Chapter 39: Corsica and Sardinia
  • Chapter 39: Corsica and Sardinia:
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    It was said that the Phoenicians (Libyans) first colonized Corsica, but that the Greeks had a brief foothold in Corsica with the foundation of Aleria in 566 BC. They were expelled by an alliance of the Etruscans and the Carthaginians. For a few centuries Carthage dominated the island until it was lost to the Roman Republic after the Mercenary War. While the Phoenicians establish several commercial stations in Corsica and Sardinia, the Greeks arrived after them and build own colonies. The Carthaginian colony with the help of the Etruscans, conquered the Greek colony of Alalia, on Corsica in 535 BC. After Corsica, even Sardinia came under control of the Carthaginians. With the loss of the Mercenary War the Carthaginians lost Corsica and Sardinia right after they had already lost Sicily to the Romans. Corsica and Sardinia soon became a roman province but were far from being controlled properly. While the Romans settled in both Islands on the coast, the interior areas remained under the control of the native population. Revolts occurred but as the interior area was densely forested, the Romans avoided fighting there and set these territories aside as the land of the barbarians. Some even called the annexation of both Islands a mistake, since they were viewed as backward and unhealthy. Corsica was the worst since the Romans did not receive much spoil nor were the prisoners willing to bow to foreign rule, and to learn anything Roman. They soon became known as bestial people resorting to live by plunder, said that “whoever has bought one (Corsican), aggravating their purchasers by their apathy and insensibility, regrets the waste of his money”. Many Romans agreed that the same goes for the Sardinians, who acquired an infamous reputation for being untrustworthy and killing their master if they had a chance. Since the Sardinian captives were flooding the Roman slave market after one of the Roman victories over a serious outbreak from the mountain tribes, the proverb Sardi venales ("Sardinians for cheap") became in fact an everyday Latin expression to indicate anything cheap and worthless. The Romans referred to the Sardinians, as ill-disposed as no other towards the Roman people, as "every one worse than his fellow" (alius alio nequior), even more as their rebels in the highlands, that kept fighting the Romans in guerrilla-style, as "thieves with rough wool cloaks" (latrones mastrucati) The Roman orator linked in fact the Sardinians to the ancient Berber tribes of Libya, a Poenis admixto Afrorum genere Sardi ("from the Punics, mixed with African blood, originated the Sardinians"), Africa ipsa parens illa Sardiniae ("Africa itself is the parent of Sardinia"), using also the name Afer (African) and Sardus (Sardinian) as interchangeable, to prove their supposed cunning and hideous nature inherited by the former Carthaginian masters.

    These rebellious behavior was the main reason, the Carthaginians under Hampsicora landed an invasion force with 8.000 infantry and 700 cavalry from the Baleares in Corsica. Hampsicora was one of the richest landowners of Sardinia and directly subject of Carthage, as the Romans attacked and conquered the Island. While the mountainous inland area was still ruled by the native Nuragic populations, which, although become tolerant of the Carthaginians after many hostilities, were obviously hostile to the Roman conquest. Hampsicora who had lost land and wealth to roman landowners saw his opportunity to retake Corsica for Carthage in the Second Roman War and was more than willing to attack the Romans together with a native revolt and incoming Carthaginian fleets and armies. Hampsicora and Hanno of Tharros disguised as merchants landed before the main Carthagian invasion forces and animated a revolt of the coastal cities of Sardinia against Roman rule. Many Sardinians, especially the tribe of the Ilienses allied with Carthage. The senators of Cornus of witch Hampsicora was the chief magistrate even allied with Carthage since they had heard from Hannibals stunning victories in Hesperia and rumors spread that a Carthaginian invasion of the island was planned and asked for aid in their cause. The original plan was to land both forces in Sardinia, but Hampsicora who was reuniting with the fleet to lead it directly in the harbor of Cornus for a stunning victory was driven north by the wind and with him the whole Fleet under Mahar (later called the Skilled). Their army of 8.000 infantry and 700 cavalry landed in Corsica, while Hasdrubal the Bald an his army from Libya with 15.000 infantry, 1.500 cavalry and twenty elephants landed in Sardinia just as planned.
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    Thanks to that Hannibal's original plan to crush the Roman forces with superior numbers in Sardinia and then turn north to liberate Corsica was failed from the beginning. Not willing to give up just jet or to delay the invasion, Hasdrubal the Bald, landed his army in Tharros, since the Roman army from Carales was already marching northwest to fight the rebellious cities. Quintus Mucius Scaevola the Roman consul was gathering his troops in Caralis to face the enemy and started to march on the western cities before the Carthaginians would arrive. He had one and a half Legions at his disposal, 7,500 Legionaries and 450 cavalry as well as the same number of allied troops. Since he told the senate in Rome of the revolting cities and that he assumed an Carthaginian invasion could occur any moment there were hot tempered debates weather or not the reserve armies should be sent to Sardinia immediately instead of invading Hesperia and helping Messilia again. After all Titus got his wish, two other roman armies should immediately send to Sardinia to reinforce his position and to fight the rebels, but a Carthaginian navy prevented these supplies from landing at the island an forced them back to Italy.

    Josto, son of Hampsicora ready to welcome Hasdrubal in Cornus was eager to fight the Romans without waiting for his fathers return or for the second Carthaginian army. Corno itself had just a few troops, but Josto assuring that he knew the Roman commander and the terrain of Sardinia itself convinced Hasdrubal to battle the Romans outside of the city. Quintus Mucius Scaevola was fighting the rebels and Carthaginians at the Battle of Othoca, where neither side could win. Thanks to Josto who didn't knew the terrain or the roman commander as good as he thought and was no skilled tactician or strategy the army of Hasdrubal got into a bad position and nearly lost the battle. Thanks to Baal, Hasdrubal the Bald was able to counterattack and even if neither side did win he saved parts of his army and also crippled the roman army badly with heavy losses. With this outcome, the western cities of the Isle remained under Rebel/Carthago rule, while the south and the east remained under Roman domain. Each side was now willing to trade and supply their coastal regions while landing fresh troops to drive the enemy of the island.

    Hampsicora himself immediately recognized that he was driven away from home island and had instead landed in Corsica. Hampsicora knew that they had to sail back to supply Hasdrubals army if they wanted to beat the Romans in Sardinia, but Mahar still commander of the fleet and army refused, as he saw the opportunity to totally destroy the roman position in Corsica together with the native rebellious mountain tribes. By doing so he hoped to force the Romans to send new troops and supplies to retake Corsica so that the Invasion of Sardinia would relieved. The roman troops in Corsica had just 2,500 Legionaries and 200 cavalry that were occupied with securing the town of Aleria/Alalia from raids of the mountain barbarians. Mahar send negotiators to these tribes and promised them that under new carthaginian rule they could live by their own rules and rites as promised by Shophet Hannibal while profiting from trade with Carthage and their goods. Mahar's plan nearly was failing as one of the mountain tribes tried to attack him, but failed in his ambush. Mahar managed to beat them, sold them into slavery via Aiacium to Carthaginian traders and impressed the other tribes by doing so without many own losses. Now was his greatest hour, as Mahar married a local queen/ or princess, allied himself with all the other tribes that were fighting the Romans and marched over the mountain road from Alacium to Aleria. The romans were outnumbered by this Carthaginian/Corsican army and forced to evacuate the city -army and roman settlers and traders alike- if they wished to survive the fall of Corsica. Mahar was now called Mahar the Skilled and resided in the freshly conquered city of Aleria, where he and his Corsican allies plundered the Roman treasures, goods and weapon depots and split them fair. To Romans and Carthaginians alike Mahar would later be known as the man that united the Punics and Corses as a unified tribe on Corsica and as the first fair and just ruler of the whole Island in it's history. Corsica under Mahar would later become part of an autonomous confederate province within the administration of the Isles in the Mediterranean between Italy and Africa.

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    (current world map)
     
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    Chapter 40: Lingua Carthaginia
  • Chapter 40: Lingua Carthaginia:
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    While the Carthaginians under Hannibal had gained a great Empire in Hesperia and Libya and their cultural, religious and lingual influence grew, they didn't force others to learn their customs, but slowly assimilated them. That was the reason the Punic language was dominant in trade and diplomacy but not the common language of all people and tribes within the Empire of the Republic of Carthage. For example the southern coast of Sardinia spoke Punic while the rest spoke Sardi ans the northeast spoke Greek. The western coast of Sicily also spoke Punic but the rest of the Isles spoke their native dialects or even that of other colonists and traders, such as the Latin and Greek tongue. Corsica on the other hand spoke mostly their own Corsic dialect. In Hesperia the Punic and Greek language and regional dialects dominated the south and east of the coastal regions. Thanks to Hannibal the Turdetani, Turduli and Bastetani already had quit a few speakers of the Punic language. In the east the Edetani, Ilercavones, Indiketes and other coastal tribes spoke the Greek dialect, mostly that of Messilia and/or Rhode and Emporion (that evolved a mixed dialect within the Iberian League) as well as Iberian. The heartland of the Celtiberian Confederation spoke Celtiberi, while the borderland to Gaul spoke Aquitanian. The southwest under Carthaginian control spoke also Turdetanian language dialects and in the west of Hesperia the Vettones and Lusitani as well as other tribes spoke a Indo-European language. All those dialects in Carthaginian Hesperia would one day influence the Hesperia-Punic dialect of the state of Carthago that would be one of the major dialects, just like the Libya-Punic dialect.
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    Chapter 41: Invasion of Sicily
  • Chapter 41: Invasion of Sicily:
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    (towns and colonies of Sicily)

    The army and fleet under Hanno the Short was the main Carthaginian invasion fleet and hat the goal to reconquer Sicily from the Romans. 40,000 infantry, 8,000 cavalry, and 40 war elephants under Hanno's command first focused on retaking the western coast of the city, where Carthaginian colonies and cities could provide a loyal supply line for the future advance into the island. But the Romans where very aware of these situation and had stationed one of their fleets and a whole Legion in Lilybaeum to secure the western coast of Sicily and maybe even to prepare the invasion of the African mainland and the city of Carthage itself. Hanno the Short dangerously moved trough the Aegatian isles by night and landed his forces in Drepanum before the Romans spotted him or could engage with his fleet or his invasion landings. 5,000 Legionaries, 300 cavalry and the same number of auxiliary troops had fortified Lilybaeum and even further than it had been in the First Roman War and at the start of the Second Roman War. The great natural harbor was vital for the future operations of Hanno on the Island because just as much like Rome the Carthaginians needed continuous reinforcements and communication with their mainlands. Lilybaeum was also much better than Drepanum and unlike the Romans in the east of the islands that could use their own ports or even the greek ports of the city of Syracusae it was more than unlikely that the Sicilian Greeks would support Hannibal and the Carthaginian, at this point their former enemies in their hegemonic fight over the Island.

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    (roads in Sicily)

    Hanno the Short (who was not related to Hanno the Great) left a part of his army behind to secure Drepanum, while he split his main army in two. He and the main army of 24,000 infantry, 5,000 cavalry and 24 elephants would march to Lilybaeum, besiege the city and take it to secure the former western Carthaginian territories in Sicily (in the western territory of Elymi). The second, smaller army under his Commander Melqartpilles with 6,000 infantry, 3,000 cavalry, and 16 war elephants had the order to march over Eryx on to take Panormus and Soloeis. Their main objective was not only to take the last lost Carthaginian colonies and towns in the northwest of Sicily, but also to stop the second roman army from assisting or to relieve the army in Lilybaeum by either destroying them in open battle, or by blocking their way and forcing them to take the long southern route over Syracusae. The plan was solid and Hanno hoped that he would archive his goals and a victory in western Sicily. When that was done he would have the ports and the base of operations to push into the middle of Sicily from where they could advance onto the Roman ans Syracuse east of Sicily.

