imperial rule extends little further than the Nile valley itself: but bit by bit, it is putting down roots.

Did Constantine X leave any wider legacy to the world, other than defeating the Jurchens? As I understood it, he was a scholarly Emperor who often preferred the solitude of learning to other mundane matters. Did we see any major outbreaks in philosophy or political thought during his reign? Did we see the philosophers gaining ground in the Orthodox Church, at least in Constantinople (perhaps foreshadowing and setting the state for the clashes between Church and State under David I?)? Did we see something akin to the OTL Palaiologan Renaissance in this golden age, with Constantine being a major patron of arts and literature? Or perhaps some books by the Emperor, mirroring Constantine VII? I think that's an aspect of Constantine X's reign worth exploring.

The short answer to that is yes: but Constantine X himself wasn't really a major instigator of this. Though pious, gentle, and a talented singer and painter, Constantine X was nothing like as intellectual as his forebear and namesake Constantine VII.

Anyway, to summarise. The early part of Constantine's reign was lived under the regency of his uncle, Demetrious Simeopoulos, a man of humble origin who had contrived to marry the sister of Isaac III Palaiologos prior to Isaac's accession to the purple. Demetrios was kept in power during his Regency largely thanks to generous Jurchen subsidies, and remained extremely influential thereafter as Grand Logothete for his imperial nephew. Demetrios was keen to encourage new sources of revenue with the Empire's richest eastern provinces, notably Cilicia, now under Jurchen rule and so commercial activity grew under him. The 1250s and 1260s were a time of modest prosperity with some new building, but little court-sponsored frivolity, something Demetrios the Uncle had little interest in.

Following Demetrios' death in 1272, effective power now passed to the Caesar Gregory Maleinos, Constantine's brother-in-law. A warlike man, Gregory devoted his energies to consolidating the Bulgarian frontier and also stirring up the ongoing Salghurid Egyptian civil war. From 1276 onwards, with the Jurchen conquest of Egypt and Rhomania now effectively encircled, yet more money was spent on the army. All in all, the 1270s were a time of relative austerity.

However, from 1282 onwards, the spending taps really came off, with revenue from the conquest of Bulgaria, Syria and Egypt coming on stream. Constantine X now began to take a more assertive role in his own government, and directed a number of ambitious building projects, notably at Thessalonica. This period was remembered by the historians of the 1360s as a great golden era, and was brought to an end by the revolt of Constantine X's nephew Constantine Maleinos in 1302/03.

Hopefully that about covers it!

About George of Genoa, may we get more information on his background? Back when he first became Emperor, I had the impression that he had a military background, but his reign would disprove that notion, especially his law-making. How did a commoner Genoese soldier become one of the brightest legal minds of the Empire, or was his Codex written by people hired to do so?

George wasn't quite a commoner: I'd say he was from a respectable upper-middle ranking Genoese family, perhaps one with a bit of Constantinopolitan blood since Genoa began to look East a century before George's birth. As such, he's received a standard legal and military education, and is of above average intelligence.

His Codex was written by others, that said.

Wise man. Did he share George's surname?

No: Basil is a member of another noble family: his mother and George's mother were sisters.

It's interesting that Strategos of Epirus was good enough for the Emperor's eldest son. Is Constantine XI actively trying to undermine Michael's ability to succeed him, or is this a genuine office for him to hold? If so, why not Strategos of one of the wealthier provinces, or Catepan of Italy or Egypt? Or a court office at Constantinople?

Epirus was chosen because it's relatively peaceable and hence (in theory) safe for the Emperor's heir, and also because it's important as the boundary with the Serbian client monarchs and the complex patchwork of Italian politics. Dyrrachion, as the Epirote capital, serves as a place where Michael can learn to rule over his client monarchs.

Also, were higher titles than Caesar ever created ITTL?

In short, no: though there are plenty of the OTT Byzantine court titles that we know and love going around, like that held by George II before his accession: Megalodoxotatos. :D

I'm unsure what to make of this. On one hand, Constantine XI is a fat old man and Anna is the greatest beauty of her age, and emotionally vulnerable at the time. On the other, Anna could surely find a better lover than a sixteen year old and Andronikos Xanthis is bound to have had many enemies seeking to discredit him through his daughter. I guess I'll make up my mind if John III and Anna end up marrying, or more clues are given.

Just to clear this up: Anna isn't the daughter of Andronikos Xanthis. She's the daughter of George II Dasiotes. She was married first to Romanos IV Pegonites following the death of his father David, and she bore him a posthumous daughter, Sophia. Following the death in relatively quick succession of her husband, brother-in-law and father, she remained Augusta under the domination of Pope Samuel and his allies throughout 1331, before throwing in her lot with Xanthis' rebels and raising Constantine of Syria to the purple by marriage.

