Chapter 58: Business Unusual
  • Chapter 58: Business Unusual:
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    Gennadios of Bithynia arrived in Carchedon (as the Hellenes called Carthage) with his trade ship Dytikós Ánemos (Western Wind) where he visited his old friend Bomilkar in his villa for a meal. He had traveled the eastern Mediterranean and was now returning home with money for his business partner Eshmunamash. While Gennadios as a Metic had archived many new rights under the rule of Hannibal, business was still easier with a Punic friend. While Gennadios traded Libyan goods to the east, Eshmunamash used the Talents of Gennadios to buy rich farmland in Libya. These farms were managed by local landlords and run by slaves and peasant mostly recruited from the local population.

    "Gennadios it's good to see you return safely in this time of war." the Punic man said at the harbor of Carthage said in bad Punic idiom.

    "It's good to be back to, we made ten Talent on this tour with our goods." the Hellene Gennadios that also felt as a Punic in Carchedon said in way better Punic than his friend spoke Greek.

    "That much? Where have you been all this months?" asked Eshmunamash interested.

    "Mostly in the Eastern Mesogeios (Mediterranean) between Alexandria and Athens." the Hellene laughed because he had been on some adventures ton these travels.

    "It's fantastic you made this much Talents, because now that Hesperia is secured thanks to Shophet Hannibal i was thinking about investing in some mining operations there old friend. The Romans may have damaged our economy and state, but the Shophet has given us more and wealthier land to compensate this in Hesperia." Eshmunamash said happily and proud of the Senate and the Shophet that ruled the Carthaginian Republic at the moment.

    "A good businesses opportunity indeed we should invest in Hesperian mines. I also heard that thinks were working quiet well with themselves liberation of the lost territories in Corsia, Sardinia and Sicily?!" Gennadios asked and his old friend was nodding with a big smile. It was great news for the Hellene too, because just like many of his fellow countryman he hoped that the Roman Invaders could soon be expelled from Hellas and Illyria.

    "Our current wealth and business also brought us a voting voice in the Senate, two to be accurate thanks to the rights Shophet Hannibal has offered these Metic that worked and lived here for over a decade." the Punic Eshmunamash told Hellenic friend Gennadios as he poured him some more wine.

    "Even more wonderful news, I think we should repay the great Shophet Hannibal for his good service to the people of the Carthaginian Republic." Gennadios said as a toast.

    "What do you have in mind old friend?" the Punic man asked interested.

    "Hannibal will soon be in need of more transports for troops and trade. How about we buy a whole fleet of such ships for low costs in the Eastern Mesogeios before other traders realize how much money we could make from this. We can even use them on the way along the Libyan coast to Carchedon to transport goods and mercenaries to the city." the Hellene said raising his amphorae.

    "And after we rent them to Hannibal for a good price we can use them again for our own trade between Carthaginian Hesperia, Carthaginian Libya, as well as the rest of the Mediterranean and Atlantis Thalassa after this was!" Eshmunamash agreed, now also raising his amphorae, as his slaves began to serve the meal.
     
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    Chapter 59: Sicily, Battle of the Halycus River
  • Chapter 59: Sicily, Battle of the Halycus River:
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    (Hanno the Short crossing the Halycus)

    The Halycus (Salty) river was located near Heraclea and positioned between the Roman Army in Agrigentum (Acragas) and Hanno the Short's army in Selinus. After hearing from the defeat of the northern Carthaginian army under Melqartpilles at Soloeis, Hanno was shocked and feared that the Romans would reconquer the lost cities of the North. Hanno already feared that the Romans could surround him and that he had to return to Lilybaeum to defend the important supply city before the Roman army would arrive. However, the more accurate full report of the messenger told him that while the army in Soloeis was annihilated, the Roman siege was also stopped and the remaining Roman Army had retreated to Himera. Since no new Roman army attack had already taken Soloeis and the left soldiers and residents of the city had starting to repair the broken wall defenses as good as they could with their remaining resources. Hanno realized that the Romans must have taken heavy causalities too and feared that splitting his troops again would endanger his position in the whole island of Sicily. So with Soloeis remaining for the moment and the allied cities of Segesta and Selinus, Hanno decided to take a risky plan. He started to march on Agrigentum and hoped if he could take the city, the pass trough the mountains over Mitrístrato would allow him to secure Panormus from the south. It would also enable him to threaten Enna inside the island, Himera in the north and the southern route to Syracuse, so that the Romans had to split their army around all these locations, just to confront his one army in Agrigentum. The already conquered north of Carthaginian Sicily would be secured by doing so and the Romans would be pressured in the whole eastern rest of Sicily even without any new Carthaginian army in the North of the island.

    As Hanno's troops marched onto Heraclea another positive side effect was that the city of Entella capitulatet/sided with him because now all of their trade routs to the coasts were controlled by Carthage and they were depending on Punic trade and good will for the future of their survival. The Roman Commander Tiberius Sempronius Longus had positioned his army and headquarters in Agrigentum as he heard of the advance of Hanno's army. He knew that his remaining warships could not raid the Punic supply routes to Sicily on their own. He ordered his remaining 25 warships to reunited with the remaining 34 from Lilybaeum in Syracuse, where they should await his orders to help him in retaking Lilibaeum when he had pushed the Punic enemy back to the western coast. But for his plan to be successful he had not only to stop, but to defeat Hanno's army. Since Agrigentum was conquered by the Carthaginians and the Greeks all over their wars in Sicily, Tiberius wasn't sure if he could hold the city alone, at least not if the northern victorious Carthaginian army of Soloeis would attack him to or even march on Himera to pressure the Roman's in the north. Tiberius only chance would be to stop Hanno and his troops before they lay siege to the city and outnumber him, so he marched west, ready for battle. Tiberius and Hanno arrived near Heraclea nearly at the same time and soon Hanno's troops tried to cross the river and advance onto the city. Tiberius himself figured they would do so and positioned one of his best Legionaries as well as most of his cavalry at the only nearby bridge. His plan was to cross the bridge fast and attack the Carthaginian troops from behind while they were still crossing the river at a shallow point and to simultaneously attack them with his main army at the other river side. A few well positioned Scorpions behind his troops should additionally fire death down on the enemy when he would be stuck in the river.

    Hanno had a similar plan than Tiberius and positioned half of his cavalry and some if his best infantry near the bridge, so he could hold it against the Roman advance. Originally Hanno planned on crossing the bridge with his troops and flank the Roman army while his army was marching across the river since he didn't knew the Romans also planned on using the small bridge for their own troops. As the battle started Hanno the Short spotted Tiberius troops on the other side of the river, so he stopped his plan to cross the shallow as the Romans started firing rocks, arrows and javelins at his troops from the other river side. Hanno ordered his troops to stand back, while he waited for his smaller flank army to attack the Roman back. Then when they would be distracted he planned the main assault over the River. The Romans under Tiberius instead hoped for their cavalry to pass the bridge and arrive behind the Carthaginians so fast that they would be unable to react.

    The fate of this day now was depending who could take the bridge for their own troops and flanking maneuver and luckily for Hanno his decision to use some Hoplites and Falcatesair together with his cavalry was the right decision. On the small bridge these heavily armored troops were able to withstand the advancing roman cavalry and some of their supporting infantry. Soon they even pushed them back, as the main army of the Romans under Tiberius started to cross the river themselves, realizing that the Punic army was not advancing out of fear of their superior infantry. Hanno ordered his heavy infantry to form a defense line outside of the Scorpions range but near the river so he could stop the Romans from crossing. On the bridge meanwhile the Carthaginian troops, their allies and mercenaries managed to push back the Romans thanks to a a phalanx line and slightly more and heavier troops than the Romans had with their cavalry. As the slaughter at the river crossing continued, the Carthaginian on the bridge managed to defeat and rout all remaining roman troops there and slowly but steady advanced towards the back of the roman main army.