    Hanno the Short had hoped that the Roman commander would engage him right after the landing at Drepanum, so that he could engage them in battle, weaken them, march south and in turn besieged Syracuse. Hanno's army was composed of Libyans, Hesperians, Celts and even Ligurians and not as unified in weapons, uniforms or even united command structure than that of the Romans and their allies, but like all Carthaginian Strategos Hanno had experience in warfare with Mercenaries. Syracusae had not yet allied with Rome yet and Hannibal hoped that it either would stay neutral in his conquest of Sicily, or even better side with him to drive the Romans out of the city. In the future Hannibal as well as Hanno hoped that Syracusae would side with him on the long term because that would shorten the Carthaginian supply routes for operations in the eastern parts of the island. As both armies were dependent on supplies overseas together with the Syracusaen Tyrant and his fleet Hannibal hoped that he could cut of the roman supply lines with his navy, but to do so his navy had to beat the roman navy in battle first to become superior in the waters around Sicily. In the first Roman War the mighty Sicilian city of Syracuse and several other smaller Carthaginian dependencies in Sicily had defected from Carthage and switched to the Roman side. Hannibal hoped that the same situation would reaped this time the other way around after his Strategos and Commanders had won a few battles against the Romans, that had soon become as unpopular as the Carthaginians before under the native population of Sicily after a short time of rule.

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    (the city of Lilybaeum)

    The march of Hannibals main army of was not intercepted by the Romans and their allies, but Hanno was sure that his large landing and his army had been spotted. He knew that he had to act fast, before the Romans could send supplies and he knew from the last battle of Lilybaeum where the Romans outnumbered the Carthaginians ten to one with 100,000, that on the long run he needed to be fast if he wanted to conquer Sicily and he also needed a steady stream of supply as much as he needed to cut the Romans off from their supply lines in Sicily or the invasion and fight over the Island would soon end like the last one even before Hannibal had marched trough Gaul and into Italy. Speed was just as important as splitting the Roman forces all over the western Mediterranean by attacking them whenever possible, wherever possible. The siege of Lillibaeum could easily take a few month and to help him in his assault Hanno the Short had brought 20 large catapults, 50 small catapults, 27 Ballista and a few Scorpions to help his assault before the second Roman army could march towards the city and stop his siege. In the past war of Sicily in the First Roman War and even in the Wars against the Greeks over the wealth Island the Carthaginians had relied on fortified strong-points throughout the island, and their plan was to use a mercenary army that could operate in the open against the Romans, while the strongly fortified cities would provide a defensive base from which to operate. The overwhelming Roman numbers, their siege equipment and their ability to replace lost fleets and armies under high cost had proven how superior and dangerous the Romans could be. They even adapted a superior fighting tactic on see thanks to the corvus boarding device and managed to break the Carthaginian naval superiority in the Western Mediterranean. As much as Shophet Hannibal his Strategos like Hanno knew that speed, preparation and the moment of surprise were key in defeating the Romans this time. But the fortifications of Lilybaeum were to strong at the moment and Hanno ordered to build two fortified camps and contravallation next to these of the Roman army and the city walls to cut the city off from supplies by land. At least that was what the Romans thought, but Hanno knew of their superior fleet in the harbor and had no intention to risk his own fleet just now by attacking their fleet in the fortified harbor of the city. If Hanno could lure them out that would be fantastic and that was the goal as he ordered his fleet to drive by the city in sight of the Roman watch towers, but far away enough to be not engaged that fast and easily. In the meantime Hannos siege camp secured itself against the outside in case the other Roman army could bypass or even defend his second, northern army. Now in a secure siege position, Hanno ordered the building of bigger and better siege equipment from local resources such like siege towers, so he would be able to assault Lilybaeum and besiege the city directly instead of just surrounding it and possible starving it out over months.

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    (current situation in Sicily, like on the main map, blue is Roman, gray is Greek and yellow Carthaginian held territory, this map will change colours for quiet some years and time in this Timeline belive me)

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    My next post will have the Battle of Lilybaeum in it!
     
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    Chapter 42: The Motya Raid
  • Chapter 42: The Motya Raid:
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    While Hanno the Short hat no intention to attack the greater roman fleet in the harbor of Lilybaeum his fleet commander Hiempsal had other plans. He secured the Carthaginian transport fleet till they were out of reach of the roman fleet and then turned around to sail behind the Aegatian islands once more. Then he turned south and as the Romans thought he was long sailing to the harbor of Carthage he surprisingly passed the Shallows with his fleet and attacked the beached roman warships and transports right next to it. Since the roman mobilizations the Senate of Roma had prepared 220 Quinqueremes and parts of this fleets were in Iberia, Messilia, or at the coats of Italy. One fleet was intercepted by Cartage as it attempted to reinforce Sardinia, while another evacuated Corsica and a part of the Sicilian fleet (25 ships) had just invaded Malta and secured it. Right now there had been 50 ships at Lilybaeum under Marcus Amellius. Carthage had used parts of it's Libyan fleet in Carthage itself was sent to support the Invasion of Sardinia and another part secured the coast of Carthage's homeland in Libya itself. Hiempsal's fleet under Hanno the Short originally had a fleet of 40 Quinqueremes and 30 Triremes together with some transport ships land in Drepanum. A part of his fleet returned to Carthage, to guard the transports all the way and to engage any possible roman counter attack or direct invasion on the coast. However a fleet of 10 Quinqueremes and 20 Triremes returned, passed the Shallow and started to raid, attack and burn the Roman ships that beached there. Soon Hiempsal had burned these ships and even managed to capture tree of them with mostly punic slaves on them. Together these ships sailed past the mole next to the island of Motya. Hiempsal managed to burn and destroy some ships of the second part of the roman fleet there, but some of these were already manned and started a counter attack. The Romans blocked the path of the Carthaginian fleet at Motya and forced Hiempsal to turn around. Only 34 Roman ships were left, but the Romans also started to used land based catapults and Hiempsal feared that they could encircle him, or prevent him from sailing trough the Shallows again. Hiempsal managed to destroy five more Roman ships as he turned his fleet around as forceful as he could. Before he could escape he lost 4 Quinqueremes (one stranded at the coast while on the run) and seven Triremes (two stranded on the coast) before he could escape. The Motya Raid was a Carthaginian success but under great own costs. Hanno the Short was outraged at first because Hiempsal disobeyed his direct orders, but his courage and success managed him to get pardoned by Hannibal himself. Even Hanno had to admit that the raid weakened the Roman strength in Lilybaeum and aided him in his plan of attack as he besieged the city (even more so since his siege weapons and camps had already taken two months. The Romans that desperately needed these ships to supply the besieged city now had to get new ships from other theaters of the war or had to face shorter supplies and a much stronger Carthaginian attack on Lilybaeum that could endanger their position in western Sicily.
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    I think my maps are getting a little better?!
     
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    Chapter 43: The Siege of Lilybaeum
  • Chapter 43: The Siege of Lilybaeum
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    The Battle of Lilybaeum was the first major battle in the Carthaginian Invasion of Sicily in the Second Roman War. After a few months of siege Hanno the Short finally stormed the weakened city. Needles to say the roman fortifications were well prepared. The city wall was strengthened and between the two roman camps and the city itself a moat was build but not quiet filled with water yet. With the sea to the north, west and south and the east strongly fortified, the Roman position was very strong. Only the salt-pans were a weakness in the roman fortification along the harbor since they could not carry a wall or other fortifications, but that was no point to attack because of the nearby roman camp. The Romans felt safe, even after the raid and the siege by Hanno, believing that they would hold the city against the Punic forces. Since the city was the most valuable in western Sicily the Romans knew that it could be a target of Carthaginian invasion forces and fortified it even further. In addition to that the natural harbor was an ideal base for roman operations against Africa itself. The Carthaginian on the other hand were willing to take the city to use it against further attacks into Sicily. Sicily itself could later be used for further attacks on Italy the Carthaginians under Hannibal hoped. The Romans themselves had armed some loyal citizens within the city, but most of them were from punic heritage, so they mistrusted them to secretly ally or plot with Hanno and give him the city by treason. Because of that Marcus Amellius ordered some of his troops to guard the gates and streets and also to watch the citizens to prevent sabotage fire and other acts of war against his rule. A task that was anything but easy since the city was crowded with refugees that had come for shelter from the areas around the city as the Carthaginian army marched south to besiege it a few months ago. The Romans had set up additional defenses just before Hanno arrived and also harvested the crops from the area.

    The final attack if Hanno the Great was lead against the wall between both Roman camps. There was the weakest point of the fortifications and despite being in the middle both roman camps and probably surrounded Hanno knew that the Romans couldn't use the artillery from their ships there and that their marine Legionaries would have a difficult time assist their troops before the city. Amelius was surprised that the Carthaginians had chosen to attack there and managed to break his walls. As the Carthaginians advanced with their heavy siege equipment and used the Romans own defenses before their Camps to secure their break trough Marcus realized that he had underestimated his enemy Hanno. Already short on supplies his Legionaries were not in the best shape, but the roman fleet prevented the city starve and its inhabitants to surrender until now. The Carthaginians began digging a system of ditches and small forts from their siege fortification right trough the hole they had breached into the outer Roman wall.

    The Romans on the other hand build their own fortifications to stop the Carthaginian advance. The northern Roman Camp was now cut of from the other Camp and the city itself thanks to the Carthaginian advance. At first there was a stalemate, but the continued Carthaginian catapult shots and fire missiles crushed their defenses in the camp. The roman cavalry from the camp, originally stationed there to push any advance against the roman first wall between the gap back had no chance storming the Carthaginian siege fortifications. As the Punic troops stormed the Camp a last attempt to ride out for a fight was crushed by the Carthaginian slinger and throwers, by their rocks and javelinmen as well as carthaginian war elephants. The roman main forces from the city and the second camp tried to help their fellow Legionnaires, but couldn't break trough the defenses put up by the Punic.

    Still the Carthaginians feign retreat and the Romans attacked from the city to help their besieged camp. The troops of Marcus Amelius stormed out to fight the attackers and Hanno's trap worked like charm. While the Carthaginian infantry turned around from the fight against the Camp and battled the Roman defenders between Lilybaeum and the outer camp wall the Carthaginian (mostly numidian and hesperian) cavalry -secretly hidden behind parts of the Carthaginian counter-walls- pushed in from the side and back. The romans surprised and surrounded rooted, many returned to the city walls or the second roman camp. From their they tried to attack Hanno's forces, but the troops that were left in the camp and between the walls behind were slaughtered by Hanno's forces. For weeks the tench warfare continued as the Carthaginians filled the flooded areas and moats to drive their siege equipment onto the walls.

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    Before the battle itself the Romans evacuated their second camp in fear that Hanno's troops might cut it off from supplies to and besiege it separately, further weakening their forces. Hanno's Scorpions shot the fleeing Romans on the bridge between the city and their former outer camp, while his catapults tried to break the weaker walls at the harbor. As they were broken trough Hanno led his infantry storm the city steads, helped by the Elephants as mobile little siege towers. The Romans already weak from short supplies tried to fight and had to realist that their second army would not come to their aid in time. As the Carthaginian advanced into the harbor they were helped, because the local population, now with the broken walls sure that Hanno would take the city from the Romans rioted against them. A part of the roman army wanted to continue fighting and hold the city until reinforcements would arrive, another part (mostly auxiliaries and mercenaries) realized that they were now outnumbered and tried to fight it's way to the harbor to bard the roman ships there. They managed to defend an Punic attack on the major city fort but still lost the harbor and thereby the only root for further supplies.

    At first the Romans tried to evacuate their own troops out of the harbor, but Hanno's catapults, ballista and scorpions now shot their fleet from the conquered hill where the first lost roman camp had stood. Panic occurred and some troops jumped into the harbor to swim to the ships, but most of them drowned thanks to their heavy armor. In the streets Hanno's elephants caused havoc and crushed any walls, fortifications and defenses the Romans had previously build. The Carthaginian cavalry on the other hand had heavy losses and was hold back by Hanno so his infantry could clean the streets in close-quarter combat with the Romans. Still the battle wasn't over as long as the major garrison in the castle walls was still fighting. Hanno feared that they could hold out till the second Roman army would arrive and ordered his towers from the walls to use the gaps between the destroyed walls and some destroyed houses to push forward till they reached this inner city wall. The Carthaginians were victorious in storming this last defended position even if the Romans attacked in small groups from some houses behind their lines and managed to set some of their siege towers and other siege equipment on fire as it was moved trough the city.

