Basileus Theos

[Deleted member 5909]

[FONT=&quot]Basileus Theos
[/FONT]

The following TL is my first in quite some time. My goal is to write a successful Alexander TL, that remains realistic, and does not present any long term Macedonian wank, while at the same time, there remaining a powerful, realistically sized Hellenistic empire for at least the next few centuries. I can only hope that my goal is reached.

Note: I have used unanglicized, original Greek (and in some cases Persian) names (albeit in Latin alphabet) wherever and whenever possible. I feel it is the most appropriate thing to do, to maintain realism and accuracy--after all, the Great King of Asia was never "Alexander" to his contemporaries, always "Alexandros".[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]​

[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT]323 B.C.​

Prologue, enter the players​

The year 323 B.C. opens on a dark and near desperate note.

The mighty warlord Alexandros III Megas, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Great King of Asia, King of Macedon, Pharaoh of Egypt, Hegemon of the League of Corinth, has ordered that his court remain at Babylon, in deep mourning for the death of his beloved Hēphaistiōn, who has recently succumbed to fever the previous autumn. King Alexandros himself is in a state of near frantic grief since the death of his companion, and has spent lavishly on a splendid funeral and magnificent funerary games to honor his fallen comrade. Further, the Great King of Asia has petitioned the oracle at Siwah for the official recognition and honors of a divine hero to be conferred upon Hēphaistiōn, a request which has been duly proclaimed and granted, initiating the famed cult of the hero Hēphaistiōn, which will soon spread throughout the empire, urged onward by royal support. Alexandros himself orders a great temple erected in Babylon to house the hero’s ashes and cult.

In Pella, King Alexandros’ mother, Polyxenē Olympias, takes advantage of her son’s recent dark mood to rid herself of her rival for influence in Macedon, Alexandros’ strategos and satrap, Antipatros. Despite their previous rumored sexual involvement with each other, by now, the former political partnership between Antipatros and Olympias has turned into a full scale power struggle, one which the queen mother now finds she is losing. Writing to her son in Babylon, she accuses the aging Antipatros of inciting disloyalty and rebellion in Macedon, and urges him to dismiss Antipatros from his command.

Alexandros, now increasingly suspicious of those around him due to rumors attributing Hēphaistiōn’s death to poisoning, summons his former friend to Babylon to answer for the charges brought against him, relieving him of his command in Pella. In his place, the Great King sends the general Krateros as his new satrap in Macedon, along with over 11,000 of his long serving Macedonian veterans, now finally discharged and allowed to return home. Further, he orders Antipatros to levy new troops in Thrace, Macedon and Greece, and to lead them into Anatolia to reinforce his position there.

In early June, King Alexandros falls ill with fever. For days he lies close to death, and many of his generals and courtiers begin preparing for the worst. Finally however, on the third night of his illness, the Great King’s fever breaks and his health begins to improve. Alexandros’ recovery is seen as miraculous by his contemporaries, and a sure omen of his divinity. A series of public games are held in Babylon to celebrate, and after six months, public mourning for Hēphaistiōn is finally declared to be at an end.

The recovered Alexandros III is a new and far more invigorated king, having seen his brush with death as further proof the epic destiny in store for him. He immediately begins preparations for his long awaited Arabian campaign, having received reports of the great amount of wealth in copper and aromatic resins in the far off lands of Yemen. He begins amassing an army on the Euphrates, levying troops from throughout his vast empire.

The year finally draws to a close with a far more fortuitous omen then it had originally begun with: in August King Alexandros’ Bactrian wife, Roshanak (called ‘Roxanē’ by the Greeks), gives birth to a healthy son in Babylon—her first child having died at birth during the Indian campaign—who is named ‘Alexandros’ in honor of his father.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

322 B.C.​

Of what became of Antipatros​

As King Alexandros III Megas amasses his forces in Mesopotamia for the coming Arabian campaign, his general Krateros arrives in Macedon to take up his command, along with his retinue of 11,500 war veterans, who are joyously reunited with their families, after over a decade of separation. While Antipatros attempts to stall in Pella, not wishing to face the wrath of Alexandros III, no matter how trumped up the charges are against him, he soon finds himself under increasing pressure from both Olympias and Krateros to embark for Babylon.

Letters soon arrive in the next few months from Babylon, ordering Antipatros to depart with all possible haste, though Alexandros III is more concerned at this time with the fresh troops he is bringing for the Arabian campaign then any perceived threats. At first, Antipatros considers rebellion as a possible means to avoid his coming disgrace, and possible execution. His son, Kassandros, also newly returned from Babylon as his father’s personal messenger, encourages his father on this path, covetous of the possible path to power that would lie before him in the instance of victory. However, Antipatros is no fool, and is aware of his son’s destructive ambition; he also sees little success in any such endeavor, when faced not only with over 11,000 loyal veterans of the Persian campaign under Krateros’ command, but also a direct war with Alexandros himself—a prospect the general does not relish.

After three months of stalling, Antipatros departs Pella, accompanied by not only a force of 15,000 soldiers (mostly Macedonian and Thracian), but also much of his family, including his son Kassandros. Crossing the Sea of Marmara, he is joined by another 4,000 troops in Ionia, mostly levied from the Corinthian League. He spends some time in Ephesus with his forces, before crossing into Phrygia, where he lends some of his soldiers to Alexandros’ satrap there, Antigonos.

However, it is now apparent that the septuagenarian Antipatros’ health is beginning to fail, the general no longer being accustomed to long treks across foreign land. Over the next few weeks his health begins to worsen. Finally, at Arbela, the general falls ill, dying suddenly by the week’s end, probably from natural causes. His son Kassandros takes command of the reinforcements, leading them to Babylon, along with the corpse of his father.

In Babylon, Alexandros is greatly saddened to hear of his longtime friend’s death, despite the accusations brought against him. He not only issues a posthumous pardon in favor of the faithful general, but also grants him full funerary honors.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

322 B.C. – 319 B.C.​

The Arabian Campaign​

In late summer, 322 B.C., Alexandros gathers his forces and marches south down the Persian Gulf, invading the lands held by the regional power in northeast Arabia, the salt rich city-state of Gerrha, taking with him an army of 45,000. The people of Gerrha are unequipped and unprepared for the massive assault, and King Alexandros easily takes the city itself after a siege of only several weeks. By the fall of 322 B.C., the whole of the lands of Gerrha and the Persian Gulf are now occupied by Alexandros III and his army.

Wintering in Gerrha, Alexandros and his forces march south in late February, entering the lands of Mazun. He and his army find the tribes of Mazun to be equally unorganized in their defense, and the few existing settlements under defended in the face of a superior Greco-Persian army. While most of his encounters with the tribes of this region take the form of brief skirmishes and quick victories, he finally engages a collective force of allied tribes and towns at the battle of Muscat, in which he destroys the last remaining resistance to his conquest of the copper rich region of Oman.

In honor of his victory at Muscat, Alexandros founds the city of Alexandria Nicaea (not to be confused with the city of the same name in India), and after ordering the construction of several new outposts, leaves a small garrison under the command of Kassandros to govern the new satrapy. The Great King then marches west with the majority of his forces, along the rugged coastline of southern Arabia, establishing several outposts and planning for the future construction of a major roadway to ease communications.