    At the same time Hanno was sure that the enemy would break trough at any moment, because his men were exhausted and the Romans were making ground with fewer causalities than himself. Some of his mercenaries already flew escaped from the battlefield and the rest would not hold out any longer. At this crucial moment the Carthaginian flank troops arrived. While the remaining Punic cavalry attacked the roman scorpion crew, the flanking infantry attacked the back of the Roman army that tried ti cross the river. The causalities were high on each side and the army of Hanno was also so exhausted, that he feared he would not be able to take the nearby city of Heraclea. But Tiberius defeated army only regrouped at Heraclea, fearing that Hanno would besiege his beaten troops with a part of his army and march onto Acragas with the rest. As soon as his troops were able to fall back into the better defender city of Acragas, Tiberius did so. Hanno was more then happy that he could take Heraclea even if they at the moment were to exhaust to fight any longer themselves. Because of that Hanno's cavalry missed out on following the routing roman troops and slaughtering them, maybe even arrive at Acragas before them too. But it was not a total defeat for Tiberius either, he managed to save the majority of his army for the next fight and still hold onto the most important southern city of Acragas. Even more important but at this moment unknown to Tiberius, the mountain towns of Ieta and Petra did not surrender to Carthaginian rule like Entella had done before. Because of that they blocked the direct pass from Agrientum to Soloeis and Panomus, that would have further shorten Hanno's line of supplies and possibilities to march to the north of Sicily even more so than the road from Entella already did over the southwest of Panomus and Soloeis. With new Roman troops on the march to Sicily Hanno immediately ordered fresh troops for his own losses and another army for the northern advance. His request would take time because Sardinia had just lost a majority of their own army and needed also supplies and Corsica was facing a roman invasion. All these places needed their own supplies and fresh troops as well as Hesperia and Libya itself.
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    Chapter 60: Naval Battle of Mariana
  • Chapter 60: Naval Battle of Mariana:
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    In the first Roman War, the Romans had build 150 quinqueremes and triremes in a record two months. Hannibal knew if he wanted to keep his invasions and supply lines alive, he had to build a fleet as strong in the same time. Because of this need for ships Hannibal's expanded the Hesperian harbors and docks, because the supply with wood for these ships was easier in the peninsula than it was in Libya. On the downside this decision meant longer routes for this fleets till they arrived in the theater of war, the islands between Italy and Libya. One of the major naval battles of the Second Roman War would be the naval battle of Mariana, The native Corsicans spotted the Roman fleet that was coming from Populonium near Mariana and informed Mahar the Skilled, that the oppressors were coming to conquer the island once more. Mahar knew that he had no chance in defending Aleria against a Roman invasion fleet of 120 ships. So he contacted the Carthaginian supply fleets, that were now using Palla and Piantarella in the south of Corsica, instead of the further away harbor of Aliacum in the west of Island. The Carthaginian supply fleet in the south only had 80 ships to secure their transports and would need most of them to guard the fleet back on their way to Sardinia or Libya. Because of that chances didn't look good against the superior Roman fleet. Luckily for Carthage, this major fleet delayed many additional troop transports in southern Gaul and Hesperia, because some of the ships for them were needed in this invasion.

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    (the battle, coast is on the left)

    The Carthaginians send 40 of their ship north, to engage the enemy fleet under the Roman Commander Gaius Samnion Pulcher and because they were faster without the transports, they engaged the Romans near the city of Mariana. The Carthaginian fleet was outnumbered and the Roman Commander used two frontal battle lines and one reserve to full take advantage of his greater numbers. The Carthaginian on the other hand tried to use the coast and a thinner but longer line to surround the Roman fleet and to push it against the coast. At first the Punic tactic was successful, but the longer the battle raged, the more the Roman were winning in the center. Finally the Roman fleet managed to push rough and split part of the left Punis flank from the fleeing center and the still ongoing fights on the right Punic flank. Soon the rest of the right Carthaginian flanking maneuver faced superior roman ship numbers and retreated just like the center before. The Carthaginian rest fleet on the coast was surround and destroyed or captured. The Roman fleet lost 14 ships at the battle, while the Carthaginian fleet lost 18 ships (7 sunken and the rest captured by the Romans). The Invasion of Cosica could not be stopped and the attack of the fleet on Aleria continued.
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    Chapter 61: Aleria liberated
  • Chapter 61: Aleria liberated:

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    With the Roman fleet victorious, Mahar the Skilled, knew his remaining 8.000 infantry and 700 cavalry could not defend the coast or the city of Aleria against a Roman invasion. He and his Cosic allied tribes returned to the mountains and gave he eastern coast to roman hands without a fight. The Roman Commander used this opportunity to land 5,000 Legionaries, 300 cavalry and the same number of auxiliary troops near of Aleria and took the city soon after the landing on the same day. Gaius Samnion Pulcher then questioned the population of the city to knew more about the enemy army under Mahar. As he heard that the enemy had fewer troops than he had and that he had taken the longer route over the mountains, likely because otherwise thanks to the superior Roman fleet that could catch up to Mahar on the coastal road and maybe surround his fleeing troops by doing so the Punic troops had no other chance after his naval victory at Mariana, Gaius believed. Knowing that with his fleet his Romans would be faster than Mahars army, Gaius ordered his army to decide into four groups, 2,500 infantry and 150 cavalry each. Two of this groups traveled along the coast, one north, one south with 40 ships accompanying them, wile 37 ships remained in Aleria. 4,500 roman Legionaries and 250 cavalry also remained to defend the city, while a small group of 500 soldiers and 50 cavalry followed Mahar's army slowly over the mountain pass. They were ordered not to attack the Punic, but to convince them that the Romans were following them on the same route. Gaius hoped that Mahar would be forced not to re attack the city of Aleria when he believed the whole Roman army was following behind him over the mountains. More important Gaius hoped that this slowly following roman troops would give his two coastal armies and fleets enough time to liberate the coast of Corsica and to surround Mahar and his army in the middle of the island.
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    Chapter 62: He's coming
  • Chapter 62: He's coming:
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    Hannibal's army of 40,000 foot soldiers, 12,000 horsemen and a total 50 war elephants had just crossed the Pyrenees and entered Gaul. The coastal cities of Narbo and Agathe (Agde) while officially subjects of Messilia had not enough fortification or soldiers to stand in his way. So they payed tribute (they called it ransom) in form from sesterce and food for his army to pass without a fight. Some local mercenaries even let his ranks increase. Hannibal who didn't want to risk losing more time before he would arrive at the Alps and cross them simple accepted this “neutrality” from the cities and marched on to Nemausus. On his way he payed local Gallic tribes so he could pass their land without interfering when the sheer number of his big army wasn't enough to let them realist that messing with him was not the best idea. Little did Hannibal knew that a part of the Messilia was on their fleet along the coast to secure Agathe and Narbo, as well as to retake Rhodae and Emporiae if they could. The simple truth that Hannibal had already passed them and was marching towards the Rhone made the Messilian Commander turn his army back to defend his hometown. Messengers were send, to inform the Messilian and Roman armies near Messilia that Hannibal was already on it's way to them. Hasdrubal's meanwhile hat stationed allied and loyal tribesman and some of his own mercenaries and soldiers as guards of the newly conquered Emporiae and Rhodae, while his armies was ready to defend the east coast of Hesperia against any new invasion or the rest of the peninsula against any revolt or rebellion. In Messilia itself, the news of Hannibal's march towards them had lead to a panic inside the Council of Six Hundred. Messilia's Council of Six Hundred ordered the Roman Commander from the nearby army that he had to help them prepare the defenses of the city and hold it against Hannibal's army when they wished to continue the alliance between Roma and Messilia.
     
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    Carthaginian Hesperia
  • Carthaginian Hesperia:
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    Carthaginian Hesperia Megalos (Punic Great Province of Hesperia, Capital: Carthago Nova, not inclding the Baleares), including:

    Provinces (Eparchía):
    - Carthago Nova (with the confederate tribe of the Bestetani, Capital: Carthago Nova, Carthaginian direct control - yellow)
    - Barcida (with the confederate tribe of the Turdetani, Capital: Gades, Carthaginian direct control - yellow)
    - Counei (with the confederate tribe of the Counei, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Oretani (with the confederate tribe of the Oretani, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Contestani (with the confederate tribe of the Contestani, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Celtici (with the conquered tribe of the Celtici, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
    - Turduli (with the conquered tribe of the Turduli, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
    - Vettones (with the conquered tribe of the Vettones, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
    - Carpetani (with the conquered tribe of the Carpetani, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control -orange)
    - Vaccaei (with the conquered tribe of the Vaccaei, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
    - Cantabri (with the conquered/ now confederate tribe of the Cantabri, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Astures (with the conquered/ now confederate tribe of the Astures, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Callaeci (with the confederate tribe of the Callaeci, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Lusitani (with the conquered tribe of the Lusitani, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
    - Turduli (with the conquered tribe of the Turduli, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
    - Zakintho/Sarguntum (with the conquered tribe of the Edetani, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
    - Ilercavones (with the conquered tribe of the Ilercavones, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
    - Ilergetes (with the confederate tribe of the Ilergetes, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Vascones (with the confederate tribe of the Vascones, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Vardulli (with the confederate tribe of the Vardulli, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Caristii (with the confederate tribe of the Caristii, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe controll - gold)
    - Autrigones (with the confederate tribe of the Autrigones, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe controll - gold)
    - Celtiberi (with the conquered tribe of the Celtiberi, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
    - Lacetani (with the conquered tribe of the Lacetani, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
    - Turmodigi (with the confederate tribe of the Turmodigi, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Karakun/Qarakun former Tarraco/Tarakon (with the confederate tribe of the Ilergetes, Carthaginian/Confederate tribe control - gold)
    - Emporia (with the conquered cities Emporiae, Rhodae and the conquered tribe of the Indiketes, Carthaginian/military/ minor tribe control - orange)
     
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    Chapter 63: The Styx
  • Chapter 63: The Styx
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    "It's more of a Palace then a ship, isn't it?" asked Gennadios of Bithynia the merchant that now called himself a man of Carchedon before anything else. Actually it was more of a final statement then a question.