    The surviving Romans were sold into slavery, while most of the Roman fleet managed to escape under heavy Carthaginian fire from land. The next morning the last defenders were crushed and most of the fires within the city cleared. Hanno immediately ordered his troops and some of the population to rebuild the stonewall as well as the outer camps and walls as soon as possible and to finish that moat before the cit and to fill it with water as fast as they could. Hanno originally planned on marching to attack and take Mazara and Selinus, but he wanted to wait for news of his northern army and how their battle against the Romans went before doing so. Because he acted kindly towards the mostly Punic inhabitants of the city and stopped his army from plundering it and enslaving the population Hanno not only obeyed Hanniba's orders, but managed to send a positive signal out for the other cities of the isle, that would soften their attitude towards Carthage and his plans for Sicily. At the same time Hannibal secretly negotiated for an alliance with Syracuse, but he was not very successful. The northern Carthaginian army under Commander Melqartpilles with 6,000 infantry, 3,000 cavalry, and 16 war elephants that had managed to secure Segesta and the former Punic Ponormus in the meantime had hoped to take Soloeis too. But the Romans second army was already at Himera and they both arrived at Soloeis at the same time. Melqartpilles knew he had to defend or stop the Romans if he wished to secure Hanno's siege in Lilybaeum but that was more easily said than done, because the Romans and their auxiliary troops together outnumbered him with 10,000 Legionaries and 600 cavalry in total. Melqartpilles only hope was that he could use his cavalry wisely to outmaneuver the enemy and to turn the coming battle in his favor.

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    Chapter 44: The Battle of Soloeis
  • Chapter 44: The Battle of Soloeis:
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    The Battle of Soloeis took place near Soloeis, right next to Panormus and Himera. Commander Melqartpilles had hoped to liberate the former Punic town of Soloeis from the Romans but they arrived there just right before him. The Carthaginian cavalry had scouted the area unknowing how fast the Romans were and with exact number their army had. Melqartpilles cavalry spotter them at a nearby farmstead with it's small stone walls. While the Romans tried to use these walls and some collected larger stones to set up a line of defense, Melqartpilles rushed for a nearby gill to get a upper position over his enemy. The battle plan was simple, the Carthaginians had gathered their 3,000 cavalry on their left flank, while the 6,000 infantry was building a line on the right. Their 16 elephants were kept as a reserve in case the bigger Roman army would break trough. Melqartpilles first line was mead up by slinger and javelin throwers, with light and heavy infantry behind them. His plan was to shot the Romans from up the hill, so that their wall defense would not help them at all while his cavalry had the order to circle the wall on the left flank and attack the back of the Romans.

    The Roman Commander had a similar tactic, after the Carthaginians showed themselves on the hill and started attacking with range weapons. Soon realizing that the wall would not provide enough protection, the Roman he ordered his troops to protect themselves with their shields and to attack the Punic army uphill. At the same time his own cavalry charged up on the Carthaginian right flank to outflank them in a similar manner that they hoped to outflank the Roman army. Thanks to their own defense the wall and the attack up the hill the Romans lost their formation and were in a disadvantage while the Carthaginian attacked them with more stones and javelins. On the left Carthaginian flank some of the Roman Legionaires tried a counteroffensive against the Carthaginian cavalry, but were to slow to catch them. Fast their cavalry turned around and managed to crush the light Infantry of the Romans that was standing in their last formation line and helping the attack by throwing spears on the enemy. They were crushed by the Carthaginian cavalry but soon forced to retreat thanks to a Roman infantry and cavalry counterattack.

    At the same time the Roman cavalry had reached the Carthaginian flanks but was met by a line of Hoplite shields and spears, that had been positioned just in time to guard the flank from their attack. None the less this attack limited the maneuverability of the Punic army and pressed their front-line directly against these of the Romans down the hill. The smaller Carthaginian numbers were out of breath after a long fight and the Romans seamed to break trough. Just in time the Carthaginian cavalry arrived at the back of the Romans to weaken their own front-line and to archive a stalemate. The Carthaginians tried to use their elephants to evoke fear into the Roman cavalry and infantry but had little success, as the Roman cavalry arrived to once again attack the Carthaginian cavalry and to stop their advance. Still no side could break trough and after a long fight, both armies withdraw under many thousand causalities. While the Punic population of Soloeis had hoped for a victory of Melqartpilles the city still hold a small roman garrison and with the remaining Roman army nearby he could not dare to take the city, or even camp nearby. So he retreated his army back to Panormus. The Roman Commander on the other side did not take shelter in Soloeis either because he feared the Punic natives could turn against him and his army when they build their camp nearby. So he retreated to Thermae the city before Himera, unknown that the siege Lilybaeum had already begun.

    His remaining options were to turn south over the mountains to either march to Selinus, Heraclea and even Acragas, or to stay near Thermae itself to prevent the Carthaginians from advancing further into the east of Sicily via the northern route. From here he could stop the northern army of Carthage, while on the other side of the mountains the other Roman army even in retread could easily hold Enna, Acragas, Hereclea, Selinus and Mazara all the way to Lilybaeum on their own as long as he prevented the Carthaginian army to fall in their back by using the mountains. So he decided to watch the mountain passes in order to prevent the Carthaginians from blocking the southern roads for the Roman armies. From Thermae he could control the south and eastern mountain pass, so that the Carthaginian forces only could attack in the south by taking Lilybaeum and then any other city and town on their way. As he heard news of the Roman defeat at the siege of Lilybaeum he knew that his position had even become more important and used his cavalry to regular scout the mountain pass and the southern roads for any advancing second Carthaginian army. He also wanted to explore the terrain in case he had to march south against the second Carthaginian army. Who knew when and how fast new Roman army would arrive over Syracusae and if the Greek city itself might switch sides once again like in the First Punic War the Roman Commander thought and that was the fear of some Senators in Roma too. Most importand Sicily was the first Roman province outside of the Italian peninsula, but with the landing of the Carthaginian invasion force many of the Sicilian cities begann to revolt against Roman rule. A situation that became even more serious, as the Punic troops managed to take control of western Sardinia and all of Corsica thanks to own armies and local rebells and sympathizers. So Rome not only had to fight the troops of Carthago, but also send troops to put down the rebellions and stop the Carthaginian sympathizers and spies, while also worrying about the loyality of it's ally Syracuse.
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    Chapter 45: Rumble in the Senate
  • Chapter 45: Rumble in the Senate:
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    The loss of two Legions in Iberia, the evacuation of half of the Legion in Corsica and the defeat and retread of another Legion in Sicily has dealt heavy blows to the Roman strategy and strength. Landowners in Corsica, rich Senators were furious about the evacuation of the Island and the loss of their land, wealth and prosperity. Some landowners in Sardinia and Sicily had the same problems, while others on the island feared to have the same fate soon. The Roman Commander who evacuated Corsica was stripped of his title and position. The Roman plan was to punish the Carthaginians for their aggression against the Iberian League, to force them to surrender the warmonger Hannibal, to claim their Iberian Holdings for themselves and accept that their zone of influence was restricted just to Africa. Unbelievable the Carthaginian Senate was refusing their offer and chose war over the Roman demands as it seamed. But instead of following the Roman plans of fighting in Iberia, where the own ally of the Iberian League should be supported to stop the Carthaginian armies and to conquer their territory, the enemy was taking the initiative himself. The Iberian League was close before collapse, the enemy had taken Corsica and landed in Sardinia and Sicily, the offensive was at the moment in the hands of Carthage, a unbearable situation.

    More important the own losses had to be replaced with fresh manpower, weapons, payment, ships and other supplies. A strong fleet had to secure the landing of one full Legion to reconquer Corsica, another Legion had to be send to Sicily to retake Lilybaeum and to stop any further advances of the Carthaginian in the south of the Island. That left only one reserve army for another attack on Iberian holdings of Carthage, or just a direct help for the remaining, or rebelling tribes of the Iberian League. Clearly the Senate argued that new Romans, Latins and other Italian auxiliaries had to be recruited to form new armies for counterattacks and the needed defense of the Italian homeland. Since one of the Carthaginian armies in Iberia could easily take the land or sea-route in southern Gaul to Italy, or help the Invasion in Sardinia, Sicily or even Italy itself it was clear that the pressure in the region had to continue. Because of that the own regions in Illyria and Hellas as well as southern Italy had to remain low secured, so that the army in Tarentum could be send to once again attack Iberia together with the last reserve army. Clearly the Po valley army was nearer and this strategy opened the possessions in Illyria and Hellas for the ambitions of Philip V of Macedonia, as long as no new trained armies were ready to secure these roman provinces, but at the moment there was peace with Macedon and Philip was distracted by his own wars in Hellas itself against some of the Greeks there. On the other hand the army of the Po valley could not just easily be pulled out, because of the Galic and Celtic tribes there that attacked Roman allies and Roman settlements and rioted against Roman rule. Also one of the Carthaginian armies could take the route over the Mediterranean or southern Gaul and this army would be the nearest to encounter it. This strategy left the Romans the possibility to block the Alp passes with this army, or counterattack another Invasion and move on the Islands between Italy and Africa as well as directly helping Messilia or the Rest of the Iberian League with additional troops if the Carthaginian didn't stop at the Pyrenees and continued to put pressure in Messilia, Sardinia, Corsica, Sicily or any left territories of the Iberian League.
     
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    Chapter 46: Sicilian Diplomacy
  • Chapter 46: Sicilian Diplomacy:
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    (new city of Selinus)

    After the Battle of Lilybaeum Hanno the Short waited for new supplies from Libya and rebuild the cities defenses, in case of a Roman counter attack. Hanno's negotiators arrived in Segesta and Selinus former rival cities, that had once been under Carthaginian territory and rule in Sicily. The population of Segesta was mixed Elymian and Ionian Greek, though the Elymians were soon Hellenized and took on external characteristics of Greek life. Segesta was in constant conflict with Selinus, a nearby city, which probably tried to assure itself a port on the Tyrrhenian Sea. The first clashes were in 580-576 BC, and again in 454 BC, but later the conflict would have repercussions for all of Sicily. In 415 BC Segesta asked Athens for help against Selinus, leading to a disastrous Athenian expedition to Sicily (415-413 BC). Later they asked Carthage for help, leading to the total destruction of the city of Selinus by the hands of Carthage. Segesta remained an ally of Carthage, it was besieged by Dionysius od Syracusae in 397 BC, and it was destroyed by Agathocles in 307 BC, but recovered. In 276 BC the city was allied with Pyrrhus and later Carthage, but changed side in 260 BC when it surrendered to the Romans. The city was not punished by the Romans for its long alliance with Carthage, but owing to the mythical common origin of the Romans and the Elymians (both descendants of refugees from Troy) it was granted the state of a "free and immune" city. As much as the loss of Lilybaeum was a turning point in the First Roman War, the capture of the City by Hanno was another major impact in Sicily and a great Carthaginian victory. Fast the city of Segesta accepted the new tributes to Hanno and allied themselves with him in fear of his great army and in hope that he would be a better overlord than the Romans who claimed everything for themselves.

    Selinunte (Selinus) was one of the most important of the Greek colonies in Sicily, situated on the southwest coast of that island, at the mouth of the small river of the same name, and 6.5 km west of the Hypsas river. It was founded, according to the historian Thucydides, by a colony from the Sicilian city of Megera Hyblaea, under the leadership of a man called Pammilus, about 100 years after the foundation of Megara Hyblaea, with the help of colonists from Megera in Greece, which was Megara Hyblaea's mother city. The date of its foundation cannot be precisely fixed, as Thucydides indicates it only by reference to the foundation of Megara Hyblaea, which is itself not accurately known, but it may be placed about 628 BCE. Diodorus places it 22 years earlier, or 650 BCE, and Hirenymus still further back in 654 BCE. The date from Thucydides, which is probably the most likely, is incompatible with this earlier date. The name is supposed to have been derived from quantities of wild celery (selinon) that grew on the spot. For the same reason, they adopted the celery leaf as the symbol on their coins. Selinunte was the most westerly of the Greek colonies in Sicily, and for this reason they soon came into contact with the Phoenicians/Punic of western Sicily and the native Sicilians in the west and northwest of the island. The Phoenicians do not at first seem to have conflicted with them; but as early as 580 BCE the Selinuntines were engaged in hostilities with the non-Greek Elymian people of Segesta, whose territory bordered their own. A body of emigrants from Rhodes and Cnidus who subsequently founded Lipara, supported the Segestans on this occasion, leading to their victory; but disputes and hostilities between the Segestans and Selinuntines seem to have occurred frequently, and it is possible that when Diodorus speaks of the Segestans being at war with the Lilybaens (modern Marsala) in 454 BCE, that the Selinuntines are the people really meant.