By the late summer, he and his massive army have reached the fabled lands of Yemen, known to be rich in incense and aromatic resins. His entrance into southern Arabia begins rather fortuitously, when he is met by a force of 15,000 at Samharm in the kingdom of Hadhramaut, led by its king, and easily manages to overwhelm and defeat the king’s forces, forcing him to retreat into the lands of his ally, the king of Qataban, leaving the whole of Hadhramaut under Greco-Persian occupation by September, 321 B.C.

While many of his generals encourage him to winter in Hadhramaut and prepare for a final campaign the following spring, Alexandros III instead decides to invade Qataban and subjugate his Arabic enemies, stating “I will not rest until the whole of this country has bowed to the son of Zeus Ammon.”

His subsequent invasion of Qataban thus catches its king by surprise, and he barely has enough time to muster his own troops, let alone those on loan from conquered Hadhramaut. The city of Timna thus falls fairly quickly to Alexandros, with little need for a proper siege to extend beyond a week or two. In the confusion that results from breaching the city's walls, both the king of Qataban and his refugee ally, the king of Hadhramaut, are cut down by a force of advancing Greek hopolites. Alexandros III is now master of Qataban, and it is at the city of Timna itself that he decides to spend the winter with his forces in early November.

In the spring of 320 B.C., the kingdom of Saba fares no better than its neighbors. Like the rest of Arabia, the King of Saba is no match for the vast reserves of manpower and inventive military tactics that Alexandros and his commanders have to offer. He and his army, numbering some 19,000, is defeated at Najran, ending all remaining resistance in Arabia. Unable to bear the shame of falling into the hands of his enemy, the king of Saba commits suicide soon after.

Now occupying the whole of Yemen, King Alexandros immediately organizes the wealthy land into a new province, appointing the Macedonian commander Seleukos (at this time a lieutenant to his trusted general Perdikkas), a longtime veteran of his wars in Persia and India, to serve as its satrap, he having distinguished himself during the duration of the campaign (and also in the previous Indian wars) enough to prove his worth. Seleukos is left with a force of some 21,000 troops, and soon sets up his capital at Zafar. King Alexandros III then proceeds north in late July, now lord of all Arabia.

As Alexandros and his army march north, along the desert coastline of the Red Sea, he sets about founding a series of cities and forts, most named in honor of either himself, or a particular general enjoying his favor. The trek north, however, is far more harsh than expected, and the unforgiving climate of the Arabian coastline soon begins to claim the lives of his men. By the time the Great King and his exhausted forces reach the Gulf of Aquaba, they have buried over 5,000 of their comrades.

Desperate for rest and facing possible mutiny for the second time, King Alexandros marches north, into the kingdom of the Nabateans, long considered vassals by the Persians. The Nabateans, however, do not take kindly to this arrogance, be it from Persian or Greek, and when King Alexandros and his forces reach the rock citadel of Petra and demand that its people open the gates to them as returning heroes, they are flatly refused. Furious at such impudence, and in need of fresh supplies and rest, King Alexandros rouses his frustrated soldiers and besieges the city.

After over a month of assault, the city finally falls to King Alexandros and his superior siege weaponry on April 19, 219 B.C. The Great King then orders his men to sack and loot the entire fortress-city, pillaging and raping until they are finally content, and afterwards, destroying much of the remaining settlement, and then selling its population into slavery as punishment for their hubris. Satisfied, the conquering warlord and his men then return to Palestine in triumph.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

318 B.C. – 316 B.C.
​

India Revisited​

By late January, 318 B.C., King Alexandros III Megas has already returned to Babylon, now rapidly becoming the center of royal administration, though he has moved north to Susa for the winter. His subjugation of Arabia and the Nabateans complete, the restless warlord begins plans for a North African campaign, wishing to attack the wealthy Carthaginian empire and perhaps gain further glory—which he believes to now be the ultimate destiny in store for him, as the son of the divine Zeus Ammon.

King Alexandros III begins preparations for the construction of a fleet off the coast of Syria, near Tyre. However, before plans for the proposed flotilla can progress, King Chandragupta Maurya, the powerful lord of most of the northern Indian subcontinent, invades Macedonian held Punjab.

King Chandragupta is ambitious. Having just successfully completed his conquest of the Nanda empire, until this time the regional power in India, especially on the plains of the Deccan plateau, the Mauryan king now has his sights set on the wealthy lands of Punjab and the Indus valley, all the more tempting now due to their status as Greek provinces. And so, his conquest of the Nanda empire finally secured in late 319 B.C., King Chandragupta Maurya and his armies invade Punjab that same year. The Mauryan king meets with little resistance in this endeavor, as much of the Indian population is resentful of their new Greek ruling class. By November, 319 B.C., both King Poros and King Taxilēs, both clients of King Alexandros III in the Indus river valley, have betrayed the Macedonians and allied themselves with King Chandragupta, finally seeing the chance to win greater autonomy. By the spring, the Mauryans occupy the whole of the Indus river valley, and King Alexandros’ satraps Arachosia and Bactria find themselves in an increasingly desperate situation, lacking adequate reinforcements and supplies. While Oxyartēs—himself Alexandros’ father-in-law—is able to at least successfully hold Bactria, Peithōn and Sibyrtios, his satraps in the Indus and Arachosia respectively, find themselves outnumbered and in desperate need of support.

Amassing his troops in Susa, King Alexandros III thus finds himself compelled to abandon his planned Carthaginian campaign for the time being and march east. With a massive army of 70,000, he departs for Arachosia in late June, 318 B.C.

By the time of his arrival at Alexandria-in-Arachosia in early February, winter has already set in and the forces of Peithōn are rather desperate. It is thus not until the arrival of spring in March, 317 B.C. that King Alexandros III finally crosses the Indus and invades India for a second time.

After a month-long siege, he and his armies are finally able to retake the city of Pattala, securing the southern reaches of the Indus. King Chandragupta Maurya, however, cuts the Greco-Persian army off from any further northern advance at Multan in August, where a long and ultimately indecisive battle ensues between the two forces. King Alexandros III refuses to concede defeat, however, and instead endures the loss of thousands of men in order to take the Indus river valley. Believing the Great King of Asia to be insane, due to his refusal to retreat when both sides are suffering heavy losses, King Chandragupta finally flees north towards the Hydaspes, and awaiting reinforcements led by King Poros. King Alexandros III has won the battle, but at a heavy and almost ridiculous cost. Meanwhile, in Gandhara, Oxyartēs manages to secure Macedonian control of that region by defeating an occupying Mauryan force at the Khyber Pass, driving them back across the Hindu Kush and the Indus river, and the besieging the Mauryans at Taxila, along with their ally, King Taxilēs.

Circumventing King Chandragupta in the upper Indus river valley, King Alexandros III instead marches northwest, to aid Oxyartēs in Taxila, leaving Perdikkas with a large force in Multan, to block any further Mauryan advances south. Thus, it is on October 22, 317 B.C. that Taxila finally falls and is retaken by King Alexandros III, who not only sacks the city, but also captures King Taxilēs himself, and has him burned alive for his betrayal.