    "I think it is fitting, Carthage's greatest son is coming home. A man that surpassed even Alexander the Great!" Bodinelqart said to his old friend as they watched how the corpse of Hannibal's was brought aboard the giant ship.

    "Carthage's greatest son?" Gennadios asked, sounding quiet surprised.

    "You don't think so?" questioned Bodinelqart his lifelong friend.

    "Like the Phoenix he tried to rise from the ashes, to prevent the old world from getting erased by Rome and then erased it himself unwillingly!" the Hellene Gennadios believed.

    "He did save Carthage!" the Punic Bodinelqart argued.

    "A new Carthage, not the old one, he even recreated the whole city and build it a second time!" the Hellene laughed, interested if the war would have ended similar if thinks had been different.

    "That may be true!" the Punic man laughed before he added.

    "How is your book now that you finally knew all of my part in this story?" the Hellene asked interested.

    "Finished, hundreds of rolls of Papyri, a lifetime of work!" the Punic Bodinelqart declared proud, it was the story of Hannibal's life as well as of the Second and Third Roman War. Bodinelqart had title his book "The lost Libyan War" as he was certain that is were the story of Hannibal and the Barca family began. "I would like you to bring it to Hannibal's family. Please join this death boat on his last travel and bring it to them!" Bodinelqart asked from his old friend proud.

    "What about you now after all this is done?" the Hellene asked interested.

    "Who knows, I'm old and I have not much time left. What would you do old friend?" the Punic man asked Gennadios.

    "I will sail west after Carchedon, right trough the Pillars of Hercules, at first I thought about sailing north to see the northern white bears I heard so much about, but now I think otherwise. Since I'm now one of the richest man in the Mediterranean and Carthage I'm financier of a lot of important businesses. I will take course westwards, towards sunset, to the Atlantis Islands. Only the Shophet, his treasurer and the crew of eight chosen ships of the Senate of Carthage, with chosen man on each of them knew about this. We will sail west in the Atlantis Thalassa from the Atlentis Islands, the Lucky Islands and after many days we will arrive in green islands, together formed like a crescent. If you follow them south there will be a new part of the world, not part of Libya, not part of Asia and not part of Europe. As much as I hate to admit it as a Hellene, the Aegean Sea doesn't look like the center of the world anymore. You know I have seen the islands of Hesperia Ultima Nova in the North, India and Arabia in the East and the dark people of the other side of the coast in Libya. What else would be interesting for me that I have seen the whole World according to the Hellenes, than to see a part that no Hellene has ever seen before?" and as much as the Hellene inside Gennadios wanted to admit it, the Punic had finally beaten them in their maritime exploration.

    "Interesting, a new part of the world with new wonders any of our fellow friends have ever seen or dreamed about, but what would I do in a land like that? How many time will we two man have left now that we're gray and old. Like hot glass our living fire is burn out and we soon will freeze cold and unable to move any longer forever!" Bodinelqart feared. Ofcorse he was very interested, but he had a feeling that he would not see all of this new world and live to tell about it.

    "Maybe but we would be the first to actually write of this new land. Carchedon was already old when the Romans didn't even knew how to build stone houses and our part in Hannibal's and Carchedons history will always be only a small side note. But when we would be the first to write of this new world, weather or not we live long enough to see all these wonders, we will write our own great story. A story only similar to Queen Dido when she first reached the shore of Libya and founded Carchedon maybe!" the Hellene laughed and the smile on his friends face told Gennadios that he liked that idea very much.

    "Good. Very Good indeed, then let's board Hannibal's last ship to Carthage too and travel on towards our own great expedition. Let's write from far away lands, like Hanno and Hasdrubal the Navigators!" smiled Bodinelqart to his friend and they followed the procession of the dead Hannibal to his death galley, that would bring over the Mediterranean Sea home to Carthage. They left the city of Quart Hannibal Barkas (Quart Hnba'al Brq, formally known as Byzantium or Byzantion) at the Hellespontos between Europe and Asia in the year 183 BC. Then they followed the procession of Hannibal's dead body to the Byrsa and later left on one of the eight chosen ships of the Senate of Carthage towards the Atlantis Islands, where they later sailed further westwards and arrived in the new, not yet named part of the world beyond the Atlantis Thalassa in 181 BC.
     
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    Chapter 64: Sicilia Reinforcement
  • Chapter 64: Sicilia Reinforcement:
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    The Roman army of Tarentum was brought to Sicily with part of the Roman Fleet, that was escaping Lilybaeum before. The Romans still had Agrigentum and therefore the mountain road and pass to Thermae and Himera. The Roman fleet landed their troops in Syracuse, Catana and Messana. One third of the army was marching to Agrigentum to support the own army there and in the important mountain roads in the center of the island. The Romans still were holding all roads from the south to the north in Sicily and from the east into the island allowing them to support all o their front-lines faster than the Punic and with way less soldiers. Their northern Army marched from Messana over the northern road to Tyndaris, Agathynum, Caleacte, Halaesa, Cephaloedium to Himera and Therme Himeraae. The middle Roman army had the order advance trough the mountains from Catana to Hybla, Inessa,Centripe, Agyrium, Assortus to the crossroad of Enna. There they wold guard the city of Enna, the most important mountain city in Sicily, because it was in the center with roads northwest, southwest and east. From Enna pat of this army was ordered to march toward Petra, halfway to Himera in case the Pinuc army managed to take the city before the northern army would arrive along the coast. The smaller southern army part, that was landing in Syracuse was marching along the southern road to Halorus, Casmenae, Camarenia, Gela, Phinas, Inycum to Agrigentum. The original Roman plan was just to support the norther front on Sicily, but they feared the Punic army in the north (unknown to the Romans this army was already nearly destroyed in the siege of Solus) and south could take one of the mountain roads and passes, to reinforce each other. Because of that the Romans tried to hold troops along the major roads in the mountains and even build some fortifications and castles on easily to defend points along these roads.
     
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    Chapter 65: Sicily, struggle over Halycus Pass
  • Chapter 65: Sicily, struggle over Halycus Pass:
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    (one of the forts at the Halycus Pass)

    The Halycus Pass from Agrigentum to Thermae was heavily guarded and fortified by the Romans to secure their now most western line of supply and reinforcements in Sicily. Along the mountains the Romans had garrisoned some Legionaries inside some Casta fortifications out of wood, to guard he pass. These forts were elevated, with a wall on the upper hill around the Castrum, sometimes even with watchtowers. Hanno the Short knew it was dangerous to attack this mountain road with the Roman still in his back. So he sends the Greek Mercenary Proxiancos with a few hundred man elite troops (3,256 in total) of native Sicilian Mercenaries that were familiar with the terrain to cut of this western Roman road between the North and the South. Proxiancos and his mercenaries followed the on his western side Carthaginian controlled Halycus river to the mountains, where it shared a few miles right next to the road they wanted to block. The first roman Castrum the Greek mercenaries saw was well fortified and he feared his few men would be unable to conquer it. So Proxiancos used a trick, he sends a small troop, that said they were naive Sicilian refugees in Greek, escaping the Punic conquest of the western coast of Sicily over the mountain trails. The trick worked like a charm and Proxiancos small assault troop managed to surprise the Roman garrison once they were inside the Castrum. They had heavily causalities but managed to open the main gate, so that Proxiancos nearby hidden mercenaries could conquer the fort after storming inside. Some of the Roman defenders panicked and routed towards the mountains, Proxiancos was sure this trick wouldn't work again on the next Roman Castrum. So Proxiancos marched further north, to attack the next Roman Castrum but the survivors of his first attack had already warned them. So the next attack of Proxiancos and his mercenaries was not able to break the walls of the Castrum in their assault. They retreated for now, but destroyed parts of the trail they had already brought under their control to force the Romans to repair it over time or to use a other longer road.
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    (the Greek Mercenary Proxiancos, later commander of a whole Carthaginian army in the Second and Third Roman War)
     