    The river Mazarus, which at that time appears to have formed the boundary with Segesta, was only about 25 km west of Selinunte; and it is certain that at a somewhat later period the territory of Selinunte extended to its banks, and that that city had a fort and emporium at its mouth. On the other side Selinunte's territory certainly extended as far as the Halycus (modern Platani), at the mouth of which it founded the colony of Minora, or Heracleia, as it was afterward called. It is clear, therefore, that Selinunte had already achieved great power and prosperity; but very little information survives about its history. Like most of the Sicilian cities, it passed from an olygarchy to a tyranny, and about 510 BCE was subject to a despot named Peithagorass, who was overthrown with the assistance of the Spartan Euryleon, one of the companions of Doreius. Euryleon himself ruled the city, for a little while, but was speedily overthrown and put to death by the Selinuntines. The Selinuntines supported the Carthaginians during the great expedition of Hamilcar (480 BCE); they even promised to send a contingent to the Carthaginian army, but this did not arrive until after Hamilcar's defeat at the Battle of Himera.

    The Selinuntines are next mentioned in 466 BCE, co-operating with the other cities of Sicily to help the Syracusan to expel Thasybulus. Thucydides speaks of Selinunte just before the Athenian expedition in 416 BCE as a powerful and wealthy city, possessing great resources for war both by land and sea, and having large stores of wealth accumulated in its temples. Diodorus also represents it at the time of the Carthaginian invasion, as having enjoyed a long period of tranquility, and possessing a numerous population. The walls of Selinunte enclosed an area of approximately 100 hectares (250 acres). The population of the city has been estimated at 14,000 to 19,000 people during the fifth century BC.

    In 416 BCE, a renewal of the earlier disputes between Selinunte and Segesta led to the great Athenian expedition to Sicily. The Selinuntines called on Syracuse for assistance, and were able to blockade the Segestans; but the Segestans appealed to Athens for help. The Athenians do not appear to have taken any immediate action to save Segesta, but no further conflict around Segesta is recorded. When the Athenian expedition first arrived in Sicily (415 BCE), Thucydides presents the general Nicias as proposing that the Athenians should proceed to Selinunte at once and compel the Selinuntines to surrender on moderate terms; but this advice was overruled and the expedition sailed against Syracuse instead. As a result, the Selinuntines played only a minor part in the subsequent operations. They are, however, mentioned on several occasions providing troops to the Syracusans; and it was at Selinunte that the large Peloponnesian force sent to support Gylippus landed in the spring of 413 BCE, having been driven over to the coast of Africa by a tempest.

    The defeat of the Athenian armament apparently left the Segestans at the mercy of their rivals. They surrendered the frontier district that was the original subject of dispute to Selinunte. The Selinuntines, however, were not satisfied with this concession, and continued their hostility against them, leading the Segestans to seek assistance from Carthage. After some hesitation, Carthage sent a small force, with the assistance of which the Segestans defeated the Selinuntines in a battle. The Carthaginians in the following spring (409 BCE) sent over a vast army containing 100,000 men, according to the lowest ancient estimate, led by Hannibal Mago (the grandson of Hamilcar that was killed at Himera). The army landed at Lilybaeum, and directly marched from there to Selinunte. The city's inhabitants had not expected such a force and were wholly unprepared to resist it. The city fortifications were, in many places, in disrepair, and the armed forces promised by Syracuse, Acragas and Gela, were not ready and did not arrive in time. The Selinuntines fought the Carthaginians on their own and continued to defend their individual houses even after the walls were breached. However, the enemy's overwhelming numbers made resistance hopeless, and after a ten-day siege the city was taken and most of the defenders put to death. According to sources, 16,000 of the citizens of Selinunte were killed, 5,000 were taken prisoner, and 2,600 under the command of Empedion escaped to Acragas. Subsequently, a considerable number of the survivors and fugitives were gathered together by Hermocrates of Syracuse, and established within the walls of the city. Shortly after, Hannibal destroyed the city walls, but gave permission to the surviving inhabitants to return and occupy it as tributaries of Carthage. A considerable part of the citizens of Selinunte took up this offer, which was confirmed by the treaty subsequently concluded between Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, and the Carthaginians, in 405 BCE.

    The Selinuntines are again mentioned in 397 BCE when they supported Dionysius during his war with Carthage; but both the city and territory were again given up to the Carthaginians by the peace of 383 BCE. Although Dionysius reconquered it shortly before his death, it soon returned to Carthaginian control. The Halycus River, which was established as the eastern boundary of the Carthaginian dominion in Sicily by the treaty of 383 BCE, seems to have generally continued to have been the border, despite temporary interruptions; and was again fixed as the border by the treaty with Agathoceles in 314 BCE. This last treaty expressly stipulated that Selinunte, as well as Heracleia and Himera, were subjects of Carthage, as before. In 276 BCE, however, during the expedition of Pyrrhus to Sicily, the Selinuntines voluntarily joined Pyrrhus, after the capture of Heracleia. By the First Roman War, Selinunte was again under Carthaginian control, and its territory was repeatedly the theater of military operations between the Romans and the Carthaginians. But before the close of the war (about 250 BCE), when the Carthaginians were beginning to pull back, and confine themselves to the defense of as few places as possible, they removed all the inhabitants of Selinunte to Lilybaeum and destroyed the city.

    With the arrival of the Carthaginian support troops, the arriving of a new garrison in the city of Lilybaeum and after hearing from the retreat of the Romans in northern Sicily, the time seamed right for the army of Hanno the Short to march along the roads to the newly allied cities of Segesta and Selinus. His army was now famous for retaking Lilybaeum and the former tributary cities that were rebuild until now and the alliance with Segesta and Selinus was formed. Hanno now used the city of Selinus as his forward camp and planned his advance over the southern roads right to Syracusae inside the secure city walls.
     
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    Chapter 47: The Second Battle for Soloeis
  • Chapter 47: The Second Battle for Soloeis:
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    In the north the Carthaginian Army under Commander Melqartpilles had received news from Soloeis, that the city siding with him a few days after the battle, but that they needed security against the Roman Army, that camped nearby in Himera. In the next night, Melqartpilles ordered his cavalry, all together 2,467 man (Nubians, Hesperians and Libyans) to secretly rush to the city to help the defenders, in case the Romans attacked and to also encourage the loyal citizens, that Carthage indeed hat returned to Sicily and was ready to fight and die for them. Right after this, Melqartpilles ordered his remaining 4,285 infantry to also march to the direction of the city, but logically this troops were way slower. Right after Melqartpilles heard news, that the Romans new he was marching to the city again he forced his soldiers to march as fast as they could. But the remaining roman army with 8,457 Legionaries and 348 cavalry had not been lazy, they had build siege weapons in their camp at Himera to besiege the Punics at Panormus. Now that Soloeis had sided with the Carthaginian instead of fearing the Roman Power, they were ready, to use these weapons against the traitorous northern Sicilian city.

    The Roman Army and their equipment arrived before Melqartpilles and his main army at the city of Soloeis. Since the Roman Commander knew, that the main Carthaginian army was on it's way, he ordered to attack the city immediately, hoping he could face and beat both enemy forces separately. Soon the walls were breaking and the Romans entered the city. Most citizens were only poorly trained, equipped or even lacked all military training and understanding, but were willing to defend their home. So he pushed towards the walls with his siege equipment, only to have most of his siege towers, slowly burned and destroyed by the enemy. So the Romans shot the walls with what was left of their siege weapons and break trough at several points while their Legionaries were still fighting on the walls against the defenders. With the walls finally gone the Roman forces stormed the city, but the Carthaginian defenders used the small streets to hold their advance under terrible own losses. The cavalry that Melqartpilles had send the night before was what was preventing a fast Roman victory as it was running through the city helping out at all street fights where the defenders seamed to break.

    But their numbers were getting weaker and weaker and just as all hope seamed lost, Melqartpilles main army arrived at the city. They stopped the Roman attack in the streets and even managed to surround and eliminate some of the Roman Cohorts inside Soloeis. For hours the battle raged on and Melqartpilles himself died under the siege. His dead was not worth less since the Carthaginian defenders managed to hold the lines long enough to defeat the Roman attack on Soloais and drive them out of the city. The Roman army had heavy causalities and the last part of the Punic army even managed to attack them from behind, causing the retread to become a panicked escape. The Roman army was unable to fight on any longer without fresh troops and supplies and retreaded back to Himera. While Soloeis was now under Carthaginian control, many buildings of the city and even it's defense wall was destroyed. The rebuilding of the defenses would take time, but more important, after their losses in the battle, and the dead of Melqartpilles the remaining Punic army cease to exist as a force that could withstand another Roman attack on the city.

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    (Sicily after the last events)
     
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    Chapter 48: Hannibal's Family
  • Chapter 48: Hannibal's Family:
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    Hannibal's wife Himilce (or Imilce) was of the Hesperian tribe of the Oretans, from the city of Castulo. She married Hannibal, to gain an alliance with the mighty Nova Carthage and stayed by his side. With the siege of Sargunt, Himilce was sent to Gades by Hannibal and traveled to Carthage by sea. As a princess of one of the most important cities at that time in upper region of the Hesperian coast, the town had aroused the interest of the Phoenicians of Gades because of its mineral resources, and its ancient wealth had found expression in some of the most beautiful works of orientalizing art. Himilce herself had according to some scribe a truly Punic name: it is quite legitimate to recognize in it the barely modified Semitic root m-l-k, the 'chief, the 'king'. From her union with Hannibal, a son was born, during the siege of Saguntum. Before leaving for Italy, Hannibal took the mother and her still young child on a relatively long journey to Gades, where he put his family on a vessel bound for Carthage, to protect them from the vicissitudes of war. While at sea Himilce fixing her gaze on the shores of Hesperia, until the ship's progress hides them from her sight. In Carthage some of the priests wanted to sacrifice Hannibal's firstborn son, but Himilce, the Strategos and Shophet's wife, was naturally opposed to that terrible decision and obtained from the Council the suspension of the sacrifice to inform her husband; Hannibal refused to sacrifice his son and in exchange he swore to sacrifice 'a thousand enemies' and did so. Himilce and her strong will became famous in Carthage and as the wife of the Shophet she became a influential figure, even without a seat inside the Senate. She and her son Milkpilles were secure in the capital Carthage and one more reason for Hannibal to force the Romans to fight everywhere outside of Libya, so that the heartland of Carthage and his family would stay safe.
     
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    Chapter 49: Battle of Kaiskata/Bursau
  • Chapter 49: Battle of Kaiskata/Bursau:
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    In Hesperia, Strategos Hasdrubal and his remaining army of 48.000 infantry, 3.600 cavalry and 11 war elephants aided by 12,360 warriors of allied tribes and vassals, against the last army of the Iberian League in the now surrounded territories of the Celtiberian Federation. His enemies had gathered additional warriors from the nearby tribes and their allies, letting their army grow up to nearly 70.000 warriors and more than 86,000 relief forces as reserve troops. They gathered everything they had left in their part of the Iberian League, hoping to crush Hasdrubal and retake the lost own territories as well as pushing the Carthaginians out of Iberia. The main forces of the Celtiberian federation were some Greek, or semi-Greek heavy Hoplites, the rest of their army was made up by Warriors with swords and axes. The Iberians also had a few thousand cavalry, but less than under Hasdrubals Command. The Iberians also had many archers in their ranks. Hasdrubals main force had many Falcatesair and Hoplites in their ranks, as well as some archer, slinger and cavalry. Thanks to his scouting, Hasdrubal knew that the Iberians had a far superior number and that they tried to use that to their advantage by forming a very long battle line, that could outflank his own. Many of Hasdrubals units were equipped with mixed Iberian, Libyan, Greek and Punic weapons and armor, but the Iberians were just equally un-unified with their armor and weapons.