In February, 316 B.C., King Alexandros III and his forces march south to Bucephala, the city named for his beloved horse. There, after easily taking the city, they meet King Chandragupta and his forces on the battle field. The second battle of the Hydaspes thus ensues. At first, it looks as though King Chandragupta has the upper hand, and many begin to doubt the perceived invincibility of King Alexandros. However, at the last moment, Perdikkas arrives from the south and pins King Chandragupta against the two armies, spreading him far too thin. The Mauryan king barely escapes with his life, and is forced to retreat further east, pulling out of Greek held Swat. On the field that day, King Alexandros also manages to capture King Poros, who is likewise punished for his betrayal, being torn apart by wild beasts at the outpost of Alexandria-on-Hyphasis.

While King Alexandros III wishes to pursue King Chandragupta Maurya to the Ganges, if necessary, he finds himself under pressure from his forces to instead return to Babylon, finding that history once again repeats itself. King Alexandros is able to occupy the whole of Punjab, before his generals finally convince him to turn back, fearing that the entire army will revolt if he refuses. After leaving Perdikkas as satrap in troublesome India, and leaving behind a significant force to garrison the Indus, with specific instructions to fortify the frontier, King Alexandros III finally embarks for Susa once more.

 

[Saepe Fidelis]

I like it- I did a slightly similar TL in which the Yemenese kingdom of Sabea aligns with the Ptolemies, hellenises and goes on to explore the Indian Ocean. It's unfortunately stalled somewhat, so if anyone wants to go over to the link in my sig and reinvigorate it somewhat feel free (thanks for the PR btw)

One thing though- Arabia is valuable for trading resources, but surely it would be easier merely to send a fleet around adn make them protectorates rather than conductign a long and expensive campaign, especially with conflict in Macedon?

But good nonetheless- I see a hellenic India coming up. I wonder how you'll handle it, and see how close it is to my vision (unfortunately India hasn't featured too prominently in my TL yet- again- go and have a look. Don't make be do even more begging) lol.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

One thing though- Arabia is valuable for trading resources, but surely it would be easier merely to send a fleet around adn make them protectorates rather than conductign a long and expensive campaign, especially with conflict in Macedon?

I debated this, actually. The reason I settled on Alexander mounting a direct Arabian campaign was more so because I felt that it was more in his character to do so. IMO, Alexander was far more concerned with personal glory and the thrill of finding a challenging enemy to triumph over than anything else, especially considering his actions in India.
Although, considering how remote Yemen is in relation to the rest of the empire, I don't see it being able to be held by Alexander's successors in the immediate future, so it might just become a client kingdom in the end...

 

[Deleted member 5909]

315 B.C. – 314 B.C.​

The submission of Syracuse​

King Alexandros III and his forces do not reach Susa until the late fall of 315 B.C. Upon his return, the Great King of Asia orders a period of public rejoicing in honor of his recent triumph over King Chandragupta Maurya, inaugurating the set of competitions which shall later be known as the Susa games.

It is in early February, 314 B.C. that a group of emissaries arrive from Syracuse, the dominant Greek power in Sicily and southern Italy. Agathoklēs, Tyrant of the city-state of Syracuse, is at this time at war with the longstanding enemy of the Sicilian Greek city-states: the Carthaginian Empire. The Republic of Carthage seeks to expand its influence in Sicily, and has already overrun much of the island’s western half, though Agathoklēs has thus far been able to hold his position in the east, reinforced by his allies in southern Italy. With the fall of the Greek city of Tyndaris in June, 315 B.C. to advancing Carthaginian forces, however, Agathoklēs’ situation is now becoming desperate. Accordingly, he dispatches his ambassadors to Susa soon after, seeking the aid and protection of the Great King of Asia, in exchange for a profitable alliance.

The timing of Agathoklēs’ embassy is impeccable, as, unbeknownst to the Tyrant of Syracuse, King Alexandros III has long been considering mounting a campaign against Carthage, as he sees their defeat as a sort of final victory against the Phoenicians, along with a way to further satiate his growing thirst for conquest.

Alexandros III receives the tyrant’s emissaries in Babylon. There, the Greek ambassadors are met with a setting of unimaginable splendor, from the magnificent interiors and gardens of the Palace of Nebuchadnezzar, to the city’s newly constructed Greek quarter, with its array of vast temples and city residences for the Macedonian nobility. Further, the incalculable wealth and luxury that the Great King now commands at his disposal is remarkable to the Sicilian Greeks.

However, the men are still unnerved by the degree to which many of the Macedonian and Greek elite have adopted Oriental customs, having been raised on tales of the decadence and effeminate weakness of the former Persian empire, and its long time rivalry with the Greeks. Indeed, the fact that many of the generals and commanders of Alexandros have now taken Persian wives is enough in and of itself, but the insistence of some on blackening their eyes with kohl and wearing exotic silks and bejeweled costumes is almost too much. Further, the fact that King Alexandros III Megas himself, a Greek ruler, now insists on prostration in his presence and thinks himself a living god is taken as a sign that he and his generals have, in effect, ‘gone native’—though this is of course highly biased and ignorant of the fact that the Macedonians have also kept many of their own customs, and brought a great deal of the finer points of Hellenic culture to the east.

King Alexandros agrees to ally himself with the city-states of Magna Graecia and come to their aid. However, in exchange, he insists that they join the League of Corinth, his client confederation of Greek states under Macedonian hegemony. This last issue is a great point of contention for Agathoklēs, who fears the total loss of his autonomy, along with his dominance over the other Greek states in Sicily. In a series of letters exchanged between Babylon and Syracuse, King Alexandros III assures the tyrant that his dominance in Sicily over much of his neighboring city-states is an asset if nothing else, as it will ease any transition into the League of Corinth. And, in exchange for supplying tribute and troops to King Alexandros, as well as swearing to loyally obey his will, the tyrant will be largely left alone, and the constitutions of the cities of Magna Graecia left otherwise intact, just as in Greece itself.

Under pressure on all sides, from his allies, subjects and enemies, Agathoklēs finally agrees to the terms of Alexandros’ intervention in August, 314 B.C. At Messana, the following November, Agathoklēs and the leaders of a majority of the remaining Greek city-states of Sicily and southern Italy formally make their submission to King Alexandros III as hegemon, strategos, and autocrat of the League of Corinth. That same day, the first colonial delegates to the Synedrion, the representative assembly of the League, are appointed by the tyrants of Sicily and southern Italy. They depart for Greece the following month.

Meanwhile, at Tyre, King Alexandros III begins amassing the fleet which has been in preparation for the last few years since his original return to Babylon in 324 B.C.—his dream of subduing the Carthaginians now a reality. He dispatches his loyal general Ptolemaios to Egypt soon after, appointing him his new satrap there and ordering Ptolemaios to begin building a second fleet at Cyrene, while also encouraging him to levy further troops from amongst the population and amass a reserve army in Alexandria for the coming land campaign in North Africa. Krateros also raises further troops in Macedon and Thrace, sending over 7,000 men to Syria in January, 313 B.C., while the League of Corinth, in accordance with King Alexandros’ new demands, sends a force of 4,000 fresh troops that same month to accompany the army Krateros has raised. Krateros’ most trusted lieutenant and comrade, the aging commander Polyperxōn, is sent to lead the combined Macedonian-Greek force to Tyre.