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    Chapter 66: Corsica, Battle of Rhotanus
  • Chapter 66: Corsica, Battle of Rhotanus:
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    The Battle of Rhotanus occurred, as the roman army group of 500 soldiers and 50 cavalry that followed Mahar's army of 8.000 infantry and 700 cavalry over the mountains of Corsica from Aleria (Alalia) in the east to Aiacium in the west over the mountain road. Mahar the Skilled didn't knew that not all of the Roman Legion was following him, but he knew that he could not hold Corsica liberated from Roman rule when had to face this larger force in a open field battle. Along the river of Rhotanus, the road from Aleria trailed to the mountains up until the western coast of the island. All of the way the Romans were attacked by small skirmisher forces, that had simple one job, to delay their advance as long as possible. This skirmishers told Mahar that the Romans following him were just a small part of the whole invasion force. Mahar then decided to face this enemy force and crush them, before further retreading west. He knew that his plan was dangerous, as the rest of the Romans could surround him with their fleet along the coast and conquer Aiacium before he got there. But unknown to the Romans, Mahar who was married to one of the Corsican tribes and ally or friend with many others had already decided not to retread further west and maybe lose the island again, despite the Roman superior forces. He planned to live from the land with his army and allies and remain in the rough terrain of the mountains, where the Romans could not easily use their superior numbers thanks to small passages and trails. Mahar was willing to fight a guerrilla-war against Rome in Corsica, similar to that of some Hesperian and Numidian tribes against Carthage. As the 550 Romans marched westward they suddenly noticed that the path between the mountains was blocked. The Carthaginians army had build a barricade out of stone and wood, where their troops stopped the Roman advance. Then smaller, more mobile skirmisher troops and native Corsican tribesman with javelin, arrows, spears and stones attacked from the hills and mountainsides left and right of the road. The Romans soon realized that they were ambushed and had walked right inside a trap, but it was to late. The Corcsic and Carthaginian soldiers now closed the encirclement and also started to roll great stones down the hills. This caused a landslide and buried many of the Roman Legionaries under stones. The surviving Roman troops were now in pure chaos and were slaughtered one after the other. At the end of the day Mahar the Skilled had lost only a few man, while the Romans had lost over 300 infantry and 42 cavalry, the surviving Roman troops were hunted down by some Corsican and Carthaginian troops and nearly all killed. Mahar later used the captured weapons and armor of many dead Romans to equip and train some of his most loyal, allied Corsican tribes so that his own army in the mountains was slowly growing in numbers and skills.

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    (the Romans try to break trough)
     
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    Chapter 67: Sardinia Alliances
  • Chapter 67: Sardinia Alliances:
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    In Sardinia Hasdrubal the Bald had lost many troops and was very sure, that the Romans under Quintus Mucius Scaevola would soon advance on his army and the rebellious western and northern cities, loyal to Carthage. While he now controlled the western coastal road from Othoca over the revolutionaries capital Cornus along Bosa up to Carbia, Nura and Turris Libisanus he heard news that the Romans had landed troops on the northeast in Olbia. Hasdrubal knew that this army could take the western route to Luguido and Castra Felicia, advancing to Hafa from where they could turn north against Turris Libisanus or south over Molaria, Mocopsisa to Forum Traiani. From this city they could come down the river Thyrsius to directly attack Othoca or guard it to use it as a direct link over Biora to Carales in the south. The more western road from Carales over Aquae Neapolitanae or Othaca in the northeast had a crossroad to the left between both cities outside of Carthaginian controlled Sardinia. It led towards the southwestern cities of Neapolis, Metalla, Populum and Tegula, then turned east along the southern coast over Bita and Nora back to Carales. Because of this the southwestern roman loyal territories could easily be supplied from at least one road, making it hart for Hasdrubal to attack them without fearing to get surrounded, as long as he didn't control Aquae Neapolitanae and block the northern part of this circle road. At the moment Hasdrubal had other plans then to advance south to Caralis again and encircle the western loyal Roman cities, because of his recent losses in battle. Hasdrubal the Bald planned to send reinforcements to Turris Libisanus over the western coastal road, because the city could now be attacked from the south and the east. Hasdrubal also took preparations to march along the Thyrsius river towards Forum Triarum, so he could cut of the northern from the southern Roman army and by doing so secure the flank of Othoca, Turris Libisanus and Cornus. This was his main plan, because his emissary contacted the Balari, Ilienses and Ciculensii, mountain tribes of the central island that fought Rome now the same way they before had fought Carthage's colonies and foothold on the coast. Hasdrubal hoped that together with these tribes, he could cut the Roman part of Sardinia in half, advance towards the eastern coast and after that easily overrun the then remaining Roman territories in the northeast and south. Quintus Mucius Scaevola in the meantime planned to let part of his army march the middle road from the south to the north, to unite with the northeastern roman army and to crush the rebels on the northern coast around Turris Libisanus, Nura and Carbia.
     
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    Chapter 68: A war unlike any other
  • Chapter 68: A war unlike any other:
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    (Romans raiding Punic ships)


    With the beginning of the Second Roman War, the whole central Mediterranean had suddenly changed. Where before rich trade had taken place, now pirates and raids were common. The Carthaginian had raided traders and roman supplies along the coast of Sicily. One of this fleets, made up of twenty quinqueremes and loaded with 1,000 soldiers raided Liparaeae with eight ships. Full with loot from their plundering they were slow and engaged by a roman fleet. With a superior fleet of twenty quinqueremes the Romans engaged the Punic pirates in the naval battle of Lipera. It was still a whole year before the Carthaginian wold start to hire Dalmatian, Greek, Syrian, Egypt or even Gallic pirates and raiders. Together they would raid he coat of Italy and the surrounding sea in a similar manner, that the Romans and their allies raided the coast of Hesperia and Libya. This trade war would later become so important, that one year later the Carthaginians would assemble a fleet out of 70 quinqueremes that was desalinated raid the coast of Roman Etruria. This pirate fleet would tie up a Roman fleet of 120 quinqueremes that had to guard the trade in the Mare Tyrrhenum and the Mare Ligusticum and wouldn't be used anywhere else in the war for that time.
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    (Pirates paid by Carthage, raiding the coast of Italy)
     
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    Chaper 69: What to do?
  • Chaper 69: What to do?
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    (Massilia)

    Thanks to a vast network of (mostly Gallic) spies all over Roman Republic, Hannibal was well aware of his enemies moves. He knew that Rome was still trying to extend their grip on Sicily, Corsica and Sardinia, that's why he attacked there to show that their previous victory and rule over the island was not holding forever. In the meantime the Romans had colonized and submitted the Gallic tribes of the Boii, Anari and Insubres in the Po valley. Together with their allies, the Cenomani, the Romans forced the Celts to sent an embassy to the Roman Senate, pleading for peace. Seeing an opportunity for a triumph for themselves, the consuls (Marcus Gladius and Gnaeus Cornelius) vigorously rejected the embassy, and the Gauls prepared for war with the Romans. They hired 30,000 mercenaries from beyond the Alps and awaited the arrival of the Romans. When the campaigning season began, the consular legions were marched into the Insubres territory again. A vigorous combat took place near Mediolanum, which resulted in the leaders of the Gallic revolt turning themselves over to the Romans. With this victory, the Padane Gauls were unhappily subdued, and ripe for revolt. This situation was playing into Hannibals hands because the Romans now had to pacify the territory by station one of their Legions there, similar to the Legions they had to send to Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily to repeal the Carthaginian invasions and the revolt of the natives against their rule. Just like Hannibal had planned he Romans were slowly overstretching their power on to many fronts at once. When he would arrive in Italy they would have to retreat from the Islands, southern Gaul and Hellas to face his army in Italy, leaving Hesperia and Libya safely without any possible Roman army to attack there.

    Because of this exact situation, Hannibal had sent a number of embassies to the Gallic tribes in the Po valley. He had begun to communicate intimately with the Padane Gauls), and these embassies brought with them offers of money, food and guides to the Carthaginian. This mission had the specific aim of establishing a safe place for Hannibal to debouch from the Alps into the Po valley. Hannibal did not know a great deal about the Alps, but he knew enough to know that it was going to be a difficult march. Hannibal had had some scouts give him reports concerning this mountain chain, and he received reports of the difficulties to be encountered there from the Gauls themselves. That's why Hannibal did not desire to cross this rugged mountain chain and to descend into the Po valley with exhausted troops only to have to fight a battle. This was one of the reasons he wanted to have allies into whose territory he could march.