Constantine XI is a widower: his first wife, and the mother of his five sons, was Xanthis' sister but she died back in 1326.

It's also worth remembering, in this context, that Anna proactively chose to marry Constantine in 1331, rather than being coerced into it. But again, we're dependent upon 1360s sources, so...

EDIT: I've been reading A History of Private Life and it seems that the usual punishment for adulteresses was monastic exile and mutilation by having her noses cut off. Is there any special reason for Constantine going after Anna's tongue instead of her nose or was this unintentional?

Entirely unintentional!

It's endearing to see so many empowered women in IE, with all those scheming Empresses. This was something of a constant presence in the 12th century that I missed in the next two, probably because of Eirene II. I must ask, though: was Constantine X's wife an influential consort? The Emperor himself was a withdrawn ruler, a vacuum that could easily be filled by his wife, especially following George Palaiologos' death and before the Maleinoi became so prominent.

The short answer is no, Zoe Doukaina was not an influential consort. She attracted herself to Constantine X because of her otherworldly piousness. Demetrios Simeopoulos was suspicious of Zoe because of her blue-bloodedness and illustrious ancestry so took care to keep her out of power in favour of his nieces, Constantine's sisters Helena and Maria (Constantine's other sister Theodora became a nun). Following Demetrios' death, Helena and Maria's husbands continued to support their imperial wives as fulfilling many of the public roles of Empresses.

Zoe Doukaina was clearly very dear to Constantine, as he never married again following her early death in 1279 and built her an impressive tomb in the 1280s, but the suspicion of her husband's family, her own nature, and the fact that their marriage never produced any children meant she never held any real influence during the 1260s and 1270s.

Is there any particular reason for that?
A land trip from southern Italy to the Balkans rather than a sea one? Because the majority of the rebel fleet is tied up preventing loyalist troops crossing from Sicily, and because John wants to show himself to the Italian cities and Balkan princes who are providing him with his men.

Also, what is Constantine XI doing throughout all of the civil war?
Largely entrusting things to Xanthis, and praying: he's been badly traumatised by the events of the past year.

It's nice to see other powers doing well. Is Aragon still ruled by the House of Jimenez, or is the House of Barcelona dominant ITTL? Also, may I recommend having the Borjas do something interesting in Aragon further down the line, maybe usurping the throne? Aut Caesar, aut nihil. :D

(They needn't be the OTL Borgias, of course, but they could very well be another family that happens to come from the town of Borja)

I hadn't really thought of it in any great detail, to be honest. Feel free to write some spin-off stuff!

Harsh. You win or you die. But why wasn't there a middle ground of blinding + monastic exile?

As mentioned, it's odd that 1360s sources don't make more of this. What would your guess be?

Why is that regarded as an insult?

Basically, a bishop should be riding out far further to greet a party consisting not merely of an imperial prince but a crowned Augusta and her porphyrogenite daughter.
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Overall, a solid update. As others have mentioned before, it's nice to see a more detailed rise for Samuel.

Thanks for the detailed response to it! Going back through and responding has taken me several hours and really immersed me in the IE world of the past century, so thank you. Hope you enjoy the responses, and please do keep the queries coming!
 
1. Though Theodora initially rose to power as Empress in her own right after the brief intercession of the party of Patriarch Theodotos and Emperor Leo VII, she was far too wary of her grandmother Eirene to actually act as one. Very soon after her accession she married Isaac Palaiologos, Isaac III, and thereafter acted merely as an Empress-consort, staying very much in the background throughout the seven years of their marriage prior to her early death in childbirth. Technically you could call her Theodora II following on from Theodora the Macedonian, but that's why I've chosen not to.
Makes sense. I like regnal numbers though, that's why I asked. :p

I've actually written a fair bit on contemporary Armenia which I don't think I published: or maybe I did? Hmmm. It's been too long!
I think you did, but in the Wikia.

Sorry for the disappointment on that front. I tried to cover it by making more of the continued Jurchen attacks on Anatolia throughout the period, and of course the Jurchens will continue to be a thing going forwards in their new Iranian heartland, but hey: one for IE 3.0? :p
Oh, that was a most welcome change indeed.