 

[Jammy]

I like this, although i think Alexander has got quite lucky in not losing any battles, for example in the Arabian desert.

I agree with you it would be in his characteristic to invade rather than force protectorates.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

313 B.C.​

Enter Hamilcar.​

In the summer of 313 B.C., King Alexandros III launches his massive fleet of 300 ships from Tyre and embarks for Sicily, taking with him a force of some 45,000 men, mostly consisting of Persians and Macedonians, along with many Arabians, Greeks, Indians, Mesopotamians, Phrygians, and Thracians. After three weeks, he finally lands at Syracuse. The city’s population is awestruck by both the size of his fleet and the sheer diversity of his vast armies.

Joined by a force of 10,000 from the allied states of Magna Graecia, he immediately marches west, soon encountering the Carthaginians at Thermae, led by the seasoned general Hamilcar. Hamilcar, who has heard of the might of King Alexandros, now finds himself in utter amazement at the actual reality. He immediately realizes that his army of 25,000, mostly consisting of mercenaries from Iberian and North Africa, will be no match for the Great King of Asia’s combined strength. He wisely retreats east to his main base of operations at Eryx after only a brief skirmish, suffering only minimal casualties in the process. While King Alexandros pursues him west, the general instead sends only small bands of soldiers to briefly skirmish with his enemy, buying time for Hamilcar and the majority of his forces to take ship and abandon Sicily—preferring to amass a force more up to the task of facing Alexandros III in Africa. The tactical retreat takes place on October 19 at Selinus.

Upon reaching Selinus, King Alexandros is said to be furious, realizing Hamilcar has avoided facing him openly and instead fled south. While this leaves Alexandros as lord of Sicily, he is displeased nonetheless by the loss of a chance to openly defeat the Carthaginians. He immediately orders his fleet to be readied at Naxos, and plans for an African campaign the following spring to be prepared.

The absence of Alexandros and the concentration of his forces in the west is just the chance that King Chandragupta Maurya has been waiting for. Over the last three years, he has slowly been regrouping his forces in the Ganges river valley, awaiting the chance for a second invasion of Punjab, his pride greatly damaged by the inconclusive nature of his previous conflict with Alexandros and its essential lack of any sort strategic victory on both sides, despite the heavy casualties suffered.

Marching west from Mathura, the Mauryan king relishes the prospect of finally settling his score with the Greeks. Perdikkas is caught by surprise, having not expected King Chandragupta to have been capable yet of mounting such a sizable invasion—though this is mostly due to the unreliable reports gathered from his scouts and spies, all of whom are unfamiliar with the Indian subcontinent’s terrain, as the general has always preferred Macedonians to hold positions of trust on his personal staff. With only 25,000 soldiers at his disposal, Perdikkas attempts to block Chandragupta’s advance at Alexandria Opiana in August, 313 B.C. Though Perdikkas’ men fight valiantly to defend the empire, they are no match for the Mauryan army, now numbering 60,000. Overwhelmed and suffering heavy casualties, Perdikkas retreats south with what remains of his men, hoping to hold Pattala for the winter.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

312 B.C. – 310 B.C.​

Carthago delenda est.​

Alexandros III does not learn of King Chandragupta’s invasion of Punjab until early March. By this time, he is far too advanced in his preparations for his coming African campaign to turn back. While his generals attempt to encourage him to do so anyway, especially Lysimakhos and Peukestas. However, Alexandros refuses to listen to their suggestions. By this point, he has invested too much and waited far too long to be able to finally face Hamilcar in Carthage. On March 19, 312 B.C. he and his fleet depart from Naxos, en route to North Africa.

Meanwhile, in early spring, King Chandragupta Maurya and his forces soon occupy the southern reaches of the Indus river valley, and are besieging Perdikkas and his army at Pattala by April 4. Perdikkas’ situation is now becoming all the more hopeless. Though he has already sent word to his fellow satraps and requested aid, the vast distances that any army must cover to reach him and the poor quality of the empire’s networks of communication in the east are enough to ensure his realization that any help will not arrive in time to save his position. After three months of holding out, the half-starved, desperate Perdikkas and his remaining army of some 17,000 finally abandon Pattala and retreat into the west in July. The east bank of the Indus is now Chandragupta’s for the taking.

King Alexandros and his fleet land at Thacape after over two weeks at sea, on April 4—the same day as King Chandragupta’s arrival at Pattala—with a force of some 45,000, along with over 10,000 allied troops under the command of Agathoklēs. By this time, Hamilcar is ready for him, meeting Alexandros’ advance at Sufetula with a force of over 40,000. It is here that Hamilcar rises to the occasion, and for the first time since his war with Chandragupta in India, Alexandros III is facing a worthy foe—and unlike his previous campaign, his luck will not hold so well this time. April 20, 312 B.C. becomes a day forever remembered as one of ill omen for the Greeks, as it is on that day that King Alexandros III and his armies are defeated by Hamilcar. Though Alexandros’ army suffers minimal losses (only about 4,000 men), he is nevertheless unable to break past the Carthaginian lines with his phalanx, and is forced to concede at least temporary defeat, retreating east to Thaenae.

Hamilcar’s victory has come at a heavy cost: over 9,000 of his soldiers. He knows that King Alexandros already is aware of this, and thus, in order to gather his full strength for the next battle and conserve what forces he has, Hamilcar does not march south to pursue Alexandros III, but instead goes north to Maktar to bide his time and await reinforcements. While this essentially leaves much of the strip of African coastline south of Acholla under Macedonian occupation, it is only a temporary calm before the storm. For the time being, any northern advance by King Alexandros will be blocked.

In late September, reinforcements finally arrive from Syria and Anatolia, bringing the total number of Perdikkas’ forces in Arachosia to 30,000. Marching north, he joins with his fellow satrap Oxyartēs in December, at the foot of the Hindu Kush mountains near Alexandria-in-Caucaso, swelling the Greco-Persian troop count in India to well over 45,000, though the Greeks are still outnumbered when compared to the army of 65,000 at King Chandragupta’s disposal—the Mauryan king having received reinforcements of his own.

In Africa, Alexandros marches north with his army, this time determined to best Hamilcar on the battlefield. Hamilcar, however, is ready for the Great King of Asia, and the two armies soon meet near Maktar on July 15. The battle that ensues is one of the most bloody in antiquity, with neither general willing to concede defeat, despite the heavy losses incurred on both sides. It is the Macedonian phalanx this time, however, which triumphs over the Carthaginian mercenary force, breaking through Hamilcar’s lines and dealing a massive blow to his infantry—though this comes at the cost of thousands of Persian and Macedonian lives. In the end it is King Alexandros’ abnormally strong will and little else which wins the day, as Hamilcar is no longer willing to suffer further reductions to his numbers. Over 18,000 soldiers now lie dead on both sides.