    Hasdrubal saw that the Celtiberi troops tried to outflank him by sheer numbers, so he used his cavalry, to scout their position and prepared for their strategy. His fast light cavalry tried to throw javelin at the enemy and Hasdrubal even tried his new slinger cavalry to lure some of the enemy troops away from their main battle line, so that he could fight them and maybe use the then formed gap to push between it and split their forces. Sadly for the Carthaginian Strategos his enemies were not falling for his trap and instead holding their line. Hasdrubal's only chance was that the line of his enemies was long and their remaining troops were a bit far behind. Maybe he still could separate them somehow, beating them with a superior strategy. The field of battle was like the Savanna in Libya, a few forests and trees but even some grassland in between. The Iberian push was hard and Hasdrubals heavy infantry was able to hold the line against the fearsome and overwhelming barbaric warriors. His forces were pushed backwards and now it was the gods that helped Hasdrubal, he was sure about it. The Iberian army, sure that they would crush his smaller army was eager to destroy him, but in their moment of triumph, their greatest weakness stole the victory. While pushing forward the Celtiberian troops lost their line of battle and formation. Some of them stopped engaging Hasrdubal's troops others caused these of them that retreated or were fleeing.

    Some troops even tried to outflank the Carthaginian army and surround them from the sides, but thanks to their lower command structure and discipline many of the tribal warbands were going in the wrong direction within the forests or even surprised by fast cavalry attacks of Hasdrubal's troops. Hasdrubal prayed to the gods, own and enemy alike that this would not be his last day. His cavalry managed to slow down the enemies flanking maneuver and he decided it was time for a counter attack before he was surrounded and crushed. So he ordered his Falcatesair and Hoplites to use their smaller spears to form a pike-wall while using their longer Spears to additional keep the enemy away from their line of defense. Additionally he let's his men threw stones, javelin and everything else they could spare at the enemy.

    The Iberian mass tried to brake this central line of defense, but couldn't quiet break trough. Troops in the front wanted to escape backwards, troops behind them pushed forward. Many were scrunched, even more panicked and lost all formation and some tribes openly rout. Not all tribes of the Iberian League were open enemies of Carthage, not all were friends with Rome, Messilia or even the coastal Greeks. In this moment of truth former enemies turned from the battlefield letting the Carthaginians kill the warriors of tribes they hated more and longer than they knew the Punic people themselves. Some enemy tribes even attacked each other (since some were bribed by Hasdrubal) and tried to get away with it, only increasing the chaos and fighting in the own lines more. In this decisive battle the Iberian League broke, same did the Celtiberi Federation. Not because of Hasdrubal and his military genius, but because their disrespect and mutual hostility against some other tribes and their allies. The Iberian League managed to cover these problems up for a few years, but when push came to shove the League collapsed because it was never meant to be together in the first place. Hasdrubal's cavalry cased many of the fleeing and now splintered warrior and groups, at the end of the day Hadrubal's troops killed 34.800 while losing a few thousand own, but many Iberians/Hesperians escaped. With Numantia gone and this last great army shattered Hasdrubal's victory was great, but the good Strategos would make it's own victory even greater.

    While Hannibal was marching to conquer the Messilian territories in the Northeast, Hasdrubal used his new insight on Hesperia to divide and conquer. He sends massages to all still independent tribes and groups within the remaining Celtiberian Federation and even some already conquered but rebellious lands. He promised these that were willing to accept Carthaginian rule and dominance that he would not touch their territory, families or traditions and religion, but they had to pay tributes to Carthage and it's war effort. Some of these taxes would later be invested in their own lands by building roads, modern towns and other things like bridges, channels or aqueducts and theaters. These tribes that did not comply to these rules were soon attacked one by one with Hasdrubals large and fast cavalry army and some Warriors and Mercenaries of the allied, nearby Hesperian tribes. Some used this system to finally beat century long enemy tribes and getting their territory while Charthage got slaves and parts of the victims treasure too, but the strategy worked. What was left of Celtiberi fell to Hasdrubal town after town and he even managed to recruit a whole new army. This Hesperian army was mostly made up by Hesperian warriors, tribesman and mercenaries and hat only a few Punic and Greek as Officers, but it would widely help Hasdrubal together with new troops from Libya to maintain law and order in all of Hesperia and to repel any attempt of Rome or Messilia to invade or conquer Carthagos territories he hoped. Still the land was not secured and many tribes continued to rebel or raid Carthago and it's allied tribes separately for many generations to come until they were finally pacified and Carthaginized in 29-17 BC.


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    Conquest of Hesperia, Battle of Rhodes (Roses) and Emporion, Part 1
  • Chapter 50: Conquest of Hesperia, Battle of Rhodes (Roses) and Emporion, Part 1:
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    (the city of Emporion: on the Island there is the district of Palaiapolis, the "old city", right next to it on the mainland ther is Neapolis, the "new city" and the great main city part of Neaneapolis, the "newest city" buils by Iberians, Greeks from Massalia and Romans together)

    It was July/August 218 BC as Hannibal crossed the boarder the remaining Hesperian lands of Massilia focused on driving the Roman ally out of Hesperia. The city of Emporion (a name that meant trading place) was once founded founded on a small island at the mouth of the river Fluvia, in a region inhabited by the Indigetes. This city came to be known as the Palaiapolis, the "old city" when, towards 550 BC, the inhabitants moved to the mainland, creating the Neapolis, the "new city". After the conquest of Phoecea by the Persian king Cyprus II in 530 BC, the new city's population increased considerably through the influx of refugees. In the face of strong pressure from Carthage, the city managed to retain its independent Hellenic character. Political and commercial agreements were concluded with the indigenous population long settled in the nearby city of Indika. Situated as it was on the coastal commercial route between Massalia and Tartessos in the far south of Iberia, the city developed into a large economic and commercial centre as well as being the largest Greek colony in the Peninsula. Before the Second Punic/Roman War, Ampurias joined the Iberian League and allied itself with Rome, and the Roman Scipio brothers initiated the conquest of Iberia from this city in 218 BC before their dead after facing Hannibal. The history of the city was linked with the Greek commercial expansion along the north eastern coast of the peninsula. As early as 600 BC, Corinthian traders had established a major colony at Massalia (Marseilles) in the south of France, and about 25 years later an offshoot was founded at Emporion. Although Emporion was never to acquire the status of Massalia, it became the principal commercial settlement for all the north east, and Greece's major town in the peninsula. A small settlement called Rhodes (Rosas) across the bay from Emporium played a similar trading role. Like the Phoenicians, the Greeks did not penetrate far inland, but neither did they sail much beyond the straits of Gibraltar, possibly put off by tales the Phoenicians brought back of thick mud, choking weeds and sea monsters. And again, like the Phoenicians, the Greeks did not mingle much with the Iberians who inhabited the Mediterranean coast. On the contrary, the ancient plans of the city of Emporion reveal a wall that divided the Greek district (which extended inland for about 1000 feet) from the native section. Only one gate opened from the wall and this was guarded around the clock. Later Emporion and Rhodes had become the economic, cultural and trading centers of Massalia and played a important role for Massalia, Rome and their allies in the Iberian League thanks to the trade and supply routes that were coming over both cities. The origins of Roses (Greek: Rhode) are disputed. A popular theory holds it was founded in the 8th century BC by Greek colonists from Rhodes. It seems more probable that it was founded in the 5th century BC by Greeks from Massalia, perhaps with an admixture of colonists from neighboring Emporion.

    Now they were all that was left of Rome and Massilia in Hesperia, with the Iberian League crushed, Hannibal did not attempt to let these enemy pockets survive, as thorns in the side of his Hesperian body. Hannibal knew that these cities were build by Romans, Greek and Iberians together, that they were a expansion of all their knowledge of building cities and fortifications put together. Not to mention that unlike before where he had just battle Iberian League Armies and a few Romans he could surprise, he would now face real Greek Armies from Massilia, advised by Romans and made up by Greek Hoplites and fearsome, very disciplined and well trained Iberian warriors, soldiers and mercenaries. He also knew that his enemies had fortified the cities even further since he had attacked the Iberian League a few mounts ago. An enemy army within a secure fortified city, well trained in battling Gallic and Iberian tribes. Hannibal's army after Tarraco had 45,900 man, 7,600 cavalry 15 war elephants and 6,750 hesperian mercenaries left, but some new troops from the Carthaginian Hesperia arrived soon and the Hesperian tribes of the Lacetani, the Suessetani and the Ausetani allied themselves with Hannibal in fear of his previous victories and his great army. Together they let his army grow to 51,000 man, 8,200 cavalry and 50 war elephants in total. As news from spies in southern Gaul arrived that Massilia and Rome were preparing new armies to be shipped to Hesperia, Hannibal knew he had to defend the last two enemy cities soon, cross the Pyrenees and advance trough southern Gaul. With him in Gaul neither Massilia nor Rome could dare and risk to move their troops to Hesperia when they had to fear that he would attack Massilia itself, or follow the Coastal route to Italy. They would have to stop and engage him, playing by his rules and by doing so stop any new invasion of Hesperia for the moment, giving Hasdrubal and Carthage time to fortify and strengthen their position in the controlled land there as well as building new fortifications, castles and train new armies and troops to defend these territories. Not to mention that control of this region would give Carthage access to more Copper in Hesperia. They already got Copper, Tin, Gold and Lead for their war from Hesperia, as well as Iron from the west coast of southern Gaul.

    Hannibal's enemies in Emporion and Rhodes had cities filled with refugees, fleeing from Hannibal, even some Iberian Soldiers and surviving Roman Legionaries from the last battles. The cities were well fortified, with walls and towers, as well as with catapults in them. Hannibal didn't bring his Hesperian Fleet from Carthago Nova because of it's recent losses and also because he didn't think his fleet would help very much at this two attacks and was better of defending the coastal trade and the coastal towns against their enemies. The towns were defended by Hoplites as well as more tribal warriors with shields, axes and swords, but also many were equipped with mixed Iberian, Roman and Greek armor and swords. This situation would later lead to confusing skirmishes, as Hannibal and Carthage themselves used Greek (Iberian, Messilian and even Roman armor and weapons to better equip their fresh trained troops or Mercenaries. In total the Messilians had 28,000 troops, most of them infantry, Iberians and Messilians alike, and additional 3,640 cavalry that had proven itself to be very effective against Gaulish and Iberian tribal raiders.
     
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    Conquest of Hesperia, Battle of Rhodes (Roses) and Emporion, Part 2
  • Conquest of Hesperia, Battle of Rhodes (Roses) and Emporion, Part 2:
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    Hannibal's plan was simple, he wanted to break the wall between the city and the harbor. No long siege, no long fight, just cutting the city of Emporion from it's supplies and at the same time directly storming the streets. A dangerous strategy, especially when the enemy had Hoplite troops that could easily build spear and shield walls to prevent him from advancing trough the streets. But Hannibal was confident, that his Hoplites could do the same, while his Falcatesair weakened the enemy Hoplites with throwing spears and his tribal Hesperian warriors and mercenaries (mostly spearman and swordsman) would clean up what was left of them after that. But that was just the plan and who knew if it would work like that in the real battle.

    When Hannibal arrived at Emporion the city had already been prepared for his assault. A wooden palisade and extra fortifications were build right before the stone wall of the city and they extant between the stonewall gap between in the cape of an L that extended between the city itself and it's harbor. Hannibal positioned his army around the whole city, so the enemy would be unsure where he would directly attack. Since he outnumbered his enemy, Hannibal could easily do so without risking to spread his men to much. The Messilians had heard of Hannibal's previous battles and were unwilling to directly confront Hannibal outside the city. So they set up their defenses inside the city, where his numbers would not count. Since the Messilian Commander knew he could not hold the wall between the city and it's harbor part, he abandoned this wall in favor of protecting the rest of the main city.

    Hannibal's troops attacked this part of the wall directly and managed to take it for Carthage, but this battle was far from over. Hannibal then destroyed a part of the wall to let a large part of his army enter the city directly. Most of his tribal warriors then turned down to the harbor, where they only encountered a few enemy troops from their ships and after finishing them plundered the harbor and it's goods. Without the same moral and command some of these troops focused on plundering and looted rather than returning north to help Hannibal in the rest of his siege. As Hannibals troops reached the main city he was immediately stopped by the positions the Messilian's had took at the outer city houses. The Messilian Hoplites and warriors stopped Hannibal's massed troops and threw spears and stones at them and fired arrows.