Egypt snip
Oh yes, Michael's initial campaigns in Syria and Palestine were very well developed, as well as later efforts to fully integrate Egypt into the Empire and the troubles that rose with it. What I did miss was a brief description of Michael's Egyptian campaign and how he actually conquered the place. Did he march immediately to Cairo, did the Imperial navy sail downriver to support him in the Nile, how did the Coptic Pope welcome his troops at Alexandria and more little details like that. ;)

Hopefully that about covers it!
Yep, that's good stuff. May I recommend having a look at OTL Theodore II's writings, especially the Moral Pieces? It's a collection of essays on the futility of human life and how everything other than one's intellect is worthless and merely temporary (and temporal). He wrote it as he mourned his late beloved wife, Elena of Bulgaria, and I think it would suit Constantine X rather well after Empress Zoe's death if you would ever want to further explore IE's Palaiologan Renaissance. It's nice inspiration, if a bit depressing to read.

George wasn't quite a commoner: I'd say he was from a respectable upper-middle ranking Genoese family, perhaps one with a bit of Constantinopolitan blood since Genoa began to look East a century before George's birth. As such, he's received a standard legal and military education, and is of above average intelligence.

His Codex was written by others, that said.
Aha, as I suspected. In 1.0 I believe his surname was Rossi, but he's merely referred to as George of Genoa in 2.0. Was Rossi his surname in 2.0 too and he simply never used it ("damn Italians, get off my clay!") or has his surname been lost in the annals of history?

No: Basil is a member of another noble family: his mother and George's mother were sisters.
Interesting. Do we know his last name, or has it been lost too?

Epirus was chosen because it's relatively peaceable and hence (in theory) safe for the Emperor's heir, and also because it's important as the boundary with the Serbian client monarchs and the complex patchwork of Italian politics. Dyrrachion, as the Epirote capital, serves as a place where Michael can learn to rule over his client monarchs.
Another interesting choice.

What's the status of a Strategos in the 14th century? You mentioned that it was falling out of use together with the Thematic armies back in the 11th century (hence the prevalence of duchies and catepanates all over the Empire), but it seems that in the last three hundred years the office has incorporated a measure of civilian authority, as well as military ones, rendering it redundant with the Doux and, to a lesser extent, the Catepan. Am I correct in my impression?

In short, no: though there are plenty of the OTT Byzantine court titles that we know and love going around, like that held by George II before his accession: Megalodoxotatos. :D
As long as we have the hyperprōtopansebastohypertatos I shall be content. :D

Just to clear this up: Anna isn't the daughter of Andronikos Xanthis. She's the daughter of George II Dasiotes. She was married first to Romanos IV Pegonites following the death of his father David, and she bore him a posthumous daughter, Sophia. Following the death in relatively quick succession of her husband, brother-in-law and father, she remained Augusta under the domination of Pope Samuel and his allies throughout 1331, before throwing in her lot with Xanthis' rebels and raising Constantine of Syria to the purple by marriage.
My mistake. Sometimes all the characters get mixed up, especially if reading at a fast pace.


Zoe Doukaina was clearly very dear to Constantine, as he never married again following her early death in 1279 and built her an impressive tomb in the 1280s,
One of the major monuments standing witness to the Palaiologan Renaissance? Was it a new church or a monastery? Or simply contained in the catacombs beneath the Church of the Holy Apostles?

A land trip from southern Italy to the Balkans rather than a sea one? Because the majority of the rebel fleet is tied up preventing loyalist troops crossing from Sicily, and because John wants to show himself to the Italian cities and Balkan princes who are providing him with his men.
I meant to ask why the King of Hungary and the King of Croatia are actively sending troops to support him.

As mentioned, it's odd that 1360s sources don't make more of this. What would your guess be?
Well, since we know that the Syrian Dynasty is bound to make a comeback under Isaac the Terrible, I assume it is because those sources didn't want to anger their terrible Emperor too much by writing about his family's dreadful past.

Thanks for the detailed response to it! Going back through and responding has taken me several hours and really immersed me in the IE world of the past century, so thank you. Hope you enjoy the responses, and please do keep the queries coming!
You can count on it. :cool:
 
Hey BG, if you ever wish to further develop the conquest of Egypt, I found this post by Megas while casually browsing 1.0 that caught my eye and might inspire you. Cheers! ;)

It is said that this book, which now resides in the Bayt al-hikma ('House of Wisdom') in Qayruwan, was purchased from the estate of the Wazir (minister) Abd al-Rahman ibn Abu-Sayid of Makuria, when he died with no heirs in A.H. 1035 (1626 A.D)

Extract from On the Irruption of Gog and Magog into Egypt and the Sunset of our Hopes by Yaqub Qahirani ibn Abu-Sayid (lived 647-735 A.H.) [1249-1334 A.D.]