Refusing to allow Hamilcar to regroup, King Alexandros III openly ignores his commanders’ advice to retreat south for the winter, and instead orders his forces to march north in pursuit of the Carthaginians, besieging Hamilcar at Tunis in November.

Despite his losses in Africa, Alexandros knows that he still can win the war with his remaining troops. Further, the reports that finally reach him from India over the course of the winter siege disturb the king greatly, as he now realizes the full extent of the situation. All at once, the great warlord is facing the very real possibility of losing his Indian possessions. From Tunis, he immediately orders Ptolemaios to abandon his Alexandria fleet and plans for a second African invasion from Cyrene, and instead ready his troops and march east. Ptolemaios dutifully obeys.

Tunis finally falls to King Alexandros after five months of siege, in the spring of 311 B.C. Realizing the risk of taking the war too close to home, Hamilcar wisely abandons the city and instead takes his army north. The two armies finally meet at Utica on June 12, 311 B.C. By now, King Alexandros and his generals are determined to defeat the Carthaginians at whatever cost, tired of the last few months seemingly constant light skirmishes with the Carthaginians, followed by hasty retreats. There, King Alexandros finally manages to regain his former glory and completely destroy the armies of Carthage, at the tremendous cost of over 8,000 of his men. Among the casualties that litter the field of battle are Hamilcar himself and the tyrant Agathoklēs. While the remains of Carthage’s army are now totally destroyed by the advance of the mighty phalanx, King Alexandros himself has also suffered greatly: only a little over 31,000 of his original force is now left in Africa. Many lives have now been sacrificed upon the altar of the mighty son of Zeus’ personal grandeur.

Fearing the fate of their mother city of Tyre, the Republic of Carthage’s ruling oligarchy realizes they have little options left now but to surrender. Further, with much of their political elite now dead in battle, there is little voice of opposition left in favor of continuing the war and preparing for siege. It is thus on August 22 that Carthage opens its gates to King Alexandros and his forces, who enter the city in triumph. Despite this act of unilateral surrender, Alexandros is not content. While he spares much of the city itself, he nevertheless gives his soldiers leave to sack Carthage and freely loot and pillage—the conqueror seeing little choice now, and fearing a mutiny by his troops if they do not fully satisfy their desire for vengeance for the deaths of their comrades. However, the inhabitants of Carthage themselves are spared from further violence, and are neither sold into slavery nor massacred.

Leaving Lysimakhos in Carthage with a force of some 16,000 as satrap, with the promise of future reinforcements, Alexandros III departs with the remainder of his men in November, landing in Syracuse several weeks later. There he restores the city’s former oligarchy and previous constitution in his role as hegemon of the League of Corinth, in order to little future unrest in Magna Graecia and a smooth transition in power due to Agathoklēs’ death. Finally, in February, 310 B.C., he takes ship for Syria.

The situation in India has seen little improvement over the last year. Determined to at least gain some form of upper hand in defense, Perdikkas attempts to block King Chandragupta’s advance at Attock in the summer of 311 B.C. The attempt is a total failure, and results in a humiliating Macedonian defeat that costs many of the general’s men their lives, including the satrap Oxyartēs himself. The fall of Aornus the following month cements the loss of Gandhara.

The tides of battle do not see improvement until the late fall of 311 B.C., when an outnumbered and desperate Perdikkas finally manages to block King Chandragupta’s advance in the mountains of the Hindu Kush by holding the Khyber pass and forcing the Mauryans to admit an uneasy defeat. Realizing the futility of further war with Chandragupta, Perdikkas instead abandons India entirely and sends emissaries the king’s camp to negotiate a peace settlement.

Under the terms of the agreement—unauthorized by King Alexandros—Chandragupta promises to halt his advance past the Indus river, and in return demands that Perdikkas abandon any further claim to the lands he now occupies. The agreement will later cost the general his life.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

309 B.C. – 301 B.C.​

Neos Dionysos​

By the time of his return to Babylon in mid May, 310 B.C., King Alexandros III has one objective only: reconquest of India and defeat of Chandragupta. The Great King has taken the loss of his Indian possessions personally, and when word reaches him of Perdikkas’ desperate truce reached with the Mauryans and his cession of all land beyond in the Indus river valley to Chandragupta, he is furious. King Alexandros sees the acts of Perdikkas as not only illegal, but treasonous. Further, the death of Oxyartēs the previous year is also taken as a deep affront by Alexandros, as the satrap had been his father-in-law via his marriage to his Bactrian queen, Roshanak.

Alexandros III immediately orders Krateros to levy fresh troops in Macedon and Thrace, and commands the League of Corinth to also send him more soldiers for the planned Indian invasion. This comes as an unwelcome order to the Greeks, as they are already just recovering from the losses of the Carthaginian expedition, and have little desire to be bled even further for a war that does not concern them. It is only through the immense force of Alexandros Megas’ unbreakable will that they finally relent and send a meager force of 5,000 hoplites, claiming they can levy no further troops at this time. The Macedonians and Thracians prove far more compliant, and Krateros is able to muster not only 12,000 soldiers there, but also a further 7,000 allied soldiers from Epirus, along with an auxiliary army of 3,000 Illyrian mercenaries. A further 6,000 Arabians are sent from Seleukos in Yemen, along with a useful gift of 2,000 famed Arab horses. In addition, 18,000 Anatolians are levied in Phrygia and Cilicia, along with a further 35,000 Persians, Mesopotamians, and Syrians. By the time his new army is assembled at Susa in early spring, 309 B.C., King Alexandros is further pleased to hear that a force of 10,000 mercenaries is now on its way from North Africa, levied at the order of Lysimakhos.

In April, Alexandros and his army depart, marching east into India.

In October, 309 B.C., the new army of Alexander III reaches Pura, joining with Ptolemaios and his forces who are camped there—Ptolemaios being the only real power left in the east to defend the empire’s borders against the Mauryans. The Lord of Asia’s army now swells to some 90,000 men. The army winters at Pura, and only in March, 308 B.C. does it march north to Alexandria Nicaea, the strongest remaining border citadel on the eastern border. Due to the army’s massive size, it is not easily achieved, and Alexandros will not reach the city until August, 308 B.C. It is there that he joins with what remains of Perdikkas’ forces in Bactria. The Perdikkas that Alexandros finds there is a sad, defeated man, demoralized and disgraced for his actions in India, who has been guarding the northeastern borders like a dog waiting of the return of his master.

A furious King Alexandros orders the general to be strangled soon after in retribution for his treason and failure. Immediately after, he and his army crosses over the Hindu Kush mountains, in what will be remembered as a near epic trek, given the number of his troops, and invades India.

By this time, Chandragupta has heard of Alexandros’ planned invasion and the forces that he has been raising there. Deeply offended by what he sees as a dishonorable act and broken oath on the part of the Macedonians, the Mauryan king decides to seek personal revenge for the slight. With a force of 88,000 he marches west from the Ganges river valley, preparing to finally face his longtime enemy and rival for power in India.