    The Romans had poorly treated those Gauls whom they had recently conquered, distributing their land to Roman colonists and taking other unscrupulous measures to ensure the fidelity of these freshly conquered tribes. The Insubres, whose tribal territory immediately abutted the Alps, and the Boii, farther down the Po, were particularly pleased with Hannibal's proposed invasion. In addition, much of the Iberian peninsula was populated by related Gallic tribes, and those same Gauls were serving in Hannibal's army. In them Hannibal had found allies with the same dream and desire than himself, ready to beet the Romans and help him doing so together. Because they knew of Hannibals plan, the Romans sped up the construction of a number of fortresses in Cisalpine Gaul.

    Unlike before with the Gauls and Illyrians, the Romans now had all time and manpower to focus on Carthage alone and prepared alliances with the Numidians, Iberians and Greek in the western Mediterranean that were also enemies of the Punics. In his campaign from conquering the northeast Hesperia to the southern middle of Gaul Hannibal's army had lost 13,000 men thanks to death, desertion or detachment to Hesperia and Libya.

    Hannibals army marched towards the Rhone and most of that march must have been a pleasant change of pace for the Carthaginians, who had just spent the previous months subduing numerous fierce peoples living in the Pyrenees. The countries through which he then passed were of different opinions concerning the Carthaginians, the Romans and the passage of Hannibal's army through their land. Some of these tribes were friendly to his cause, others were opposed to him. Hannibal's skill in dealing with these people is made manifest to us through his march in this country, no reports are made of any fighting taking place in this country, in spite of the lack of homogeneity in political leadership among the peoples of this area. He dealt with each tribe as he marched through their territory. Employing only the means of persuasion at his disposal; his personal magnetism and his war chest.

    Around Massilia, that feared the arriving Carthaginian army, and to this effect had sought to influence the native tribes on the left bank of the Rhone (The Eastern Bank) to take up the cause of the Romans this times where hectic. This they were able to ally with some of the barbarians in this country that would make Hannibal's crossing of the Rhone problematical. Since the Roman Senate had ordered most of his fleets and Legions to the theatre of war in Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily, they had not left enough troops to defend Massilia and start another attack on Hisperia at the same time. So the Roman Legion there was helping the allied city to strengthen it's defense against Hannibal and scouting along the Rhone to catch his army and engage it if possible. Meanwhile the Roman army of the Po valley was heading southwest to Monoecus. This blocked the easiest path across the alps directly at the Mare Ligusticum and forced Hannibal to cross the Rhone and Alps further north, if he did not wish to be surrounded by two roman and one Massilian army between Massilia, the Alps and Monoecus. Heading the Roman Po Valley army there was dangerous, mostly because the Boii and Insubres would arise afresh as soon as they were now aware that Hannibal was heading to them. The Romans already levied new Legions and had no reserve left to invade Hersperia and Libya at the moment to bring the war to the Carthaginians. The formation of a new army was a fairly easy matter for the Romans, but it took some time. There were so many citizens who were qualified for service in the army that all the government had to do was inform the citizenry that more soldiers were needed and they would be required to serve. Many Romans, being required to serve at some point, spent portions of their youth training to serve in the legions. It took only tree days for the remaining Roman fleet in the Mare Ligusticum from Massilia to Roman Italy and the Romans hoped that they could transport their troops and armies fast enough to engage Hannibal no matter where he was marching south from the alps.

    Once the Roman army arrived in Massilia they learned that Hannibal was moving fast and some had already spotted him 4 days north of the city. With the Massiliots, the Allies of the Romans, that were busy rousing the tribes on the left (eastern) bank of the Rhone against the Carthaginians, the Roman Commander ordered a column of 300 cavalry up the left (east) bank of the Rhone with orders to ascertain the exact location of Hannibal's army. Hannibal received similar news to the effect that the Romans had just arrived with one of their consular armies (22,000 foot and 2,000 horse) and ordered 500 of his cavalry to scout for the the enemy. This first skirmish between Hannibal and the Romans in southern Gaul was a roman victory thanks to nearby reinforcements. This made the Roman Senate hope that the Gauls that were rousing against the Carthaginians could easily stop Hannibals army, or that they and Massilia themselves could finish the Punic army of once she would came down the Alps exhausted after all that.
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    (actual map, green are the Sardinian mountain rebells at the moment not allied with Rome or Carthage)
     
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    Chapter 70: Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 1:
  • Chapter 70: Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 1:

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    ( normal day in Carthage)

    While in field for his march on Rome, Hannibal was still constantly writing orders and letters to Carthage, Carthago Nova, the Senate and his family Dynasty. His changes were coming thanks to some supporters in the Senate and because Hannibal understood, how to play the different Factions of the Carthaginian Senate against each other when he wanted to get a specific law trough the Senate with enough support that it would really work in daily life. One of the most important changes Hannibal made since he was Shophet instead of Hanno was the formation of a Formal Goucerment. Much like Alexander the Great and later the Seleucids the new Carthaginian Republican adopted a new structure of government to administer their territories. Some of it was modelled on the system of the Achaemenid Empire, conquered by Alexander the Great, with Persian concepts continuing to be used. Hannibal builder a more unified Carthage by allying the Ounic and Greek Colonies stronger than ever before and let his local tribes profit from Carthaginian trade, rule and protection of peace among them. New tribes allied with the Carthaginians to get protection from their enemies in Hesperia and Libya, Carthage build new trade networks and used the resources of this new regions. One of the main projects of Hannibal was forcing, was adopting methods of fertilisation with mixed farming, new agar methods, plants and animals that were exchanged between Hesperia and Libya (mostly coming with the families that resettled between the two parts of Carthage that brought their own culture, religion, techniques and way of living with them). Carthage even adapted the resting of the land between harvests, to allow their animal herds to naturally fertilise the soil. Drainage and irrigation was further widespread and Carthage build new roads, dam and canals. Libya was becoming a growing agricultural economy, further enriching the treasures of Carthage. Another major project was that Hannibal’s set up some government control to gain some of the prosperity that booming trade brought. He set up some preferred Markets and trade routes, even planned and build trade-cities that also functioned as garrisons and trade-posts along the newly discovered and cities located along established trade routes. Thanks to that he could enrich Carthage, pay for it's army and growth and also partly select those who grew rich and those who were doomed to poverty even among influential families. Because of the lost Libyan War and the (first and later second) Roman War, Carthage knew how it's trade over land and sea was endangered by bandits, pirates and other dangers. The Trade between cities promised huge profits for Carthage and Hannibal wanted the merchants, that played a vital role in distributing goods and raw materials secured. Merchants were given great freedom to conduct their activities but, when rivalry between cities escalated to violence, popular and rich trade routes became targets for tribal bandits. Powerful and wealthy individuals exploited such situations, with some selling protection at extortionate rates. So it became necessary for Carthage's government to offer armed escorts to ensure that valuable trade networks remained intact. On land this escorts were made up by mercenaries and soldiers that accompanied the caravan, but on sea the situation was more complex. Hannibal couldn't simple build more warships since they were expansive, their building needed some time and there could never be enough to secure all trade fleets at once without hurting the economy by such a massive war-fleet. Hannibal’s solution was simpler and much more cost effective. Since Carthaginian traders were the better sailors and their rowers well trained, he simply copied the Roman move from the First Roman War. The Romens had created the Corvus to fight with their land based army on sea and Hannibal and the Carthaginians now did something very similar. He ordered some of his troops and mercenaries on board of his own trading fleets to defend them against most pirates and enemy warships. The most effective troops to do so were archers that could easily use long range combat with faster ships than the enemy and weakening them even before they could come near them. Together with some fire arrows, this tactic was far superior to normal piracy, but not against real large enemy war-fleets with real trained soldiers on them.
     