And so it was that the greatest calamity to ever befall Muslims, either to the east or west, the north or south, came to pass:

The ruler of Gog and Magog, Nogai, Bloodthirsty Tyrant, Despoiler of Baghdad, Destroyer of all Good Things descended on Cairo during Ramadan A.H. 671 [April 1273 A.D.] like a nightmare Shaytan with his Hounds of Hell...What destruction did they wreak; what burning and plundering; what annihilation of beautiful mosques, noble houses and centres of learning. The plangent sounds of lamentation and wailing soon drowned out the screams of the victims - the women, the children, the old men - and only changed to a new pitch of despair as the Gog and Magog Devils started piling up human heads into tall towers beside the Nile...

Soon the Devastator, the bringer of Allah's Most Fearful Wrath, was gone...He had rounded up the most useful people as slaves: the siege machinists, the blacksmiths, the grooms and the best sailors and seamen of the coastal lands near Damietta and Alexandria and sailed away to the north to meet up with other tribes of Gog and Magog who were trying to smite Constantinople of the Rum.

The pitiful survivors, wandering thunderstruck through the smoking ruins of Cairo, looked forlornly about for leadership. But Sultan al-Adil, Third of that Name, and all his family and his greatest generals and warriors were utterly torn to shreds and scattered as dust to the wind. Nogai the Hell-bringer had left behind a small garrison of his warriors in the fortress of al-Fustat, clearly with instructions to send foodstuffs after him and his army, but they did not lift a finger to organise the heaps of ruins and restore civilised administration. This realisation, more than any other, was the death of the old Chief Wazir Ahmed Da'ud ibn Abdallah, who had served the Sultanate with such distinction for so many years. He had managed to escape the razing of the city, but died of shock, his old heart giving out, when he beheld the cruel, mocking visage of the lank-haired Devil named Ulugh-Beg, who Nogai the Slaughterer had left in charge. As ibn Abdullah's young deputy, I did all I could to step into the shoes of a giant - but I feared I was not up to the task.

In Jumaada al-awal 673 A.H. [November, 1274 A.D.], the news came up the Nile in swift boats that Gog and Magog had been repulsed at the very gates of Constantinople itself and dispersed in all directions. Allah had decreed that the Rum should win a great victory on behalf of all the Ahl al-Kitab ['People of the Book'], but the qadis [religious judges] were downcast that it was not Muslim arms which had won the day, and scattered the Terror of the Age, but infidels. The bitterness in the ruins of the al-Azhar Mosque, where I set up my headquarters, was like a tide which would not recede and I, young man that I was, had to upbraid the qadis for their despair and urge them to think of the needs of the desperate people.

Ulugh-Beg and his soldiers rapidly vacated al-Fustat in the dead of night and escaped to the East - but not for long, as we heard later from merchants travelling from Gaza, for a force allied to the Rum caught them and put them to the sword, Allah be praised.

During the long, terrible, winter which followed I did what I could for the suffering in the land. Allah be thanked, the people of Upper Egypt had survived mostly intact, and the farmers of numerous small towns and villages were able to bring us grain and barley which, through Allah's Favour, I was able to distribute equitably to the masses without too much anarchy or disorder. In Rajab [January 1275], a delegation even offered me the Sultanate, but I refused for what do I know of matters of war? Meanwhile Lower Egypt was plagued with banditry as petty warlords vied for authority. I put my trust in Allah and the local militia, which my brothers and uncle, Blessings be upon their memories, put together.

Then in the spring, word reached us from the coast that the Rum had arrived with ships and a great army. Immediately, there was panic and rioting in the streets - and I had to retreat to al-Azhar with most of the militia while it died down. Much of the work we had accomplished in the winter was undone in three days. Bar Joseph, leader of the Jews, and Pope Cyril, leader of the Coptic Christians, hammered on the doors and demanded the right to enter and have their counsels listened to in the new administration. My heart sank. It was a sign from Allah that the age of the Muslims was coming to a close and the dominance of the Rum was returning.

A few days later, the Rum arrived in Cairo. The commander was the Domestikos and Vestiarios Isaac Chrysostomos, a tall, handsome man, with an oiled beard and dark, intelligent eyes. He wore a coat of mail, which had clearly been used in battle, and wore noble clothing, in the Rum style, with silks, jewels and threads of silver.