Alexandros reaches Taxila by November, besieging the city through the winter months. He manages to finally retake the city by February, 307 B.C., though this time he spares it from being sacked and looted by his troops. Continuing east, he takes Bucephala by April, and from there continues south to Sagala, where he finally encounters Chandragupta and his equally impressive forces in June. The battle that ensues is one of the finest examples of the skills of both men as tacticians. It is there that King Alexandros defeats his enemy on the field, redeeming his former glory and forcing Chandragupta and his army to retreat south. For the first time in over half a decade, Punjab and the north of the Indus river valley are again occupied by Alexandros’ forces. The fortune of the Macedonian forces has finally been reversed.

Taking Opiana in the fall, Alexandros III winters there with his massive forces, nearly raping the region of all resources in the process, due to his army’s massive size. Marching south the next spring, Alexandros again faces Chandragupta, this time near Pattala, where, after a long and bloody battle, he manages to defeat the Mauryan king and drive him east. Besieging the city proper, he retakes it within weeks.

By summer, 306 B.C. that Alexandros once again is master of the whole of his former Indian possessions, having managed to thus far outmaneuver Chandragupta. But the Mauryan king is no fool. He knows that Alexandros has used both his numbers and his superior phalanx against him to great effect. Further, the Mauryan king has only been defeated twice, and both times were but tactical retreats with minimal losses. The only decisive success that Alexandros has gained is renewed control of the Indus River, and little else. He still has Chandragupta to face in the east, and any declaration of victory now would be premature with the Mauryan army still menacing the empire’s borders. This time there will be no turning back at the Hydaspes; the Great King will have to pursue the Mauryans into India—and thus by Greek reckoning, to the very ends of the earth.

In late January, 305 B.C., Alexandros leaves Ptolemaios in India as satrap and marches northeast, ready to pursue Chandragupta and finally subdue the peoples of Hindustan, once and for all. The Great King is now on the verge of a possible second chance at his old goal: conquest of the whole of the old Nanda empire, and the resulting extension of his domains to the edge of the encircling seas.

But Alexandros is facing a mysterious enemy in a foreign land, and Chandragupta has the upper hand. This cruel fact is demonstrated when the two forces once again encounter one another at Barygaza in the summer. There, Chandragupta manages to finally hold his ground against Alexandros’ advancing phalanx, and, using the terrifying might of his force of war elephants (larger than Alexandros’ own troop), deal a crushing defeat to King Alexandros III, who try as he might is unable to break through the king’s own lines. Their advanced blocked, the Greco-Persian army is forced to retreat to the safety of the west.

Returning to Pattala, Alexandros is beaten, but not defeated. He has managed to at least escape with much of his army intact, though his pride is greatly damaged by Chandragupta’s victory. Realizing that his current strategy is ineffective, the king instead decides to switch his route of conquest, and instead marches north to Sagala, deciding to launch his invasion from there.

In the spring of 304 B.C., he thus invades India a second time, this time managing to catch Chandragupta by surprise. The Mauryan king has miscalculated, and believed Alexandros III would not dare to strike directly at his forces in the north, but instead attempt to take Barygaza again, to avenge his previous defeat, and then march northeast to the Ganges from there. Instead, Alexandros defeats several small Mauryan forces that year in a series of light skirmishes, and, before Chandragupta can reach him in the north, manages to take Indraprastha after a four month long siege in the fall of 304 B.C. Once again, fickle fortune has betrayed her man, and Alexandros III finds himself now holding a strong and defensible position in the north. Further, the Great King now has the prize that he has long waited for and been cheated of: an empire that stretches to the western banks of the Ganges.

Advancing east across the Ganges towards the end of winter, 303 B.C., he besieges Mathura. However, by this time, Chandragupta Maurya and the full force of his Indian army have reached the southern reaches of the Ganges river valley. Chandragupta arrives to lift the siege of Mathura on April 14, and, summoning up the full force of a defending army, not only blocks Alexandros’ further advance east of the Ganges, but also manages to inflict the heaviest defeat ever felt by Alexandros III in his entire career as a general, the likes of which that have not been seen since Sufetula in 312 B.C. Chandragupta has risen to the occasion and not been found wanting, and the message delivered to Alexandros III is now clear: any further advance east will be disastrous for his forces.

There will be no further Macedonian advance past the Ganges. This is further ensured by the refusal of his soldiers to attempt a second advance, as by now, even most of Alexandros’ commanders realize Chandragupta and Alexandros are evenly matched. The message is now clear: a stalemate, while less honorable than a victory, is less disastrous than a defeat.

Remaining in Punjab for the next year, Alexandros III personally oversees the fortification of his occupied lands in India. It is not until the spring of 301 B.C. that he finally departs for Babylon, leaving Ptolemaios as satrap in Sagala, with a great force of 50,000 under his command to defend the long stretches of the Mauryan border.

While Alexandros III sees his inability to defeat Chandragupta as a personal failure, the uneasy peace in India is seen by many of his subjects as positive for the empire, as it has resulted in the annexation of a great deal of northern India and its population, and at least has been far more successful in its achievement than any past Indian campaign since that of 326 B.C. Indeed, the expansion of Alexandros’ Indian domains is even seen as a great victory by his subjects in Persia, as their own previous ruler, the famed warlord Cyrus the Great, was himself unable to achieve any success in the Indian subcontinent. For his efforts, Alexandros III Megas earns the victory surname “Neos Dionysos”, in reference to the mythical conquest of India by the Greek god Dionysos.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

Just out of curiosity, I was wondering how many of you are reading this and are interested in its continuation? Any suggestions or specific areas of interest I should cover in the future?
I know that the entire TL is very long and all, so I completely understand if most haven't been able to catch up so far...

Hopefully it is plausible enough and lacks any great disappointments?

Interested in feedback.

 

[DuQuense]

A map would be Nice [Maps are always nice]

Joesph Campbell tells of Alexander visiting a Colony of Indian Monks/Philosophers, most of the monks ignored Alexander.
But one young [40~50ish] finally agreed to return to Alex's Camp - to the derisive amusement of his fellow Monks.

While it has been interesting to read about Then Great General's campaigns, I have to wonder.
Alexander is now 55 years old, He has spent a life in the military, and he is probably not in the best of health.

?What kind of Legacy will This Alexander leave behind?. I doubt if his Empire will survive his Death.
?How will it Divide?
?Have any of his Sons been with Him on Campaign?
?Did He build any Roads? Ports? New Trade Routes?

?How have the Greek Philosophers, reacted to the older Indian Philosophies? Religions? Mathematics?

The Macedonian control/Unification of Greece has latest some 33 years longer, and now controls most of the Grecian World [?Did Alexander try to bring the Black Sea Greeks under his Empire?]
?What effect has this had on Intra Greek Politics, during this period?