    Hannibal on the other hand held back his war elephants and cavalry as they couldn't do much against this defense inside the small streets of the city. Carthaginian troops stopped right before the defense line of Messilia and counterattacked them with rocks and javelin, as well as arrows to break their moral, numbers and positions. Slowly but steady Hannibal's Falcatesair managed to break the Messilian Phalanxes and pushed them back inside the city, conquering streets and houses on their way. At the same time the Messilians and Carthaginian were beginning to fight inside and over the single houses, as spear and stone throwers as well as archers were now using them, to assist their troop in the streets by raining down death to their enemies.

    The fight continued until the night and Carthage was gaining more and more ground, while heaving great causalities just like the Messilian, who were also heaving enormous losses in this battle. Hannibal was worried about his main infantry and now tried to focus on pushing through some single streets to flank or surround the Messilian lines of defense while sparing his own troops. In the middle of the night Hannibal ordered his cavalry and elephants to now finally break and outmaneuver the already weakened enemy and succeed in doing so. As the new day was coming Hannibal controlled most of the city, while Messilian troops were escaping trough the second harbor, to regroup in Rhodes. But with Emporion gone there was little the remaining enemy troops could now do against Hannibal's superior army, even less so now that the Carthaginian Iberian fleet was coming from the south over Tarraco with some fresh troops and supplies. The Messilian Commanders of both cities used their remaining trade an warships to evacuate the rest of their army, fearing that Hannibal would turn further north to the homeland of Messilia and that these troops would be needed defending their hometown instead of some already surrounded and outnumbered colonies in Iberia.

    After the battle was over Hannibal who had lost just over 4,000 men marched to Rhodes, where some of his Commanders had already build bridges to assault the city as his siege of Emporion was still going. Messilia put up quiet a fight but had to retread thanks to them being totally outnumbered after Hannibal's troops managed to capture the hill position above the city and the fortification and castle there under own heavy losses. Another 1,000 troops were lost for Hannibal but he also had destroyed the enemy holdout in Hesperia and made a few thousand slaves from enemy soldiers alone. His allied Hesperian tribes and some wounder mercenaries, soldiers and their families gained the right to settle on the conquered land. Hannibal ordered 20,000 of his troops to garrison newly conquered region. Later at the Pyrenees, he released 11,000 Hesperian troops who showed reluctance to leave their homeland and also let them settle in the eastern conquered part of the former coast of the Iberian Leage. Hannibal then entered Gaul with a new structured army of 40,000 foot soldiers, 12,000 horsemen and a total 50 war elephants. Hannibal recognized that he still needed to cross the Pyrenees, the Alps, and many significant rivers. Additionally, he would have to contend with opposition from the Gauls, whose territory he passed through. So Hannibal crossed the Pyrenees and marched towards the Rhone and Messilia by conciliating the Gaulish chiefs along his passage before the Romans could take any measures to bar his advance. His next step into Gaul would be the City of Agathe or Agde under Messilian control in southern Gaul after crossing the Pyrenees, but unlike in Hesperia Hannibal's did not plan on taking it to guard or control it for his expanding empire yet. He was sure that his sheer force would be enough to get supplies and money out of the city so that he could march on into Messilian territory without a fight yet. He was eager to not let his march be halted anymore now that the Messilian force was already weakened enough to not be any more danger for Carthaginian Hesperia and now that their weakened fleets were no longer a match for their own in the western Mediterranean without Rome. With the captured trade and transport ships from Eporion and Rhodes Hannibal strengthened Hasdrubal's defense of Hesperia, as well as sending some troops further south to protect the Baleares, Libya or the newly needed supply lines for the invasion troops in Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily.
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    Chapter 51: Mare Tyrrhenum
  • Chapter 51: Mare Tyrrhenum:
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    The Romans had to change their plans. Now that Carthage ruled all of Iberia, their priority had to be securing their ally Massilia instead of attacking the peninsula once again. So a Roman army was ordered to southern Gaul, to defend Massilia and the southern Alps from Hannibal, while the fleet tat should have transporter this army to Iberia was used to protect a transport fleet for Corsia. Instead of using one reserve army for another attack on Iberian holdings of Carthage the senate had ordered that retaking all of Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily should have priority, because Carthage could use this Islands as bases for raiding and invading the Italian coast, that was simply to big to patrol it everywhere. So a new Roman Commander was send as a Consul from Populonium, to relief and liberate the islands of Corsica and Sardinia that had become so important for Rome, because Corsica provided wax and Sardinia provided very much grain for the mighty Roman Republic. Gaius Samnion Pulcher was to lead the Roman fleets and the army to Corsica. While the fleets simple should cover their invasion and prevent the Carthaginian fleets from intercepting like in the reinforcement of Sardinia, Gaius himself planned to use the army to invite Aleria and retake the rest of Corsica from there, kicking the Punics out of the Island and the Roman province of Corsica and Sardinia. In the meantime, the army under Tiberius Sempronius Longus was reordered from Malta with his Quinqueremes and his army, that was originally intended to support the invasion from Lilybaeum into Libya, to take Carthage and force the enemy to surrender now returned to Sicily. The invasion of Libya could not succeed if the supports from Italy over Sicily would be cut off thanks to the Carthaginian foothold and conquest of the island. That and the loss and evacuation of Lilybaeum were the main reason the army from Malta under Tiberius was ordered back, to secure the south part of Sicily. Originally they intended to land in Selenius, but the city had already switched sides with the Punic barbarians, so the army instead landed in Heraclea and communicated with Syracuse and the other towns, cities and Roman garrisons and commanders in Sicily to get a overall view of the current Situation. When they heard of the loss of the northern Roman Army in the Second Battle of Soloeis shortly after the First Battle of Soloeis, Tiberius ordered his troops to retread to Agrigentum (Acragas), so he could counter any further Carthaginian advance in the north by countering their attack, or threatening their supply if they would advance further than Termini Imerese and Himera. Tiberius also send some of his troops to Enna and Petra to guard and watch these passes, so the Punics could not use them without his knowledge and surround his troops in the south of Sicily. But as long as Thermae was not secured, he did not dare to attack Selinus and Mazara to march to Lilybaeum and retake the important Carthaginian supply base and garrison there. Little did he knew that after the Second Battle of Soloeis the Carthaginian had not enough men left in the north to attack and take Thermae, or even defend Soloeis for another time. But even if he had known he could not spare own troops for the defense of Thermae and another attack on Soloeis as long as no other Roman army arrived, because Hanno the Short and his southern Carthaginian army could attack his position along the road of Heraclea and Acragas at any time on their conquest march towards Syracuse. So Tiberius had little chance than to be prepared for an attack of Hanno from the west or the supposed second Carthaginian army from Soloeis from the north until another Roman arm arrived at Himera to secure his northern flank so that he could deal with the southern Punic army. If the north soon had another Roman army arrive, maybe then Tiberius could advance trough Entella and cut of their supply route to Lilybaeum, while a part of his army besieged or hold the Punic steady at Selinus.
     
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    Chapter 52: Carthaginian pluralism
  • Chapter 52: Carthaginian pluralism:
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    Born in 250 BC Mhararpiles (later called the Older, or Mhararpiles of Tingis) was a Carthaginian philosopher that was fascinated by the history of the Barcid Dynasty in Hesperia and later traveled the lands of Carthaginian Hesperia together with is friend, the Punic historian Bodinelqart, after Hanno was killed and Hannibal had become Shophet of Carthage. While Bodinelqart later traveled to Italy with Hannibal's army, to write about a man just like Alexander the Great, Mhararpiles studied the common and different aspects of Hesperian and Punic life, culture, religion and traditions.The strength of the Barcid state and Hannibal's army came from diversity that much was clear for Mhararpiles after his travels to Hesperia. Mhararpiles later added Numidian life to it as he traveled to Carthage and later he even visit the eastern Mediterranean for his studies. His book "Pluralia Punic" would become one of the most read and best known books of the ancient world. Mhararpiles took the principles of the four elements fire, air, water and earth, as the "root"or "element" from witch association (philia) and separation (neikos) of these indestructible and unchangeable root elements, all other things came to be in a fullness (pleroma) of ratio (logos) and proportion (analogos). He argued that these physics could be projected onto man, society and even the state himself. First man had created trade and communities thanks to the gods and thanks to their need of exchange between the elements (or themselves) to become something new in their exchange (trade). Mhararpiles argued that this slow process of interacting and creation of new things was what changed the world and drove men themselves. But his work was also a work of propaganda and ideology warfare against Carthage's worst enemy; Rome. Mhararpiles argued that the Punic and Carthaginian trade culture and pluralism (later mostly state pluralism) followed the natural order and the will of the gods. He compared these nature ordained by god, the own political/cultural pluralism as a "doctrine of multiplicity" with the similar but not so enlightened dualism "doctrine of duality" in other states, as well as the ungodly system of monoism "doctrine of unity", or in this case doctrine of forced unity in Italy and the surrounding Roman ruled Mediterranean as Mhararpiles called it. His thought became quit popular under the Greek states in the eastern Mediterranean too.
     
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    Chapter 53: Old and New Gods
  • Chapter 53: Old and New Gods:
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    The philosophy of Mhararpiles and the politics of Hannibal changed the former Punic/Greek rivalry into a solid trust and friendship. Greek traders and philosophic travels to Carthage more often as well as other tribes that lived within the Carthaginian Republic or traded with them. With this exchange of goods and ideas also came the exchange of faith and how people pictured the deities. Quiet Simular to the god Seapis, that Ptolemy I of Egypt introduced to unite Greek and Egyptian faith and people in his Empire new gods were born in Carthage itself. The Punic Melqart and his Greek pendant Hercules/Heracles were merged into the god Melcules (picture above). In a similar manner Ba'al Hammon and Cronus were merged into Bahanus and Tanit (also called Tinnit, Tannou or Tangou) was merged with her pendant Astarte to Tastarte. For all tree gods the symbols and iconography of Punic, Greek, and later Hesperian and Numidian were combined into the new cult. Hannibal himself ordered the building of a immense Melculeseum (any temple or religious precinct devoted to Melcules) in Carthago itself. From this primal temple other temples emerged all around the Carthaginian Republic and even some Hesperians and Numidian soon adopted the new faith. Likely the most important victory for the new faith in the Mediterranean was the building of a Herquart temple in the Ptolemaic Kingdom 's capital of Alexandria, another Melcules temple in the Seleucid Empires capital of Antioch and the Macedon Kingdom's capital of Pella, where the Macedonian Sun was arranged like a golden crown above the giant statue of the god. Melcules statues and pictures all along the Hellenised world (now including Carthage) featured the famous club, the skin of the Nemean Lion and sometimes even a bow and arrows.
     
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    Chapter 54: Carthaginian economy and trade, or all sea routes lead to Carthage
  • Chapter 54: Carthaginian economy and trade, or all sea routes lead to Carthage:

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    The Carthaginian commerce extended by sea throughout the Mediterranean and into the Atlantic as far as the Canary Islands, and by land across the Sahara desert. According to Aristotle, the Carthaginians and others had treaties of commerce to regulate their exports and imports. The empire of Carthage depended heavily on its trade with Tartessos (later conquered by Hannibal) and with other cities of the Iberian peninsula, from which it obtained vast quantities of silver, lead and copper and even more importantly tin ore, which was essential for the manufacture of bronze objects by the civilizations of antiquity. Carthaginian trade-relations with the Iberians, and the naval might that enforced Carthage's monopoly on this trade and the Atlantic tin trade, it the sole significant broker of tin and maker of bronze in its day. Maintaining this monopoly was one of the major sources of power and prosperity for Carthage; Carthaginian merchants strove to keep the location of the tin mines secret. In addition to its role as the sole significant distributor of tin, Carthage's central location in the Mediterranean and control of the waters between Sicily and Tunisia allowed it to control the eastern peoples' supply of tin. Carthage was also the Mediterranean's largest producer of silver, mined in Iberia and on the North African coast; after the tin monopoly, this was one of its most profitable trades. One mine in Iberia provided Hannibal with 300 Roman pounds (3.75 talents) of silver a day. This monopoly on tin and silver only grew after Hannibal's conquest of all of Hesperia. Carthage's economy began as an extension of that of its parent city, Tyre. Its massive merchant fleet traversed the trade routes mapped out by Tyre, and Carthage inherited from Tyre the trade in the extremely valuable dye Tyrian purple. No evidence of purple dye manufacture has been found at Carthage, but mounds of shells of the murex marine snails from which it derived have been found in excavations of the Punic towns at the coasts of northern Libya. Strabo mentions the purple dye-works of the ancient city of Zouchis. The purple dye became one of the most highly valued commodities in the ancient Mediterranean, being worth fifteen to twenty times its weight in gold. In Roman society, where adult males wore the toga as a national garment, the use of the toga praetexta, decorated with a stripe of Tyrian purple about two to three inches in width along its border, was reserved for magistrates and high priests. Broad purple stripes (latus clavus) were reserved for the togas of the senatorial class, while the equestrian class had the right to wear narrow stripes (angustus clavus). Carthage produced finely embroidered silks, dyed textiles of cotton, linen, and wool, artistic and functional pottery, faience, incense, and perfumes. Its artisans worked expertly with ivory, glassware, and wood, as well as with alabaster, bronze, brass, lead, gold, silver, and precious stones to create a wide array of goods, including mirrors, furniture and cabinetry, beds, bedding, and pillows, jewelry, arms, implements, and household items. It traded in salted Atlantic fish and fish sauce (garum) and brokered the manufactured, agricultural, and natural products of almost every Mediterranean people. These enormous economical might and wealth allowed Hannibal to pay his mercenaries and to maintain a modern war fleet of triremes, quadriremes and quinqueremes as well as a transport fleet that was more then ten times larger and able to maintain trade, military transports and Carthaginian invasions trough out the Second Roman War.

