Concordia Res Parvae Crescunt - A United Seventeen Provinces TL

Chapter I: The death of Don Juan

Chapter I: The death of Don Juan, July 1577.

In the early hours of the 3rd of July 1577 three men were gathered at a house in Mechelen. One of them was a local, while the other two men had come from Holland 0ver the previous month, and all of them were radicalized Calvinists who saw the regional governor, Don Juan of Austria, as a tyrant. Some days prior an informant had told them that Don Juan would be making a public appearance, and that his route would take him right past the local man's house. Now they were finalizing their plans to carry out a hit against the governor later that day. With them they had five firearms, four pistols and an arquebus. Two of the men would each fire two pistols from the streets, while the third would fire out of the house's upper floor window.

A few hours later four gunshots could be heard in the city fired in rapid succession (one pistol had misfired), and in the aftermath it was revealed that one of the bullets had struck the governor in the chest. Don Juan died later that day, succumbing to his wounds.

The assassination and the subsequent response of the various Dutch religious and political factions, as well as from the king of Spainand his court, would drastically alter the course of history...


This timeline will explore the ramifications of an assassination of Don Juan, governor-general of the Netherlands and illigitimate half-brother of Philip II of Spain, in early July 1577. The specific timeframe is important as this was a very turbulent period in Dutch history, so that if an assassination had been carried out only a few weeks earlier or later the political context around it would have been entirely different. IOTL there were many rumours about the potential existence of a plot to assassinate Don Juan, although no attempt ever actually materialized and it remains unclear whether there ever really was such a plot to begin with. Either way Don Juan himself was convinced the plot was real, as well as that the Prince of Orange was the man behind it, which would lead to him taking drastic measures later that same month. Which themselves were crucial to the next phase of the 80 Years' War was we know it.

The next chapter will summarise the historical events in the Netherlands during 1576 and 1577 that led to the volatile situation where such an assassination could have taken place.​
 

Prelude

By 1576 the Habsburg Netherlands had been embroiled in a civil war for a decade already, during which Calvinist rebel forces had captured most of Holland and Zeeland (with the notable exception of Amsterdam) but had seen little success in the remainder of the region. There had been two Governor-Generals during this period, first the hard-handed and direct Duke of Alba from 1567 to 1573, and then the more diplomatic Luis de Requesens from 1573 to 1576. By the end of 1575 de Requesens was a fairly successful and well-liked governor, most notably having crushed an invasion by the brothers of William of Orange (the rebels' leader) at the Battle of Mookerheide. However, in September 1575 Philip II had to default on his debts and the crown's payments for troops in the Netherlands ceased, and this then forced the governor to end his campaigns. Over the following year chaos erupted as the royal troops began to mutiny. Requesens then died in March 1576, which marked the beginning of an 8-month long period without a governor-general in the Netherlands.

In fact, the king had already appointed his half-brother Don Juan as governor-general soon after the death of Requesens, but rather than going to the Netherlands as his brother's instructions told him to Don Juan instead went straight to the Spanish court in Madrid to question his brother. The issue was that Don Juan, a rather ambitious and impatient figure, was at that moment in time part of a conspiracy that would have overthrown queen Elizabeth of England and have installed him as king alongside Mary Stuart, and he was most displeased with the news that these plans would have to be delayed and that he was instead going to be sent to the Netherlands. After several months of arguing and demanding guarantees Don Juan finally left for the Netherlands, where he arrived on the 3rd of November.

In the meantime the situation in the Netherlands had further deteriorated. By now several provinces had raised their own armies to fight the increasingly dangerous mutineers. A bloodless coup had overthrown the Council of State, and soon thereafter the States-General had convened without royal authorization to take over the day-to-day governance. And nearly every single province had sent representatives to Ghent for peace negotiations with William of Orange, which would ultimately result in the Pacification of Ghent. The Pacification consisted of 25 clauses, of which some of the most important ones were general amnesty for the rebels, the return of all properties seized by the Duke of Alba’s “blood court”, the expulsion of all foreign soldiers, and the temporary end of persecution of heretics until a permanent settlement was made in the States-General.

Don Juan arrived too late to prevent the Sack of Antwerp by the mutineers, which begun the day after his arrival (when he was in Luxembourg) and lasted 3 days. Soon thereafter he was presented with the terms of the Pacification of Ghent by envoys of the States-General, who informed him that they would only formally recognise him if he confirmed these and saw to it that they would be fulfilled. He refused on the grounds that they had been drafted without the input of a royal representative and because he feared they meant the Catholic church would no longer be recognised as the supreme church. Only in December, under the mediation of Philip III de Croy (the Duke of Aarschot) and Gerard van Groesbeek (the Prince-Bishop of Liege), and with the reassurance of several professors from the University of Leuven that the Pacification did not inherently threaten the position of the Catholic church, did Don Juan finally open up. And even then only with a renegotiated set of terms.