 

[Deleted member 5909]

300 B.C.​

An empire unlike any before or since.​

The empire over which King Alexandros III Megas Neos Dionysos rules is one greater and more powerful than any ever seen before or since. Stretching from the Ganges river in the east to the shores of Tunis and the island of Sicily in the west, from the fragrant land of Yemen in the south to the Danube river and the rocky steppes of Sogdiana in the north, it encompasses most of the known world. Indeed, aside from his legendary might, the great fortune and success enjoyed by Alexandros III is enough for many of his subjects to accept that he truly is a living god—and not just as his predecessors in Persia before him, but the son of Zeus begotten on a mortal woman. The great hero Hēraklēs or oriental lord Dionysos of his age.

Government and Society. By this time, Babylon has become the new royal capital and seat of power, replacing the old Macedonian city of Pella and the ancient Persian Persepolis (though in practice, Susa was used as the de facto royal seat in the latter days of the Achaemenid empire). There, at the magnificent palace of Nebuchadnezzar, its famed gardens one of the seven wonders of the Ancient world, the Great King of Asia rules his vast territories. The ruling class of the empire is mostly composed of the great families of Macedon and Persia respectively, though the local landowning nobilities have been left in place, for the most part, in most conquered realms, such as in Arabia, Egypt, and India. Due to increased pressure from Alexandros and his policies of a new order of integration (such as at the famed mass wedding celebration at Susa in 324 B.C.), a great deal of the aristocratic houses of the Persian empire have now intermarried with those of Macedon, and the ruling class is on its way to slowly evolving into a homogenous, endogamous entity. Thus it is due mainly to Alexandros’ own aggressive insistence that a distinct form of Hellenic and Oriental syncretism is on the way to forming, instead of one conquering group dominating the other. Indeed, both Greeks and Asians have both begun to adopt and assimilate a great deal of cultural trends and practices from each other.

The Great King governs the empire as absolute lord and autocrat, having the sole power to legislate and command his armies. Further, he is also a religious figure, treated as a near-living god according to the native rites and traditions of most of his subjects, especially in Asia, for a variety of reasons: in Egypt, he is the Pharaoh, son and high priest of the great god Amun Ra and living incarnation of the sky god Horus; in Persia and Mesopotamia he is worthy of veneration, as the office of King of Kings is a sacred one by its very nature, with the king being seen as the living representative of the great god Ahura Mazda and his chief priest on earth (with he and the royal family being represented by the holy fires burned in the temples); in Syria and Phoenicia he is the descendant of the gods themselves, and their priest and living image on earth. And, most recently, by the royal sponsored propaganda of King Alexandros III himself, he is the son of great lord Zeus-Ammon as revealed at Siwah, sired upon the Queen Olympias in the form of a snake (or thunderbolt, depending on the tale), a living god, and the father of a new dynasty of divine descent.

Royal income is derived not just from taxation and tribute, but also from vast landed estates owned by the Great King throughout the empire, duties collected in ports of trade, his complete legal monopoly over all the empire’s gold and silver mines, and finally, the special monopoly over all timber harvested and sold in Macedon, Syria, and Thrace.

The Great King is assisted in his duties by a chief vizier known as the Chiliarch, who serves as his primary advisor and administrator, as well as his personal military lieutenant in command. Further, the royal council advises the Great King and oversees the governing of the empire. The council, known as the Synedrion, consists of the chiliarch, the seven personal bodyguards of the Great King, known as the somatophylakes, the king’s generals (strategoi), and lastly the king’s companions (philoi), personally selected from the greatest and most noble houses of the Persian and Macedonian nobility and organized into two distinct grades: first companions (proto philoi) and honored companions (timomenoi philoi). The sons of first companions alone had the special right to serve the Great King as his royal pages.

The empire is divided into a series of provinces, each of which is governed by a trusted satrap appointed to represent the king there, and assisted by a state appointed secretary. Though they serve at the pleasure of the king in their office, they are often transferred or recalled after several years, as according to the needs of the king. Satraps have the power to act in the place of the king, within set limits, and are also sometimes in command of a garrisoning army, in border provinces (these being the most powerful and sought after satrapies). Aside from this, most local governments remain relatively intact, with some modifications, as this is this allows for a smooth administration. Cities retain their special constitutions, being ruled either by royal officials, or local assemblies, as in some areas of Syria and Asia Minor. Other forms of peculiar local administration, such as in rural areas, are retained, though they are directly appointed by the king, or more commonly by the provincial satrap on his behalf.

Further, a series of client kingdoms are also subject to the Great King, ruled by their local kings as vassals to Babylon, with their own separate internal systems of administration. These kingdoms are only required to remain loyal to empire, pay an annual tribute, and supply soldiers, and otherwise are left unmolested.

One such client state is the League of Corinth, a confederation of the Greek city-states of the Cyclades, Greece, Ionia, Italy, and Sicily. It is governed by the Great King as ruling hegemon, who serves as its chief statesman and military leader. While each of the city-states is allowed to maintain its own local constitution and customs, they are required to send delegates to the body’s federal council, which acts as its primary policy forming and administrative assembly, meeting in various locations, such as Athens, Corinth, Delphi, and Sparta. The League is required to pay a special tribute to the Great King and supply him with a set amount of troops, depending on the local population of the city-state in question.

Other client kingdoms include at this time Bithynia, Caucasian Iberia, Cyprus, Epirus, Medea Atropatene, and Pontus.

Economy and Trade. The size of the empire necessitates a developed network of communications that includes a wide ranging system of roads and messengers. While King Alexandros has inherited much of this already in the conquered lands of the Persian empire and Greece, the rest of the empire is in dire need of reform in this department, especially in India and Arabia, and it is this expansion of major roadways that will plague the royal administration well into the third millennia B.C., only slowly taking place in the more remote areas of the empire.

Nevertheless, this lack of proper communications systems has not affected trade within the borders of Alexandros’ realm by any means. Spanning all major trade routes in both the east and the west, the empire that the Great King rules over from Babylon is the richest ever seen. Vast amounts of wealth change hands amongst its merchants, and the state levies a great deal of money in taxes and tribute from its subjects and vassals every year. Daily, traders import silks and spices from the far east and furs and slaves from the north and west. But the empire’s greatest strength lies in its own self sufficiency, and the fact that it already possess a great deal of wealth from internal sources, boosting both domestic commerce and trade with foreign lands.

Africa, Egypt, and Mesopotamia all act as bread baskets for the empire, producing more than enough grain to feed the population twice over. Yemen and the Arabian provinces provide such commodities as salt and aromatic resins for the lucrative incense trade. The cotton and spices produced in India are in great demand as luxury goods throughout the Mediterranean. Syria is rich in timber and glass, and produces the rare and expensive pigments which are used in purple dyes, while Anatolia is famed for its silver mines. Even the Greeks of the Corinthian League supply a great deal of wine and olive oil to the subjects of the empire.

Military. The empire of Alexandros III is not only rich in trade goods and commerce; it is also home to a vast amount of human resources, numbering around 80 to 90 million subjects in total(1), the largest population ever before ruled over by a single man. The old form of the Macedonian army supported by a great number of auxiliary forces remained virtually intact until the reforms of 324 B.C., and even after that little changed until 300 B.C. It is in that year that a great deal of reforms were introduced by King Alexandros III concerning the new army of his realm. According to the new system introduced by the Great King, troops were to be recruited from all provinces by their respective satraps, and in each client kingdom by their respective kings. Further, if additional troops were needed in times of emergency, the Great King could order them as he saw fit.