Isaac demanded to see the ruler of Egypt and, blushing like a boy, I had to confess there was none and that I was in charge of the remnants of the bureaucracy. He looked at me curiously and said, in good Arabic, 'You are very young to bear this responsibility, but you have borne it well from what I can see. The Emperor Constantine needs good servants in this land for, be not in any doubt, the rule of the Romans has returned here and will stay.' I raised my chin in defiance and said 'This land is a land of the Muslims, and we have been strong, self-governing and true in the Faith since the noble Ayyubids came.' Isaac then looked at me appraisingly and replied 'The Romans rule Muslims in many lands and we require obedience and faithfulness to the True Emperor under God. If you do your duty, and pay the taxes we demand, all will be well for you.' And in that high-handed way he dismissed me from his presence and took a seat at the table where I had been studying food shipment reports. His advisors crowded around him, including the Jewish and Coptic leaders who were beckoned over. I was left bewildered in my own hall, standing there, with my brothers and uncle arrayed uncertainly around me. In that moment, I knew in my heart this represented the passing of an Age.

Isaac was made Catapan of Egypt and his forces quickly spread out to take control of the land. One part of the army went to Alexandria, another to Damietta, a third to Farama and a fourth part continued up the Nile into Upper Egypt. The Catapan Isaac gave orders that the brightest, the best and most useful people left in the ruins of Cairo and all about should gather and take boat to the sea where, by Imperial Command, they were to take ship to a distant city named Thasa Lonikeh. I was furious at the action and my uncle, my brothers and I demanded to see Isaac. He gave me audience in the fortress of al-Fustat and asked if I had decided to serve him. We remonstrated as best we could, begging him not to send our most productive people away, but he refused and dismissed us.

Later that year, in Thw al-Hijjah [June, 1275] Isaac pronounced the city of Cairo dissolved and a new city of Hunnopolis founded. The people were outraged at the name, when it was realised that 'Hun' is what the Rum call the people of Gog and Magog. It seemed the Rum had some strange admiration for these spawn of Devils, Jinns and Efreets. But the Catapan merely dispersed with his warriors our people's ragged protests. He pulled down the remaining ruins of Cairo, including those of the al-Azhar, which made me coldly furious to the pit of my heart, and founded a Church dedicated to an Emperor and his mother [Saints Constantine and Helena] on the spot. The rest of this vile Hunnopolis he peopled with foreigners from other lands, mostly Christians. The seat of his authority was pronounced to be Alexandria, where he settled the wealthiest Jewish and Coptic merchants, and those of our brothers in Islam who were shameless, and started to build new walls, a market, a fortress and a palace.

Now many of those who thought such as I were left at a loss. What could we do to save our land? Where could we go? Who could we serve? My uncle, my brothers and I started having furious arguments in the house on the lands outside Cairo that the Catapan had left us. Some wanted to gather forces and resist, others wanted to go and serve in Alexandria. It dawned on me that an end to my life in this land was approaching.

And so it was as the new year opened [July, 1275] that our family, for its different reasons, liquidated our holdings outside Cairo. The portion of my brothers went towards raising bands of soldiers to fight the Rum and stir up the people. But the people were hungry, ridden with disease, exhausted; and the Rum were wily as desert foxes with their Jewish and Coptic allies. Allah have mercy on their souls, but my brothers and their followers were destroyed, every one, although their memory was such as to inspire the Great Revolt of Raby al-Thaany A.H. 695 [March, 1296]. From my portion and that of my uncle, I put my most precious possessions into a caravan of camels, purchased supplies and guards, and headed south, past the great cataracts, past the furthest point of Upper Egypt into the lands known as Bilad al-Sudan ['Lands of the Blacks'], which the Rum call Makuria. It was in this land, that my uncle and I made our new home; in this land that we sought to give service to rulers of the Faith; and in this land where, with sore heart, and weary soul, we tried to forget our beloved, our cherished, our destroyed, our conquered land - our Egypt that was no more...
 

Red Orm

Banned
Wow, what an amazing TL. I hope you find the time to finish it BG, but it seems you're busy and of course life must take precedence. Still, I had to post to thank you for your work and creativity.
 
Wow, what an amazing TL. I hope you find the time to finish it BG, but it seems you're busy and of course life must take precedence. Still, I had to post to thank you for your work and creativity.

God damn.

Too realistic and ancient for me to get into but otherwise a thumbs with both hands Basileus!

Thanks very much, everybody.

Unfortunately, the realities of life means IE is indefinitely on hold, but I'm sure I'll return to it at some point: I still think about ideas for the future of the TL a lot, and if anybody ever wants to contribute to the IE universe then I'd be delighted to help them out with that.
 
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