    In addition to manufacturing, Carthage practiced highly advanced and productive agriculture,using iron ploughs, irrigation, and crop rotation. Hannibal himself promoted agriculture to help increasing Carthage's economy and independence, he could immediately pay (10,000 talents or 800,000 Roman pounds of silver) for his military orders, recruiting and other public projects at the start of the Second Roman War. Carthage developed viticulture and wine production before the 4th century BC,and even exported its wines widely, as indicated by distinctive cigar-shaped Carthaginian that were traded all around the western Mediterranean. Carthage also shipped quantities of raisin wine, the passum of antiquity. Fruits including figs, pears, and pomegranates, as well as nuts, grain, grapes, dates, and olives were grown in the extensive hinterland, while Carthaginian olive oil was processed and exported all over the Mediterranean. Carthage also raised fine horses,the famous Carthaginian Libya-Nubian horses, later topped by the breed with the Carthaginian Hesperia horses to the Carthaginian Shophet horses. Carthage's merchant ships, which surpassed in number even those of the cities of the Levant, visited every major port of the Mediterranean, as well as Britain and the Atlantic coast of Africa. These ships were able to carry over 100 tons of goods. Carthage also sent caravans into the interior of Africa and Persia. It traded its manufactured and agricultural goods to the coastal and interior peoples of Africa for salt, gold, timber, ivory, ebony, apes, peacocks, skins, and hides.Its merchants invented the practice of sale by auction and used it to trade with the African tribes. In other ports, they tried to establish permanent warehouses or sell their goods in open-air markets. They obtained amber from Scandinavia, and from the Celtiberians, Gauls, and Celts they got amber, tin, silver, and furs. Sardinia and Corsica produced gold and silver for Carthage, and Phoenician settlements on islands such as Malta and the Balearic Islands produced commodities that would be sent back to Carthage for large-scale distribution. The city supplied poorer civilizations with simple products such as pottery, metallic objects, and ornamentations, often displacing the local manufacturing, but brought its best works to wealthier ones such as the Greeks and Etruscans. Carthage traded in almost every commodity wanted by the ancient world, including spices from Arabia, Africa and India, and slaves (the empire of Carthage temporarily held a portion of Europe and sent conquered white warriors into Northern African slavery).

    Herodotus wrote an account about 430 BC of Carthaginian trade on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. The Greek version of the Periplus of Hanno describes his voyage. Although it is not known just how far his fleet sailed on the African coastline, this short report, dating probably from the 5th or 6th century BC, identifies distinguishing geographic features such as a coastal volcano and an encounter with hairy hominids. Archaeological finds show evidence of all kinds of exchanges, from the vast quantities of tin needed for a bronze-based metals civilization to all manner of textiles, ceramics and fine metalwork. Before and in between the wars, Carthaginian merchants were in every port in the Mediterranean, trading in harbors with warehouses or from ships beached on the coast. The Etruscan language is imperfectly deciphered, but bilingual inscriptions found in archaeological excavations at the sites of Etruscan cities indicate the Phoenicians had trading relations with the Etruscans for centuries. There also was a a political and commercial alliance between Carthage and the Etruscan ruler of Caere that would corroborate Aristotle's statement that the Etruscans and Carthaginians were so close as to form almost one people. The Etruscan city-states were, at times, both commercial partners of Carthage and military allies.

    The merchant harbor at Carthage was developed, after settlement of the nearby Punic town of Utica. Eventually the surrounding countryside was brought into the orbit of the Punic urban centres, first commercially, then politically. Direct management over cultivation of neighboring lands by Punic owners followed. A 28-volume work on agriculture written in Punic by Mago, a retired army general (c. 300 BC), was translated into Latin and later into Greek. Olice trees, fruit trees, viniculture, bees, cattle, sheep, poultry, implements and farm manegement were amoungst his topics. In Punic farming society, according to Mago, the small estate owners were the chief producers. They were, not absent landlords. Rather, the likely reader of Mago was "the master of a relatively modest estate, from which, by great personal exertion, he extracted the maximum yield." Mago counselled the rural landowner, for the sake of their own 'utilitarian' interests, to treat carefully and well their managers and farm workers, or their overseers and slaves. Yet elsewhere these writers suggest that rural land ownership provided also a new power base among the city's nobility, for those resident in their country villas. By many, farming was viewed as an alternative endeavour to an urban business. Another modern historian opines that more often it was the urban merchant of Carthage who owned rural farming land to some profit, and also to retire there during the heat of summer. It may seem that Mago anticipated such an opinion, and instead issued this contrary advice: "The man who acquires an estate must sell his house, lest he prefer to live in the town rather than in the country. Anyone who prefers to live in a town has no need of an estate in the country. ...One who has bought land should sell his town house, so that he will have no desire to worship the household gods of the city rather than those of the country; the man who takes greater delight in his city residence will have no need of a country estate." Mago's agricultural manual was also a record of the farming knowledge of North Africans, namely Berbers (Amazighs). Mago's long work (it was divided into 28 books) has indubitably incorporated local Berber and Punic traditional practices, Carthage being a Phoenician colony, and North Africa the attic of the Mediterranean region, the Amazigh knowledge of Agriculture and Veterinary was extensive. It is obvious that Mago would have been, if not of Amazighe (Berber) origin, at least amazighophone: writing such a work on the agricultural and veterinary practices of the inhabitants of the local countryside (all Amazighophoones at the time!) would have been Impossible without the perfect knowledge of that language. It began with general advice like this: "One who has bought land should sell his town house so that he will have no desire to worship the household gods of the city rather than those of the country; the man who takes greater delight in his city residence will have no need of a country estate."

    Mago wrote about the following topics among others:
    • If buying a farm, sell your town house.
    • The most productive vineyards face north.
    • How to plant vines.
    • How to prune vines.
    • How to plant olives.
    • How to plant fruit trees.
    • How to harvest marsh plants.
    • Preparing various grains and pulses for grinding.
    • How to select bullocks.
    • Notes on the health of cattle.
    • Mules sometimes foal in Africa. Mules and mares foal in the twelfth month after conception.
    • Notes on farmyard animals.
    • Getting bees from the carcass of a bullock or ox.
    • The beekeeper should not kill drones.
    • How to preserve pomegranates.
    • How to make the best passum (raisin wine).

    The issues involved in rural land management also reveal underlying features of Punic society, its structure and stratification. The hired workers might be considered 'rural proletariat', drawn from the local Berbers. Whether or not there remained Berber landowners next to Punic-run farms is unclear. Some Berbers became sharecroppers. Slaves acquired for farm work were often prisoners of war. In lands outside Punic political control, independent Berbers cultivated grain and raised horses on their lands. Yet within the Punic domain that surrounded the city-state of Carthage, there were ethnic divisions in addition to the usual quasi feudal distinctions between lord and peasant, or master and servent. This inherent instability in the countryside drew the unwanted attention of potential invaders. Yet for long periods Carthage was able to manage these social difficulties.

    The many amphorae with Punic markings subsequently found about ancient Mediterranean coastal settlements testify to Carthaginian trade in locally made olive oil and wine. Carthage's agricultural production was held in high regard by the ancients, and rivaled that of Rome—they were once competitors, over their olive harvests. Under Roman rule, however, grain production (wheat and barley) for export increased dramatically in Libya. Visitors to the several growing regions that surrounded the city wrote admiringly of the lush green gardens, orchards, fields, irrigation channels, hedgerows (as boundaries), as well as the many prosperous farming towns located across the rural landscape. A agricultural system, that Hannibal and Mago would expand over all of Carthaginian Libya.

    Accordingly, the Greek author and compiler Diodorus Siculus (1st century BC), who enjoyed access to ancient writings later lost, and on which he based most of his writings, described agricultural land near the city of Carthage circa 310 BC: "It was divided into market gardens and orchards of all sorts of fruit trees, with many streams of water flowing in channels irrigating every part. There were country homes everywhere, lavishly built and covered with stucco. ... Part of the land was planted with vines, part with olives and other productive trees. Beyond these, cattle and sheep were pastured on the plains, and there were meadows with grazing horses."

    The Chora (farm lands of Carthage) encompassed a limited area: the north coastal tell, the lower river valley (inland from Utica), the cap and the adjacent sahel on the east coast. Punic culture here achieved the introduction of agricultural sciences first developed for lands of the eastern Mediterranean, and their adaptation to local Libyan conditions. The urban landscape of Carthage is was built on 'virgin' land, and situated at the end of a peninsula (per the ancient coastline). Here among "mud brick walls and beaten clay floors" (recently uncovered) were also found extensive cemeteries, which yielded evocative grave goods like clay masks. "Thanks to this burial archaeology we know more about archaic Carthage than about any other contemporary city in the western Mediterranean, historicans would later say." Already in the eighth century, fabric dyeing operations had been established, evident from crushed shells ofmurex (from which the 'Phoenician purple' was derived). Nonetheless, only a "meager picture" of the cultural life of the earliest pioneers in the city can be conjectured, and not much about housing, monuments or defenses. The two inner harbors (called in Punic cothon) were located in the southeast; one being commercial, and the other for war. Their definite functions are not entirely known, probably for the construction, outfitting, or repair of ships, perhaps also loading and unloading cargo. Larger anchorages existed to the north and south of the city. North and west of the cothon were located several industrial areas, some for metalworking and pottery, which could serve both inner harbors, and ships anchored to the south of the city.

    About the Byrsa, the citadel area to the north, considering its importance our knowledge of it is patchy. The Byrsa was the reported site of the main Temple of Eshmun (the healing god), at the top of a stairway of sixty steps. A temple of Tanit (the city's queen goddess) was likely situated on the slope of the 'lesser Byrsa' immediately to the east, which runs down toward the sea. Also situated on the Byrsa were luxury homes, of the Senators and rich Carthaginian families. South of the citadel, near the cothon (the inner harbors) was the tophet, a special and very old cemetery, then begun lay outside the city's boundaries. Here the Salammbô was located, the Sanctuary of Tanit, not a temple but an enclosure for placing stone stelae. These were mostly short and upright, carved for funeral purposes. Evidence from here may indicate the occurrence of child sacrifice. Probably the tophet burial fields were "dedicated at an early date, perhaps by the first settlers." Between the sea-filled cothon for shipping and the Byrsa heights lay the agora (Greek: "market"), the city-state's central marketplace for business and commerce. The agora was also an area of public squares and plazas, where the people might formally assemble, or gather for festivals. It was the site of religious shrines, and the location of whatever were the major municipal buildings of Carthage. Here beat the heart of civic life. In this district of the Carthage, more probably, the ruling suffets presided, the council of elders convened, the tribunal of the 104 met, and justice was dispensed at trials in the open air. Early residential districts wrapped around the Byrsa from the south to the north east. Houses usually were whitewashed and blank to the street, but within were courtyards open to the sky. In these neighborhoods multistory construction later became common, some up to six stories tall according to an ancient Greek author. These homes made up the city blocks. Stone stairs were set in the streets, and drainage was planned, in the form of soakways leaching into the sandy soil. Along the Byrsa's southern slope were located not only fine old homes, but also many of the earliest grave-sites, juxtaposed in small areas, interspersed with daily life.