This resulted in the Perpetual Edict of 1577, also known as the Peace of Marche-en-Famenne, which upheld just about every clause of the Pacification but noticeably differed from it by explicitly recognising the Catholic church as the supreme church in all the Netherlands. Because of this Willian of Orange would refuse to recognise the edict. Don Juan then finally crossed the border of Luxembourg for the first time. In early March he made his first "Joyous Entry" at Leuven, he sent envoys to Antwerp who began to organise the departure of the foreign troops (except the Germans, who were mercenaries that would not leave before being paid), and also to Dordrecht to negotiate with the Prince of Orange (but this would fail).

By the end of April all foreign troops had crossed the border and on the 1st of May Don Juan finally made his entrance into Brussels to be formally recognised as Governor-General. His stay in Brussels was short-lived however because he constantly felt the presence and pressure of the Organists through civil unrest in the city and implicit opposition from the local elite. On the 5th of June he abruptly left Brussels for Mechelen, in part out of fear for the Organist elements in Brussels, but also to negotiate with the German mercenary captains about their payment, and to begin enforcing the religious terms of the Perpetual Edict. Here he made the fatal mistake of getting personally involved in the persecution of protestants, rather than leaving the local institutions to it. Although he technically, legally was allowed to do so it was still a poor image and a bridge too far for some...​


Historically this was the point where Don Juan began to receive increasingly more urgent warnings from some of his allies, most importantly the Duke of Aarschot, that he had to leave Mechelen. But in this timeline he is killed before he gets the chance to do so.

We now know that Don Juan had personally given up all hope for a peaceful conclusion by this point, and in his private correspondence with Philip II he was already urging the king to send back his armies from Italy. Later that same July he would take matters into his own hands and with a handful of loyal nobles and his personal guard he would take control of the citadel of Namur, in violation of the Perpetual Edict. A few months later his brother gave in, and along with the Italian tercios came a new figure to the Dutch stage: Alexander Farnese (another relative of the king), who would prove to be one of the most important figures for the Habsburg war efforts in the Netherlands. But none of this would now get to materialise as it did iotl.​
 
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Interesting. For things to end up better than OTL for the Low Countries, the Catholic nobles, who are already feeling uneasy about the Calvinist zealots, preferably need to be angrier at whatever the Spanish reaction will be to this assassination than with the assassination itself, so I'm curious if/how you're going to pull that off.

One small nitpick, "Raad van State" is "Council of State" (no plurality 's') in English.
 
Interesting. For things to end up better than OTL for the Low Countries, the Catholic nobles, who are already feeling uneasy about the Calvinist zealots, preferably need to be angrier at whatever the Spanish reaction will be to this assassination than with the assassination itself, so I'm curious if/how you're going to pull that off.

One small nitpick, "Raad van State" is "Council of State" (no plurality 's') in English.
Yeah whatever the Habsburg did was so awful the whole Netherlands United against it
 
Interesting. For things to end up better than OTL for the Low Countries, the Catholic nobles, who are already feeling uneasy about the Calvinist zealots, preferably need to be angrier at whatever the Spanish reaction will be to this assassination than with the assassination itself, so I'm curious if/how you're going to pull that off.
Yeah whatever the Habsburg did was so awful the whole Netherlands United against it
It was quite the mental exercise to write out a response that was simultaneously severe enough to face serious opposition from both the Catholics and Protestants in the Netherlands, but also seemingly reasonable from the perspective of the royal court in Spain. I first got the idea for this TL over a year ago now in a thread asking how to get the strongest Dutch revolt (in fact I also took some inspiration from @Xavier's input in that thread), and I've been working on it on-and-off for quite a while now so I sure hope that what I came up with will be believable and enjoyable lol​
One small nitpick, "Raad van State" is "Council of State" (no plurality 's') in English.
No matter how many times you proof read, someone else will always instantly find another mistake
 
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Chapter II: Aarschot Takes the Helm