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    Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 2
  • Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 2:
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    The Agriculture in the east was often blieast was often blighted by erratic rainfall in a harsh landscape. Farmers soon realized that irrigation systems, like canals and dams, were ideal for storing and transporting the water they needed for 'dry-farming' in these areas. In Mesopotamia, the Euphrates and Tigris rivers were unpredictable and could often swell after sowing season, flooding the crops. Storage basins were therefore used to collect the surplus water, and a canal system was constructed to distribute it as needed to the fields. Just like the great states in the east Hannibal ordered the building of new streets, dams and canal systems that should help making the conquered land in Libya grow a rich agriculture along the rivers, dams, lakes and coast lands. As Carthages populations boomed the demand for food increased, driving farmers to use more intensive farming techniques. Technology played its part, with improved tools and the domestication of large animals to pull advanced and effective ploughs. Larger labour forces and the growth of other techniques, such as terraced farming, adopted from the east and Hesperia, opened new areas for cultivation. The construction of more complex canals and dams helped to turn arid landscapes into well-irrigated farming plots. Maybe even more important, Hannibal ordered new laws, one of the most important was the definition of a Trade Language for all in his Carthaginian Republic. As trade networks between countries and regions grew, the language of trade evolved. Merchants were no longer dealing with men from the next town over: vast trade routes like the 'Silk Road' linked Asia, the Mediterranean and Europe. Language skills became almost as valuable as spices. In eastern kingdoms, Aramaic remained the recognized language of trade, but a knowledge of the basics of Greek and Punic became essential as many goods, particularly spices, became sought after commodities in the west. Punic and Greek together would for the future be equal trade and official languages of Carthage and even used in Laws and Court. It began in Carthago Nova and Hesperia, where Greek influence was greater than in Libya, but Hannibal knew how important his plans were. For centuries Greeks and Punics had fought each other, but now a new competitor, Rome had arisen at the horizon, ready to eat them both. Every official text from now on would be published in both languages, weather it was for trade, law or other purpose.

    With the trade from Hesperia, Libya and the eastern Mediterranean booming, Hannibal's more central government increased its intervention in trading matters, having previously allowed merchants much autonomy. By fixing tariffs on goods, Carthago's government could control the profits made, keeping powerful merchants and established markets in check. Such measures prevented prices from escalating as a resource, raw material or luxury item made its way across the ever expanding network of trade routes. To further unite Punics and the other tribes, people and ideas in the Carthaginian Republic, Hannibal had already mixed some of their cults and religions to a new, combined believe. Now he intended on unifying this cults and religions even more, by mixing and uniting their most important ceremonies and rituals in the Temples. The important rites of passage in life: birth, marriage and death were soon the same weather in a Greek, or Carthaginian colony in Carthage, weather in Hesperia or Libya as long as the people were willingly adapting them. Hannibal didn't force them to do so, that was not the Punic way, but he used his previous victories to present himself as chosen from the gods to make his ideas more popular. As it has ever been before, the traditions and culture of a nation can be eroded by the acceptance of foreign customs. Such a process played a significant role in the 'Hellenisation' of the ancient world. Greek ideas, philosophies and customs offered exciting new possibilities for people throughout the east, the southeastern Mediterranean and Asia. While such customs represented progress in their eyes, traditionalists and the old could only stand back and watch while foreign influences transformed their cities and culture. Just like Alexander the Great, Hannibal tried his cultural unification by marriage of whole tribes and towns, but without direct force as long as there was no resistance. Much more than military power, although that was often the leverage employed to get agreement, foreign policy in the ancient world encompassed diplomacy, treaties and tributes, the exchange and taking of hostages and prisoners, and trade. However, not everything was done for power, territory or wealth. With propaganda and presents Hannibal focused on winning the tribes in Libya, Hesperia, Gaul and Italy for his cause. Since he didn't want to conquer their lands he simple promised some the end of Roman rule and influence, that they could govern themselves as soon as the war would be over and Rome was beaten. On the other hand Hannibal also learned much from Alexander the Great,. The cultures of the eastern kingdoms were heavily influenced by Greek ways. Hellenism, the spread of Greek culture and ideas, eventually led to the demise of cuneiform writing, the ancient Mesopotamian system of pictographs. Given a choice, people of the east chose to read and write in Greek, as it allowed them to study the works of the great philosophers or pursue a career in politics. Rather than resist this cultural shift, the eastern kingdoms convinced themselves that Greek ideas were in fact their own, taken from them during Alexander’s campaign in Persia. Their adoption actually marked a return to 'traditional values'. Hannibal soon used the same tactic with Punic and Greek, allowing the tribes in his Carthaginian Republic to study in his Towns and Cities, to trade new technologies for their Resources with Carthage and to realize that the Punic way would benefit them all. Over the centuries some their cults and religion became famous in all of Carthage and some religious conformity was established thanks to some God's being more famous than others and some cults even promoted by the state and senate themselves to maintain order and spiritual rule. As these cults grew, their temples were free to improve their estates and accumulate wealth, owing only spiritual support to their governments. However, it was not long before rulers began to identify these religious establishments and their expanding estates as a potential source of power income, not just as houses of learning and religion. The Persian government, for example, stationed administrators within the temples of Mesopotamia to ensure that taxation was collected. Hannibal himself taxed the cults himself and even helped some new invented once to become state sponsored and grew further. Carthaginian society had a rigid structure of citizens and 'small ones', the non-citizens who had no political rights but were still expected to pay taxes to the ruling elite. Non-citizens and even foreigners could be given the advantages of a citizen if they were granted the honour of citizen Rights, they then would be called Metoikoi. These were given to those who had distinguished themselves in service to Carthage, be it through a good trade agreement or feats of bravery on the battlefield.

    Hannibal too introduced a set of laws that were not entirely subject to the whims of the ruler, legal institutions provided a framework of rules that decided how wealth could and should be distributed. Some of the greatest advances made in this area were put forward by a jurist known simply as Hasdro, his greatest work was broken into eight sections that discussed how people, things, intestate succession and actions should be governed by law. But to win his war with Rome, Carthage did not simple need to grow as a civilization and united state, Hannibal was sure, that unlike in the First Roman War not only the Senate, but also the population of Carthage had to be told, that a loss in Sicily, Corsica and Sardinia could not simply be balanced by acquire territory in Hesperia and Libya that could compensate this losses. Hannibal new that Rome would push further as long as there was a part of land they had not jet conquered no matter the costs and means. So the Carthaginian needed to learn that simple stepping aside and back would not end the Roman attacks, or the Roman hunger for their riches and lands. The only way to stop the Romans would be to face and beat them for good. Since the small coastal population of Carthage relied heavily on mercenaries to bolster its citizen armies, a strategy that worked well for short campaigns close to home, thinks needed to change for this war. Because when campaigns lasted longer than anticipated and coin was not forthcoming, mercenaries became less than trustworthy. After a group of mercenaries who had fought for Carthage during the First Roman War seized Tunis because they weren't paid and even build their own empire in Libya after the lost Libyan War the Senate realized that some thinks had to change soon to prevent such thinks in the future. To help prevent this situation from ever arising again Hannibal and Carthaginians began minting coins on campaign. They were made from silver, gold and electrum and were marked “from the camp”. Further more he began to recruit warriors from Lands under Carthaginian Rule in Hesperia, where a great pool of Manpower was now available for a strong army. A Idea arose in Hannibal that the time of purely Mercenary armies would end for Carthage and that own citizens could fight for their land, similar to Rome and Italy one day. After the war or a few decades of service they could be given special citizen rights, or even money and land won in the war, or still free for own use, thereby having them fight not only for Carthage but a own wealthy future as well.
     
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    Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 3
  • Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 3:
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    In this more unified Carthage, taxation becomes futile when a populace are too poor to pay taxes. At such times in the ancient world, the poor were forced to work unpaid to help complete civil projects. Such measures were common practice at the time; in Egypt the Pharaoh would be merciless in the taxation of his subjects. Peasants were expected to work several days a month to help maintain roads and canals and to lend their muscle to construction and mining. Some governments could be strict in the extreme when imposing tax labor: in Babylonia, failure to fulfill labor obligations would see a man forfeit his lands. Part of this strategy would soon lead to the Turdetani tax-rebellion in Hesperia. At the same time the mines in Hesperia had becommen more and more modern. The ancients discovered that the use of water in mining, especially gold mining, eased extraction and washed ore from hillsides. Two main methods were employed, hushing and ground-sluicing. Hushing used large quantities of water, stored in tanks, which was poured down over the deposit. This dislodged sediment, exposed the deposit for easier mining and washed smaller deposits into sluicing boxes where they could be collected. Ground-sluicing achieved similar results but was a more controlled technique. Requiring a constant, steady flow of water, it often involved the redirection of natural streams and rivers. Both techniques left land stripped back to bedrock. With his victories in Hesperia and Mago's victories in Libya, the Carthaginian and the people living under their rule in both country parts had begun to live in new colonies and cities. As this cities changed and developed, consideration needed to be given to layout and design. They began to be built in an ordered fashion, in sectors divided using a common grid system. This formed the basis for the majority of the cities built across the Mediterranean, with the grids divided by fairly narrow thoroughfares. Mostly pedestrian traffic meant there was little need to create bigger routes. Only when the slope or curvature of the land changed, perhaps to accommodate a harbour, would a city plan waver from the established grid network. This planned cities also helped to combine artwork, architecture and thereby unify the families traveling to start a new life in this cities that were coming from different tribes, cultures and people just like Hannibal planned.