    Artisan workshops were located in the city at sites north and west of the harbors. The location of three metal workshops (implied from iron slag and other vestiges of such activity) were found adjacent to the naval and commercial harbors, and another two were further up the hill toward the Byrsa citadel. Sites of pottery kilns have been identified, between the agora and the harbors, and further north. Earthenware often used Greek models. A fuller's shop for preparing woolen cloth (shrink and thicken) was evidently situated further to the west and south, then by the edge of the city. Carthage also produced objects of rare refinement. During the 4th and 3rd centuries, the sculptures and sarcophagi became works of art. "Bronze engravng and stone-carving reached their zenith." The elevation of the land at the promontory on the seashore to the north-east, was twice as high above sea level as that at the Byrsa (100 m and 50 m). In between runs a ridge, several times reaching 50 m; it continues northwestward along the seashore, and forms the edge of a plateau-like area between the Byrsa and the sea. Newer urban developments lay here in these northern districts. Surrounding Carthage were walls "of great strength" said in places to rise above 13 m, being nearly 10 m thick, according to ancient authors. To the west, three parallel walls were built. The walls altogether ran for about 33 kilometers (21 miles) to encircle the city. The heights of the Byrsa were additionally fortified.
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    Chapter 55: Hasdrubal the Navigator II
  • Chapter 55: Hasdrubal the Navigator II:
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    Hasdrubal now in control of all Hesperia had a quietly secured position. The former enemy tribes where shattered, those tribes that allied with Carthage supplied him with a major pool of manpower, tributes and other resources and riches. The whole Hesperia Megalos, the great province of Carthaginian Hesperia with all it's riches and up to 3,4 million inhabitants. That was as much as Rome had in Italy and way more than Carthago itself had in northern Libya at the moment. Since the west coast of Mauretania and it's tribes had allied with Hannibal and Carthage, (only the tribes on the other side of the mountain in the desert were still raiding Berber nomad's) but Mago's Libyan Strategy slowly kept them out of the rich coastal land under Carthaginian rule. Hanno himself had gathered a two expedition fleets at Gades, one to turn north to search for more riches and trade opportunities beyond the islands of Hesperia Ultima Nova Major (Britonia) and Hesperia Ultima Nova Minor (Hibernia). The southern fleet had the goal to follow his former expedition down the coast of Libya even further down south for the same reasons than the northern expedition. Both expedition were merely trade ships with goods and only a few soldiers, since Carthage couldn't manage to spare much of it's warships in this war if it wanted to beat Rome in the Mediterranean and secure it's trade.

    The first Phoenician traders arrived on the North African coast around 1,100 BC. The Phoenicians were not looking to conquer or settle, but simply for places to anchor their ships along the trading route towards Hesperia, which was a big source of silver and tin. Because of lack of manpower, the Phoenicians didn't hope to establish large colonies. Most of their settlements were small islands off the coast or easily defensible spots along the coast. Later the Carthaginians took over the existing Phoenician settlements and expand them to own cities. The Carthaginian empire was, like the Phoenicians, more commercially oriented than territorial focused. Thus, Carthage never excised political control except along the coastal port cities. Carthage's political plan was thus: assimilate the sedentary people who lived in these colonial cities into society and try and push the nomadic people who dwelt nearby beyond the borders of the colonies. Because things didn't go according to plan, three situations resulted. First was the chora, the nodal territories that Carthaginian land owners farmed by using Berber slaves which had been acquired by trade or conquest. The second situation was the dependent territories which were farmed by tax-paying Berber slaves, who often revolted against the Carthaginians. And third, there was the frontier, the independent territories where resistant nomads gathered, settled and began to imitate the Carthaginians ways in their farming, weapons, literacy, religious ideas, political ideas and making alliances with the imperial rivals.

    Hasdrubal ordered his fleet to sail south along the coast from Gades over Mauretania, where they exchanged trade goods in the own ports of Tingis, Zilis, Lixus, Tyhmiaterium and Sala. Part of Hasdrubals fleet was sailing to a group of island's in the middle of the Atlantis thalassa. The islands had before been visited by the Phoenicians and the Greeks as well as Hanno's expedition. Hanno had found no inhabitants, but large ruins of great buildings seen by his expedition and now by Hasdrubals fleet too implied that the island was once inhabited. Hasdrubal's fleet commander identified this archipelago beyond the Pillars of Hercules as Atlantis, the island of Atlas, that according to Plato was sunk in the waves for thousand of years. That part of Hasdrubal's fleet that had arrived at the Atlantis Islands (as the would be called from now on) had animals, plants and settlers for the islands aboard to establish small colonies and and ports for their future trade and military operations along the Atlantis thalassa and along the whole west coast of Libya.
     
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    Chapter 56: Mago's new strategy for Libya/Numidia
  • Chapter 56: Mago's new strategy for Libya/Numidia:

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    While Hasdrubal ordered his second expedition Mago in Libya had his own plans and strategy how to deal with the enemy Masaesyli. Not only was he working on his strategy of the Monopáti as a fortified boarder, Mago also recruited and trained more Massylii and Hesperian cavalry, to form a mobile army that could intercept any nomadic raids and in addition start counter attacks against their tribal lands. Mago knew that the nomadic tribes had very few towns and other urban settlements. So Mago came up with another strategy than just fortifying the boarder and colonize the land from the coast towards the mountains with new settlers from Hesperia. So Mago created smaller, faster cavalry groups stationed in the near of some groups of fortified farms, mansions and towns. Unlike normal garrisons all of these new troops were equipped with horses, mostly light cavalry. Mago called these troops the Astrapí/Barcids (Lightning), because they came out of nowhere, were fast and stroke fear into the hearts of their enemies. Since these mobile troops proved to be fast and strong enough to fight the nomads fast enough to intercept their raids, the Astrapi allowed Mago to guard more territory and borderland with lesser troops than before when the Carthaginian mostly used infantry. A set of watch tower with lightning signals was build and allowed the fast communication of troops and settlements in case of an attack. Carthaginian settlers could use this time to return to the safety of their fortified homes and towns, were they could arm themselves and prepare for the nomadic tribal attack, while the nearby Astrapi were send towards the direction where the nomads attacked. Needless to say this tactic combined with the fortification let the raids drop. But Mago was not satisfied with this outcome, he wanted -just like Hanno the Great- for Carthage to rule all of Libya without any competition for their power. So Mago decided that attacking was the best defense strategy and led his Astapi raid the nomads land, where they burnt their tent camps and killed the herds and families left behind, before the nomads raiders would return home. Mago was sure that this new strategy would teach the nomads how it felt to be on the other side of the raids and force them to stop raiding Carthaginian lands. Some smaller tribes and groups indeed stopped raiding the Punic lands and traveled down south of the mountains, raiding other people, while some small tribes even surrendered to Mago, willing to give up their aggression, before the Carthaginian destroyed what little was left of their herds and families after the raids of the Astrapi. Mago accepted these terms and even led these tribes use the rich grassland and oasis in Carthaginian territory under the term that they had to secure their weapons inside Carthago's territory and be at all time watched and guarded by Astrapi and other cavalry troops and guards. This strategy even if only used by these few, small tribes, that had surrendered to Mago's forces, wasn't popular among many of the settlers in Libya that had previously been raided by these people. Mago managed to convinced some of these surrendered nomadic tribes to resettle in Hesperia, where they behaved, some even believing that the Punic and their Gods had brought them to the great grasslands and forests of heaven, where it was green every day. The rest was forced to leave the Carthaginian territory because they caused unrest for the settlers they had raided before, but some that behaved fine could stay. These nomads that stayed were resettled to small colonial towns were Hesperian settlers, eager for own wide farmland were located. These new Hesperians had no hate with the nomads that had former raided the towns in Libya because they hadn't been there yet. While they heard some stories, they also tried to work thinks out because some of these Hesperian tribes and people had previously also been enemies of Carthage, but were given a new chance as their tribal lands now were part of the Republic of Carthage. The call for new land had made them travel to Libya, sometimes whole towns were coming and resettling in the new, wide land. While most of the nomads were not convinced to give up their lifestyle and settle at only one place, they soon discovered that their caravans could make good money out of the trade between these territories instead of just raiding them. That also prevented them from getting attacked themselves by the Carthaginians again. Over the next hundred years these tribes would marry into the Libyo-Punic and Punic people and be part of the Senate in Carthage as one of the richest Libyan trader dynasties on african land. It was a better future than these the other tribes faced that continued to fight against Carthage over the next decades.
     
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    Chapter 57: Battle over Sardinia
  • Chapter 57: Battle over Sardinia:
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    With Corsica secured, Hampsicora archived news from his son Josto, that the invasion of Sardinia hadn't quiet gone as good as planned, or as good as the Invasion of Corsica. Luckily for Hampsicora the Roman supply route after the loss of Corsica and the evacuation of their army was longer than that of the Carthaginians. Part of the Roman, evaluated army managed to land in Olbia, helping the defense of the City. They were less than 1,849 infantry and 174 cavalry, army and ship crews together, but they helped to secure the roman northeast of the island of Sardinia and held a second boarder open for supplies and fresh troops that could later open up a new front against the Punic presence on the Island in the north. Despite this the roman commander Quintus Mucius Scaevola was still waiting for another Roman army and fleet to start a new offensive in Sardinia, while the Carthaginian fleet tried to prevent this, while at the same time was shipping own troops to the island.

    Hampsicora, who was well known and popular among the inhabitants if Sardinia, managed to convince many of them to create weapons and fight for their independence from Rome instead of just letting the few own soldiers, garrison and the Carthaginian army fight for them. After the arrival of fresh Carthaginian troops Hasdrubal the Bald started a new offensive against the Roman holdings in the south. When he could manage to take Carales his own supply lines would be way shorter and then he could easily take out the rest of the Roman presence in the south and soon after the whole Island, since Sarcapos and Olbia couldn't hold out on their own any longer then. Hasdrubal managed to take Othoca and met the advancing Roman army halfway between Othoca and Carales. Hasdrubal the Bald was sure, thanks to his scouts, that his army was greater than that of the Romans and that he would beat them in open field battle. Hasdrubal even managed to convince the Roman commander that his army was smaller, because he had hidden most of it in the forests.

    The Romans under Quintus Mucius Scaevola were marching in two lines and had a strong defense. They didn't knew about the superior numbers of the Punic forces, so they tried to engage them in a normal battle. Then the superior roman infantry could deal with the enemy and his mercenary army. It was nearly to late that Quintus realized that the Carthaginian troops were far greater in numbers and now advancing over his flanks in a semicircle, to surround him. Sadly Hasdrubal's troops took to much time with their flanking maneuver and spread to thin at the sides of the Carthaginian line. The Roman infantry managed to stop the enemy at the center and the roman cavalry managed to counterattack one of the flanks. As the Romans pushed the Punic troops back, they accidentally opened a gap between their own lines and Hasdrubal immediately pushed between this hole in the enemy line with his war elephants and cavalry. The battle became messy and the Romans tried to shoot the elephants from the distant with javelin, arrows and short trowing spears, but the Carthaginian cavalry intercepted them. The former organized battle turned more and more into a mess with no clear front-line any more. The Roman army managed to turn another Carthaginian cavalry attack around, but to many own troops were routing at this moment and the Punic elephants trampled many fleeing troops, causing even more fear and panic. While Hasdrubal the Bald was victorious in the battle it was a Pyrrhic victory because he lost so many troops that another attack on the Romans, or even an attempt to besiege Carales was beyond his possibilities at the moment. While Othoca was captured, many nearby towns openly switched alliance to Carthage, but since Hasdrubal had lost so many troops he couldn't guard and defend them all. As the Romans send some of their troops to deal with these new rebels, they managed to retake some of this towns and massacred parts of their population as an example. An Example not only for Sardinia, but for other towns in Corsica, Sicily or Italy too, that would greatly influence Hannibal's later tactic and strategy in Italy itself as well as the Romans.
     
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