Chapter II: Aarschot Takes the Helm, July to August 1577

Philip III de Croy, Duke of Aarschot
I have heard that a few days ago his despicable highness the Prince of Orange has turned tail and ran back to his rebel holdouts in Holland. This comes as no surprise to me, his assassins might not have confessed that he gave them the order, but there is no doubt on my mind that he was involved. Some like him are following his example, while others have gone into hiding and others still claims they have seen God's light and have converted back to the Church. Although I am not sure all of them are genuine.
...
The response of Aarschot has been most pleasing to me. With the Council of State he has taken over the responsibilities of the Governor-General, alongside the States-General, while awaiting the arrival of our new governor. The unrest has been quelled, and our courts are finally enforcing his majesty's laws.
...
I believe his majesty will be most pleased with how he has handled this troublesome situation...
-Extracts from a diary dated to July 1577. Mons, Hainaut.


The assassins were all apprehended soon after the murder, only one of them (the one who had been in an alley) managed to escape the scene but he too was caught later that day. They were rigorously "questioned" (which resulted in further arrests being made), brought to trial, and finally put to death at the central square of Mechelen. However, not a single one of the men who were arrested ever confessed that William of Orange had given them the order. Some gave names of other people who then resided in Holland, often contradicting each other, while others refused to name anybody at all. In the end William's direct involvement could never be definitively proven, although that did little to quell the suspicions people held based on the rumors that had already existed prior to the murder.

In response to the murder some anti-Protestant riots broke out in a number of cities, although the local authorities managed to restore order soon thereafter. The authorities themselves meanwhile also began to enforce the religious laws more thoroughly. All this resulted in a shift in the political landscape of the Netherlands. Because of the allegations against him Orange, who had only just reached the peak of his power and influence due to the Pacification, was compelled to leave the southern provinces again and return to Holland. A number of prominent Protestants followed his example, while others went into hiding or formally converted to Catholicism.

Due to the sudden and unexpected death of Don Juan there had once more been no clear ad interim replacement, so that the Netherlands would once more go through an "interregnum" and this time the Duke of Aarschot, one of the most important nobles of the Netherlands, took control. He had been one of Don Juan's closest allies who had helped him in negotiating the Perpetual Edict, and when the late governor had made his Joyous Entry into Brussels a few months before Aarschot had riden right besides him. With his biggest rival, the Prince of Orange, now temporarily out of the picture Aarschot leveraged his position to rally the Dutch nobility around him and to catapult himself to the forefront of Dutch politics. He took control of the Council of State and concluded a deal with the States-General so that the two bodies would govern the Netherlands side by side. This was perhaps one of his greatest achievements, as it finally turned the loose collection of likeminded "moderates" into a more unified front with clear leadership.​
 
So the forefront of dutch politics/resistance will be more mixed in it's religion instead of being dominated by protestantism and Holland?
 
So the forefront of dutch politics/resistance will be more mixed in it's religion instead of being dominated by protestantism and Holland?
Yes, although William of Orange just suffered a major setback and Aarschot's faction is very mistrustful of him rn eventually the Calvinist Rebels and Aarschot's faction will be left with no choice but to reunite once more. It's not going to be easy and there's going to be some internal clashes, but when and how those clashes happen is crucial. In the end the shared enemy in Spain will make it so that neither side has a choice, and eventually a settlement will be reached.

For example, mid-1577 to late 1578 was a crucial moment like that IOTL:
1. Don Juan takes Namur, breaking the Perpetual Edict. A number of Catholic leaders join him.
2. The Dutch unite against him, William of Orange becomes de facto leader of a regionwide rebellion.
3. Radical Calvinists, mistrustful of the Catholics and embolened by William of Orange's surge in power, commit a coup of Flanders. (Calvinist Republic of Ghent)
4. Actions by those Calvinists in turn begin to scare those Catholics who had stayed with the rebels.
5. The rebels lose a battle, everyone begins to blame each other, and a bunch of Catholic provinces rejoin the Spanish side.
(this is a very abridged version, but it's just to get the idea across)

I figured it wasn't a matter of if the radicals do something drastic, it's a matter of when and how. That's what Don Juan's murder was, and now the Catholics are in a much stronger position to prevent something like the Calvinist Republic happening instead.​
 
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I'm interested to see how this will impact the Dutch colonial ventures now that they'll have industrial capability at home and the need to keep the country together. And they may have more resources to fight off enemy colonial powers like the British, Portuguese, and eventually maybe Spanish as well.
 