    As building materials became more understood, and skills developed among architects and builders, new construction techniques became possible. Domes, arches and vaults became regular features in architecture, but a true dome was perhaps the pinnacle achievement of architects and builders of the time. They posed complex puzzles when it came to supporting the weight of the structure as it was being built, and it took time and a certain amount of trial and error for architects to perfect the system. As Carthage was the greatest City ever build in the world, most major new public buildings that Hannibal had ordered or would some day order and build were among some of the biggest ever seen by mankind, except for some the world wounder maybe. After his campaign in Italy, Hannibal brought new ideas for Concretus with him, derived from the Latin term 'concretus', meaning 'grow together', the development of concrete transformed Roman and later Carthaginian construction methods. The addition of 'pozzolana', a sandy black volcanic ash named after an area around the Bay of Naples, created a stronger paste which allowed for construction underwater, something crucial for bridge building. Concrete also allowed the construction of elaborate architectural features, such as curved columns and arches.

    Hannibal also untied measuring instruments in the same way he unified lengths and weights later for a better and secure trade. Instruments to measure distance and the slope of the land helped to develop the ancient art and profession of land surveying. It is widely believed that the Egyptians were the first to invent such instruments, although one of the most influential tools, the 'groma', is said to have come from Mesopotamia. This tool was simple in appearance: a two-metre staff supported a crossed bracket, with a plumb bob hanging from each of the four cross points. It was used to assess lines and angles, and was imported by the Greeks from Mesopotamia and then introduced to the Romans and Carthaginian by the Etruscans. With such instruments advancing architectural techniques, together with improved transport, removed some limits on monumental building works. With organized mass labor, monuments could be constructed on a vast scale. Egyptian tombs and pyramids are some of the earliest examples of monumental architecture in the ancient world. The Greeks built magnificent temples, triumphal arches and monumental columns, as did the Romans and Carthaginians later. Such monuments were often erected to honor deities or victorious leaders. In conquered lands, they were an effective way of overawing the subject population and reminding them of their loyalties.
     
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    Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 4
  • Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 4:
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    (the Carthaginian Gastraphetes as invented by Hannibal and Archimedes)



    Hannibal's ideas and influence came from many ancient philosophers and engineers, some he knew, some he read of ans some that worked directly for Carthage like Archimedes later. Hannibal knew that constant and proper training for his troops and garrisons was essential for his victory. The war elephant could be the most powerful weapon in the field, but when its brute strength was brought to bear during a siege assault it was truly devastating. Although a lone elephant could inflict heavy damage on a unit of infantry or a poorly defended gatehouse, the Ghaznavids were not satisfied by this and developed an elaborate ramming device powered by no less than five elephants. This powerful siege weapon was transported by four beasts while a fifth, controlled by a driver, the ‘mahout’, pushed and pulled the iron-tipped ram. Siege equipment on the other hand was, with the exception of some specialist pieces, always constructed on campaign. This meant that those who were expected to use it needed a good level of engineering knowledge. As well as a working knowledge of the workings of their machinery, the crew were expected to carefully manage the projectiles, making sure that they were the correct weight and could reach the required range. Similar weapons could not only be used to take, but also to defend a city. Artillery provided defenders with greater firepower, but required large amounts of ammunition which had to be stored inside the settlement walls, or in camps and transported in case of moving armies. Stone balls of varying sizes were stored within fortifications for use when the time came. Excavations in Carthage and the Greek city of Dora provide evidence that large-scale production of ammunition took place in order to prepare for the onset of any siege. Over 5,600 artillery balls have been found within the site of Carthage. Large torsion-powered catapults and siege engines were powerful weapons that could devastate densely packed enemies in open battle, or topple walls during sieges. However, these were heavy and cumbersome machines, requiring large operating crews. Loading and firing took time and left the crew members vulnerable to enemy attacks, particularly from fast-moving cavalry. Placing other units nearby to guard the crew members went some way to protecting them, but arming them and improving their personal armor would allowed them to protect themselves Hannibal said. As armies strengthened their siege engines and developed artillery capable of pummeling settlement walls, defenders were forced to adapt their tactics and equipment to counter the threat. A gateway flanked by towers was no longer enough to repel a determined foe. Defensive towers and platforms grew to accommodate not only archers and slingers, but also artillery engines as well. During the siege of Lilybaeum in 274 BC, the Carthaginians placed catapults along the length of their walls to fend off the armies of Pyrrhus; his men were forced to abandon the attack by the weight of the defensive artillery bombardment. Later near the end of the Second Roman War, Hannibal and Archimedes would invent a modern version of the Carthaginian Gastraphetes ("belly-releaser"), a hand-held crossbow that Hannibal would make famous among Carthaginian army's and ship crews.

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    To further support his advancing armies on their march, as well as having supplies in case of a harsh winter, or even sieges, Hannibal ordered to build grain storage all across the major cities and roads. As populations grew and the demand for food increased, long-term storage of grain became vital. With improved transport allowing for the movement of grain, it became possible to construct vast storage warehouses to hold shipped-in food stock. The incoming food would be dispersed around the city and town population but much was stored within huge warehouse complexes built right outside, nearby sometimes even within the cities. A vast network of warehouses were built along the rivers to and southern Hesperia as well as northern Libya became soon known as one of the most important breadbaskets in the Mediterranean, much like Egypt. To further improve his grip on the newly conquered lands in Hesperia and Libya, Hannibal, Hasdrubal and Mago invented new strategies that would also help them pay the big mercenaries army's after the war. For centuries it was deemed unnecessary to pay soldiers, let alone provide them with a pension on retirement. Military service was seen as a privilege, duty and price of citizenship. Soldiers paid their own way, supplying their own weapons and equipment. In order to recruit larger, professional, full-time armies, it was sensible to pay troops and offer land on completion of military service. During the Peloponnesian War, Athens provided their troops with a living allowance which then progressed to full remuneration. Other Greek cities swiftly followed, and the military landscape began its transformation as armies turned professional rather than being mere citizen militias. Before, mostly Mercenaries have existed for thousands of years but the earliest written record of them dates back to the 7th century BC, when Greek Hoplites sought employment as bodyguards serving Pharaohs and Greek tyrants alike. Mercenaries became a great way to bolster troop numbers during times of war, something to which the Carthaginians resorted during their war with Rome. They exploited their trade links to recruit troops from the Hesperian peninsula and the Balearic islands. The Romans were more sparing with their use of mercenaries, but acknowledged the shortcomings within the Legion, notably archers and cavalry, by making up for the lack with carefully chosen mercenary troops.
     
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    Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 5
  • Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 5:

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    By the 5th century BC naval battles were changing, as the ship’s ram became the principle weapon, making artful seamanship and carefully timed manoeuvres the key to success. There were a range of recognized tactics, including the 'periplous' - an outflanking manoeuvre - and the 'diekplous' - a more complex movement which was also known as "breaking the line". Here an attacking ship would navigate between two enemy vessels and rely on superior speed and agility to ram the midships or stern of its target. This tactic could be aided by sailing close enough to the enemy to shear off their oars, immobilizing them before ramming. Traditionally, artillery in naval warfare was restricted to the use of javelins, slings and archers. It was the Syracusans who made the first steps towards creating artillery pieces that could be used at sea. They designed a contraption known as the 'gastraphetes' or 'belly bow'. This oversized composite bow rested on the stomach of its user and was pulled back when braced by his feet. It could fire a substantial bolt some fifty yards further than a regular bow. This technology was then scaled up to form the basis of the early 'scorpion', which eventually evolved into an array of torsion-powered artillery pieces that became commonplace on the decks of ancient ships. Carthage and many other naval powers adopted this technology. The marines of ancient Greece were paid volunteers who tended to be from the lower citizen classes. This was possibly because they were more likely to be available for naval service and not likely to be called for regular Hoplite service. Fighting from the deck of a moving ship required skills that could only be developed through experience, so it is likely that the soldiers employed by Greek navies made their living as marines. Despite their low birth, marines were next to the captain in a ship's hierarchy and took part in ceremonies and political discussions. Thucydides even called the marines of one fleet “the best men” to fall in the Peloponnesian War. Carthage later had one of the greatest and strongest fleets in the whole Mediterranean. Such standing armies and fleets didn't only need good equipment, they needed well trained professionals too. Each army of that time had its own training methods. Nations with hoplite-heavy armies believed dancing and athletics were sufficient to prepare a man for battle. Under Hannibal, Carthaginian generals took a slightly different view. They trained with a wooden weapons and shields in man to man combat and in formations, sometimes against a wooden post instead of a human. Against this wooden post they would train for hours, practicing stabs, thrusts and feints against their immobile opponents. This would then progress to fencing practice with other recruits, using wooden swords, or swords with covered tips, before the finely-honed weapon skills were taken into full mock battles. But not only training was important, Hannibal also encouraged his commanders to use the different fighting tactics and traditions of their mixed armies to their advantages. The heavy phalanx did not disappear from the Hellenistic world overnight, but there was a definite move to compliment it with more flexible and mobile fighting forces, made up of light troops and cavalry. Greek and later Carthaginian armies under Hannibal began to equip their troops with lighter armour and placed greater emphasis on skirmishing and one-on-one combat. They developed the Falcatesair infantryman, more mobile than a hoplite, these men could protect and reinforce the phalanx, attack an enemy from the flanks and generally bridge the gap between the heavy spearman and the light peltast skirmisher.

    As Carthages armies adopted flexible forces, subdivided into units, each with their individual function and strengths, tactical drills became the difference between victory and defeat. Layered tactical maneuvers could be planned and executed to counter any enemy and overcome seemingly insurmountable odds. The Roman army undoubtedly set the standard and demonstrated the gains from their disciplined tactics in numerous battles, but other powers such as Carthage soon adapted. While battles were traditionally fought on vast, open landscapes, there were exceptions and a clever strategist could use these to his advantage. Terrain was an effective form of defense, with high ground, woods and forests used to protect the rear and flanks of an army, particularly when faced with a cavalry-heavy opponent. Such features also offered cover for ambush attacks, and knowledge of their terrain became a key factor in the success of the Germans and Gauls who used guerrilla tactics to counter the organized ranks of the Roman army. Due to Hannibal’s victories in Hesperia and his trek across the Alps, Carthage has been remembered for its use of war elephants. So great was their love for these beasts that stables were built within the city's walls, large enough to house 400 elephants. They favored North Libyan elephants, a species thought to be smaller than their Indian and sub-Saharan Libyan cousins, and use of the breed eventually drove it to extinction. As native stocks dwindled, Carthage started importing elephants for use in war from central Libya, Egypt, Syria or even India; Hannibal’s favorite elephant Surus was believed to be from Syria.
     
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    Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 6
  • Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 6:
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    Along with the canals and irrigation new tanks to hold unused water in rainy times for later use were additionally build. This enabled new herds and farms to be generated all over Hesperia and more important all over Libya. Agriculture granary was growing, while libraries and theaters educated and entertained the population. Markets were build along new trading routes. To further increase this trade, public auctions became common. A auction was an institution in the Hellenistic world, with Greek states using them as an effective method of redistributing land and gathering extra funds. Land in Greece itself was a precious resource, and advancing agricultural techniques along with a growing network of trade allowed landowners to make their plots profitable through farming and animal husbandry. Like so many Greek institutions, the auction of land became common in other territories like Carthage, as a means for governments to profit from their land, particularly disused and derelict plots. While a lack of suitable land restricted the opportunities for arable farming, the mountainous regions of Greece provided vast areas suitable as pastures for livestock. Goats and sheep were the most profitable stock, as their meat, milk and wool were always in demand by growing populations and campaigning armies. Not surprisingly, the state began to seek their share of the profitable livestock trade, introducing taxes that applied when farmers transported their flocks through cities, a method also adapted by Hanno the Great. Basic irrigation systems were widespread in the ancient world because they were simple to maintain. Perennial irrigation was rarer, and required longer canal systems, a method of storage, and better maintenance to ensure that silt and salt build-up was kept in check. In Mesopotamia, the river system was able to supply water to the surrounding arable land in the dry season through a system of canals, closed off by dykes and sluice gates. Water was stored in reservoirs, either natural or man-made, and then lifted into the irrigation channels. While this was a labour-intensive task, the results of such toil were remarkable and hugely beneficial to harvests in the area. All this techniques were used in great extent by Hannibal in Libya to make the land richer and to generate a living stock for all the new settlers coming.

    As trade and commerce improved, education and research blossomed and so documentation rapidly increased. Archiving records and documents became crucial to maintaining legal institutions and promoting further learning. The first libraries and archives were set up locally, collecting the information pertinent to the surrounding area. The most significant universal archive of information in the ancient world was the Library of Alexandria, which was said to have housed over half a million documents and scrolls. With its vast store of knowledge, it became the center of education and is recognized as one of the birthplaces of science. With knowledge growing and technologies wildly used across the Carthaginian Republic, Hannibal had turned to the well known Greek Gennadios of Bithynia for a opportunity unlike many others. The Greek had purchased in agricultural projects in Libya and Mining in Hesperia, he was a good trader with many contacts to the eastern Mediterranean and even inside the lands that Carthage traded with in the west. Hannibal wanted to expand his income and influence some of the eastern nations, by using Carthaginian traders and investors for projects in their states too. To do so Hannibal needed a new form of investment for these Carthaginian that wanted to use this opportunity in their advantage. He also believed that this would guarantee a safe backwater for profits that the Romans were not attacking, unlike direct Carthaginian land in Hesperia and Libya. To enable this new form of trade and investment, Hannibal and Gennadios increased the state bank of Carthage dramatically with some of the riches he had required by raiding the enemies land and by conquering new own land. The first form of such banking was carried out by priests, with temples housing deposits and authenticating coinage, exchanging gold and dealing with loans. Throughout Greece, religious buildings doubled as financial institutions, with the Parthenon in Athens at the centre of the Greek financial world. The first bankers began to emerge around the 4th century BC when money-changers, who were normally alien residents or 'metics', set up tables in markets for loans and money exchanges. These lenders went on to become fully-fledged bankers, and state banking was gradually established as the depositing of money moved from the temples to state-run institutions.
     
    Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 7
  • Of Hannibal’s Carthage, Part 7:
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    Hannibal knew that contracts between two parties are far easier to enforce when supported by written legal documents. However, with writing skills far from widespread the 'stipulatio', a basic contract between two parties, was agreed orally by both. This form of agreement was the norm in Carthage and most parts of the ancient world and it took time for written contracts to be accepted. Greek law, on the other hand, had always been based on the principles of written contracts and its influence gradually encouraged the Carthaginians and Romans to bind oral contracts within written terms. Based on the writings of Hippocrates, the Greek physician labeled the “father of medicine”, the Hippocratic Oath forms the basis of medical ethics which are still honored today. Ancient physicians swore to adhere to approved medical practices and to never abuse the knowledge and abilities bestowed upon them. The oath also stated that a physician would never administer poisons, divulge patient information or carry out an abortion, and would refrain from “mischief” and attempting any sexual advances on a patient, regardless of whether they were free or a slave. Although medical treatment still relied on a certain amount of mysticism, the Carthaginians, Romans and Greeks made many great discoveries thanks, in part, to the large number of injured men on hand as experimental subjects. Wine was used as an antiseptic, the alcohol content helping to clean the wound and keep infection at bay. Opium poppies and henbane seeds were used as painkillers, and surgeons could even lave spilled innards with a concoction of oil and water before packing them back into the owner's abdomen.

    Although any citizen or freeman could own land only the very rich could afford to develop it effectively. By investing in a huge labor force these estate owners were able to swallow up smaller, family-run farms and monopolies the market. They employed a seemingly endless supply of landless citizens, ordered into groups and, where possible, closely supervised to ensure that their productivity remained high. Although such workers were often labeled “slave labor”, rations, rewards and even a wage structure were used to incentivise the workers, ensuring that the estates operated efficiently. Consensual contracts were introduced by the Carthaginian and proved pivotal in their growth and prosperity as a trading nation. Contracts did exist prior to this point but consensual contracts allowed transactions to take place without property changing hands: there merely needed to be consensus or agreement between the involved parties. There were four types: first was a contract for the exchange of goods; second was a contract for the hire of goods; while third was governed partnerships. The final consensual contract outlined the difference for Punic and Metoikoi traders.
     
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