Always nice to see a timeline about this interesting period. Curious where you're going to take this Interregnum and then especially the reaction of Philip, who will demand a lot of Aarschot, but at the same time may let this state of affairs continue for some time, before deciding over a new landvoogd. Farnese hasn't had the change to prove himself militairily and/or politically and Philip may look more for a real political animal, then a militairy person, given the new developments. But the big question will be, wil he trust Aarschot enough to do his bidding in the meantime to legitimise his ‘coup’ or will they also come in conflict.
William will be probably going in overdrive in the pamflet war, defending his actions, professing his innocence and trying to maintain as long as possible the peace between his provinces and the others, while continuing his constant quest for monetary support.
Money will be also the biggest concern for the central government and this is where Aarschot may find that he inherited a poisoned chalice from William.
 
Yes, although William of Orange just suffered a major setback and Aarschot's faction is very mistrustful of him rn eventually the Calvinist Rebels and Aarschot's faction will be left with no choice but to reunite once more. It's not going to be easy and there's going to be some internal clashes, but when and how those clashes happen is crucial. In the end the shared enemy in Spain will make it so that neither side has a choice, and eventually a settlement will be reached.
A blessing in disguise then (anything that removes the opportunity for van Hembyse to go full fanatic anti-Catholic persecution is a good thing). OTL, Aarschot took the side of the Spanish in 1577, TTL in a way he....sort-of-but-not-quite did just now in order to fill the power vacuum. Curious how thankful (or "thankful"?) Madrid will be for him taking the initiative.

I figured it wasn't a matter of if the radicals do something drastic, it's a matter of when and how. That's what Don Juan's murder was, and now the Catholics are in a much stronger position to prevent something like the Calvinist Republic happening instead.​
Yeah... those guys weren't fans of compromise, the moment they they think they can get away with something nutty, wham. For those who aren't aware, the Calvinist city republics were as bad as the Spanish Inquisition and burned some monks at the stake on accusations of sodomy for example. Once that lot got loose, it was impossible for the Catholic nobles (i.e., most of them in the South) to stay on the same side...once Spain actually gave them the option of going back (which is what Farnese ended up doing).

I'm interested to see how this will impact the Dutch colonial ventures now that they'll have industrial capability at home and the need to keep the country together. And they may have more resources to fight off enemy colonial powers like the British, Portuguese, and eventually maybe Spanish as well.
If things go well (still at least a decade or two to go in the best case before colonial ventures can get some proper attention): more than double the population, nearly double the wealth, and no Dunkirk privateers. OTOH: also a land border with France. So a major diplomatic focus for the 17th Century would be to keep the attention of the Kings of France towards any direction that isn't North.
 
Always nice to see a timeline about this interesting period.
it's got to be one of the most interesting moments in European history. honestly I'm surprised nobody else posted a TL about it in the time since I began writing this one, especially since because there were plenty of discussion threads being posted about it.
Curious where you're going to take this Interregnum and then especially the reaction of Philip...
we'll be seeing that in the very next chapter ;)
William will be probably going in overdrive in the pamflet war, defending his actions, professing his innocence and trying to maintain as long as possible the peace between his provinces and the others, while continuing his constant quest for monetary support.
ngl I just realized I forgot to write that down in my drafts but yes, absolutely. and the fact that the courts failed to actually find a direct link between him and the assassination will be a useful tool in that propaganda campaign. Oh course courts didn't work entirely the same as they do today but

I'm interested to see how this will impact the Dutch colonial ventures...
If things go well (still at least a decade or two to go in the best case before colonial ventures can get some proper attention): more than double the population, nearly double the wealth, and no Dunkirk privateers. OTOH: also a land border with France. So a major diplomatic focus for the 17th Century would be to keep the attention of the Kings of France towards any direction that isn't North.
Without spoiling anything, as far as the Americas are concerned I've drawn up some fairly unique colonial borders. And they also look pretty on a map! As for France they'll be a problem for later in the 17th century since they still have to deal with their internal conflicts before they can focus on outwards expansion, and although Spain will be off their northern border that was far from the only contention between the two so the Franco-Spanish rivalry won't be going anywhere.
 
Chapter III: The New Governor

Chapter III: The New Governor (September 1577)

In early September the new governor-general Íñigo López, marquis of Mondéjar, arrived in Luxembourg... Soon to be followed by Julián Romero at the head of a small military force, as well as several "inquisitors"...

The king's response to the incident had been the result of several shifts that occured over the summer at Madrid.
Firstly, from their personal correspondence Philip II had been aware of the grievances his brother had had during his short tenure as governor, such as the political dominance of the states-general, which had left him as little more than a puppet. Furthermore he had a list of various individuals who Don Juan had complained about for various reasons, including people who he already suspected of being part of a plot against his life. Amongst these were the Prince of Orange, of course, but also other figures such as William of Horne.
Philip had two primary concerns, first to restore royal authority, and secondly to reopen the investigation into his brother's death. He had therefore sent Mondéjar to the Netherlands with clear instructions on how the Netherlands were to be governed, and sent investigators to help the local courts in the case of his brother's murder.

At the court meanwhile a shift had occurred over the summer, with the Albistas (who wanted to end the Dutch Revolt by military means) regaining some influence. It was they who pushed for the plan to send a small army back to Luxembourg. More specifically they had expected that, due to the assassination and the small size of the force in question, the Dutch would be willing to recede on the clause of the Perpetual Edict that banned foreign troops. And even if this failed they would instead concede when the Calvinist rebels "inevitably" reopened hostilities, leaving the Catholics with little choice but to ask for the protection of the king.

In essence there was nothing inherently unreasonable about the Spanish response, after all some rebels had murdered the king’s own brother in the street! And the Prince of Orange, who everybody was sure to be the man who had given the order, was still running free… Surely this would justify such measures? In fact many in Spain had initially called for a much harsher response, and it was only after news about Aarschot’s government had made its way to Madrid that some room for leniency had emerged.
Nonetheless, no matter how reasonable or good the Spanish intentions might have seemed from Madrid’s perspective that was not necessarily how they would be perceived by many in the Netherlands. And it is likely that the impact of the assassination on the Spanish psyche still blinded them from some much-needed nuance.

From the Dutch perspective meanwhile everything seemed to be under control. The government was functioning fairly smoothly, the courts had brought justice to Don Juan's murderers, and the provincial armies had driven out the last mutineers (and could fight the rebels if need be). Many were suspicious of the Spanish. To some Mondéjar's terms were an issue as they broke infringed on on some of the local laws. Others saw the investigators as an intervention against the local courts. Or even worse, as inquisitors who had come to implement the dreaded Spanish Inquisition. And an army across the border, under the command of a general involved in the Sack of Antwerp? That might as well have been a threat! However this was not universally believed of course, and many did indeed hope that reconciliation and cooperation with the king was possible.

Aarschot and his interim government did indeed come to an agreement with Mondéjar. The terms were in essence a recognition of most of Perpetual Edict with only some minor modifications. For example, the States-General would not hold permanent sessions, but instead Mondéjar promised that they would be regularly convened (6 times per year) and that they would have a say on his proposed laws. From Mondéjar's perspective this was acceptable as it meant he maintained the initiative, and it would limit the States-General to discuss an agenda that he had determined. While from the Dutch perspective this was acceptable for now, due to the extraordinary circumstances and in the spirit of cooperation, and as being frequently convened would essentially boil down to the same thing as being in permanent session, plus they still had a say in the governor's decisions. Furthermore Mondéjar recognised that this would only be applicable during his tenure. His formal recognition would remain his only real success during his first month as governor however.​


(after god knows how many attempts to turn my notes into a coherent chapter I got sick of trying, enjoy this
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)

tl;dr governor has arrived, small army in Luxembourg (legal), Spanish are willing to be lenient with Aarschot but there are some concerns/questions about Spanish intentions. if you've got questions I'll gladly clarify it because this chapter clearly won't suffice lol.
the complicated matter of what a governor is to do with William of Orange will be the next, hopefully better written, chapter. It'll be much more important than this lol.
 
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In early September the new governor-general Íñigo López, marquis of Mondéjar, arrived in Luxembourg... Soon to be followed by Julián Romero at the head of a small military force, as well as several "inquisitors"...​
Short wiki page on the new governor, former viceroy of Naples and ambassador in Rome and with experience against the Ottomans. IOW, while experienced in governing/diplomacy, likely to make mistakes regarding how to deal with protestants.

Romero OTOH, certainly has some interesting info on his wiki page: not just present for the Spanish Fury, but also at the Massacre of Naarden, and commanding the guards at the execution of Egmont & Hoorne. I'm sure he'll be adored by the locals. Apparently died of a stroke in OTL 1577, I'm guessing he managed to avoid that one for now?

Also:

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Furthermore Mondéjar recognised that this would only be applicable during his tenure. His formal recognition would remain his only real success during his first month as governor however.
"Promising" start I see.

I'm sensing that for a few months things will muddle along without much realy happening, until the Spanish (more likely than not involving Romero) pull a PR disaster out of their hats that manages to enrage the Calvinist while making the Catholic nobles nervous regarding further Spanish rule, thus fanning the flames of revolt once more, paving the way for Willem to return from hiding.
 
Short wiki page on the new governor, former viceroy of Naples and ambassador in Rome and with experience against the Ottomans. IOW, while experienced in governing/diplomacy, likely to make mistakes regarding how to deal with protestants.​
It was pretty hard to decide who they'd pick as governor, as the current Viceroy of Naples (by far the biggest possession outside of Spain, although not the richest) Mondéjar definitely has the qualifications. He also has some experience dealing with the Morisco revolt, so the backlash of DJ's assassination and the Spanish desire to finally get rid of those meddlesome Calvinists also affected this choice.
Definitely not the right governor to win hearts and minds, however.
Romero OTOH, certainly has some interesting info on his wiki page: not just present for the Spanish Fury, but also at the Massacre of Naarden, and commanding the guards at the execution of Egmont & Hoorne. I'm sure he'll be adored by the locals. Apparently died of a stroke in OTL 1577, I'm guessing he managed to avoid that one for now?​
Honestly almost every single high-ranking general who had been involved since the time of Alba was terrible from a PR perspective, they all had similar stains on their record. IOTL the Spanish truly got lucky with Don Juan, and even more so when Romero died and Alexander Farnese became his replacement. First of all they just really needed some fresh faces, it's hard to believe people who've massacred and pillaged your towns for nearly a decade when they say that this time it'll be different. And secondly they needed commanders who could actually keep their troops in check, none of the old guard could do that, DJ and AF did.

And yeah, that's right. Alexander Farnese isn't coming over now. I did a lot of reading on Farnese to try and understand why he was sent to the Netherlands. And especially as a high-ranking commander, because at only 30 years old and a grand total of one battle under his belt (and even that without a high-ranking command) he was hardly qualified for the job. There were plenty of generals with decades of experience in the Army of Flanders, so why not them? Turns out the answer is pretty simple: coincidence + nepotism.
Coincidence because it was only made possible by Romero suffering a stroke right before the army was supposed to depart from Italy. And nepotism because DJ happens to have been really close with his nephew. He personally requested that Farnese be sent in lieu of Romero when he died. Now Romero is still alive and DJ is dead, and nobody is going to gamble the entire rebellion on some unexerienced prince. Also I doubt Philip II would be open to the idea of sending his nephew to a place where another family member just got murdered.​
 
Just letting you all know that the tl isn't dead, I just had exams until yesterday and I'll start updating this TL again shortly.
 
Chapter IV: Distant Rumbling

Chapter IV: Distant Rumbling​

The first 5 months of Mondéjar's governorship were marked by endless discussions and a growing mutual distrust between the new governor and most of the Dutch leadership. Having been tasked by Philip II himself with a missions to continue the conflict against William of Orange and to reopen the investigation into his predecessor's murder the governor-general had continued to lobby tirelessly for these things to be implemented. This was much to the disdain of the Dutch however, who had considered the matters settled when Mondéjar had conceded to leave them out of their initial agreement for his recognition as governor.

Facing political isolation, institutions that fiercely defended their local autonomy, a general air of superstition against any perceived foreign influences, etc. it was always going to be an uphill battle. Not made any easier by William of Orange's propaganda campaign, the wish for a continued peace after years of war, or the fact that increasingly more families had members living on both sides of the frontier (as a not-insignificant number of Calvinists were fleeing the southern Dutch cities). On the other hand the governor did have one thing in particular going for him, these policies were orders from Philip II, and of great personal importance to him. Of such importance in fact that the king began to write personal letters addressed to both his governor and to many of the highest-standing Dutch officials once word of how little progress was being made in Brussels reached him. So, after nearly half a year, he finally achieved his breakthrough, albeit not without some compromises in the typical Dutch fashion. Most important amongst them being that the Spanish troops stationed in Luxembourg would not be joining the campaign, although some officers were still allowed to serve alongside their Dutch counterparts.

But even this victory would not be the end of Mondéjar's troubles. For starters the investigation proved to be trouble in and of itself, as the agents Philip II had sent were given instructions to go after all those who Don Juan had named as potential conspirators (regardless of any evidence), resulting in what many soon realized to be a very targeted "investigation". This naturally did not help mend bonds, although anti-Spanish propagandists welcomed the new fuel. As for the campaign discussions simply shifted from political matters to strategic ones. While both camps, already distrusting each other, began to suspect any mishaps of being intentional sabotage by the other.​
 
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