The empire’s cavalry mainly consisted of men of the upper classes, as all its members were required to supply their own horse. The most prestigious were the 3,000 horsemen who served as the king’s permanent Royal Guard of Companions, all of whom were required to be of noble birth. Cavalry troops were divided into squadrons of 200 men, and armed with heavy armor and lances in the Asiatic style, though there were some existing troops of light oriental cavalry (mostly mounted archers from Bactria) and scouts.

The infantry was mostly made up of lightly armed foot soldiers who wielded pikes in a phalanx formation, though there was also an elite force of Greek hoplites levied from the Corinthian League. Further, foot soldiers equipped with swords in the Oriental manner and Cretan archers were also employed. The two most prestigious forces of the infantry were the Hyaspists, a force of 10,000 Macedonian spearmen armed as hoplites, and the Immortals, a force of 10,000 Persian and Mede heavy infantry resurrected by King Alexandros before his Carthaginian campaign in 315 B.C. Both these units served as a standing army in times of peace.

The royal army also had special divisions, including a siege weapon and artillery unit. Further, since his first return to Babylon from India in 324 B.C., King Alexandros III had assembled a force of war elephants to be used in battle, which consisted of both Indian and African elephants, trained and used to devastating effect during his African and Indian campaigns, each being coupled with mounted archers and handlers, and sometimes even miniature fortress towers to shield its riders.

Culture. The syncretism of Hellenic and Oriental culture has deeper implications then ethnic intermarriage. Greek has fast become the lingua franca of the empire, replacing all local languages as the primary tongue of trade and administration, even in such places of Persia and Egypt. The results of this are far reaching, with an explosion of Greek literature and theater, along with the translation of many Egyptian, Persian, and Indian works into Greek and the local native tongues. Many Hellenic customs, such as athletic games and musical and theatrical competitions, have become widespread, adopted locally to the varying traditions in place. Greek architecture has also influenced the many public works found throughout Alexandros’ realm, although traditional Persian and Babylonian styles are also becoming just as widespread, for many of the same reasons.

Further, many Greeks and Macedonians living in east, along with many others beyond the old Achaemenid sphere of influence, begin to adopt a great deal of Persian culture and customs, mystified by the exotic pomp, and foreign mystery. For the first time, Persian music, personal adornments (such as jewelry and clothing styles), and furnishings become widespread, with the Macedonian upper classes almost completely abandoning their restrained Greek ways in favor of a more Persian lifestyle of Asiatic luxury and orientalism, albeit one with heavy Greek influences in the spheres of language and worldview. Macedonian and Persian noblemen alike now in their spare time indulge in Persian style hunting and symposiums with heavy oriental themes (in such areas such as music and dancing), and sometimes even take multiple wives and keep a troop of eunuch servants.

Religious and philosophical diversity explodes, with new ideas being brought from the east and west, and slowly merged to form unique schools of thought. In cosmopolitan cities such as Alexandria-in-Egypt, Babylon, Ecbatana, Ephesus, Palmyra, Persepolis, Sardis, Susa, Taxila, and Tyre (newly built by Alexandros himself), one can find any number of gods being worshipped, including Ahura Mazda, Athena, Baal, Cybele, Enki, Herakles, Hubal, Indra, Ishtar, Isis, Melqart, Vishnu, and Zeus. Zoroastrianism, the native religion of the Persians and Medes soon begins to spread east into India and west into Thrace and Syria. Mystery cults also abound, such as the Rites of Eleusis and the Mysteries of Dionysos. And, the oracles at Siwah and Delphi soon begin to achieve a great deal of respect and fame.

King Alexandros III also sponsors a new, royal cult, including many aspects of Zoroastrianism and Hellenic religion. The new cult serves mainly as a set of state rites, and is mainly used in combination with local traditions. The cult worships King Alexandros III Megas as son of Zeus, though in various aspects, from the Herakles of the present age, to the New Dionysos. Other important figures include Olympias, the queen mother, and the sub-cult of the hero Hēphaistiōn, who bears the special epithet “Beloved-of-the-Son-of-Zeus”. Rites include sacrifices on the birthday of Alexandros III and other members of the royal family, sacred fires burned in their honor, and annual games held in honor of the divine son of Zeus.

Philosophically, the empire also experiences a revolution. For the first time, Hellenic and Indian philosophical movements encounter one another. Over the next century, these two schools of thought, east and west, will play off of one another, until schisms necessitate new movements and schools of syncretism. Alexandria-in-Egypt, Athens, Cyrene, and Ephesus, and all become centers of Greek learning, with academies being established there, and such Hellenic schools as Platonism, Pythagorism, and Stoicism all spread east and west, their literature now widely available. At the same time, the six famed Vedic schools of philosophy arrive from the east, with such schools as Yoga and Vedanta attracting widespread followings in intellectual circles. Further, non-Hindu movements, such as Jainism and Buddhism also soon become present. While Jainism never fully gains a following west of the Hindu Kush mountains, Buddhism over time will becomes quite popular in such cities as Ecbatana and Alexandria, though it will never be viewed as more than a philosophical school by the Greeks and Persians.

The result of this great deal of cultural exchange and fusion are unique, new schools of philosophy, never before dreamed possible. Great advances are made in the field of logic, when Dikaiarxos, a student of Aristotle, reject his epistemological system and adopts that of the Vedic Nyaya school, while at the same time being influenced heavily by Aristotelian theories on causation. The result is an entirely new school of logic that is formed, to compete with the two older schools of Aristotle and Nyaya for some time to come—and indeed, to eventually splinter into further opposing schools of thought. Vaisheshika ideas on empiricism also heavily influence the Greek philosophers, while the effect of Platonism on the Vedanta school of thought in India is extraordinary. The fusion of Epicureanism with Carvaka materialism is also worthy of note, as it results in the school of Nastika-Epicurean movement in 230 B.C.

(1) This being a rough estimate taken from figures approximated for Hellenistic Greece, Egypt, the Persian empire, Carthage, and northern India at this time.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

​

This map represents the empire of Alexander the Great, c. 300 B.C. The blue represents the areas under direct Macedonian control, the violet those that are client states and vassals.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

300 B.C. – 290 B.C.​

The last years of the King of Kings.​

Despite all the triumphal celebrations and games held at Susa and Babylon in honor of his recent conquest of India, King Alexandros III is a broken man upon his return, his inability to personally achieve a final victory of Chandragupta Maurya something he can never overcome. Further, the Great King’s health has suffered greatly over the years, due to a lifestyle of constant military campaigning and hard living. Once again, the black moods and suspicious tendencies that marked the years following Hēphaistiōn’s death resurface. King Alexandros III abandons himself to a life of luxury and pleasure, spending his time hunting, drinking, and indulging in debauched orgies with his many page boys and concubines.

Nevertheless, the empire is still in need of direct attention, and King Alexandros is at least able to free himself enough to fulfill his duties, at least minimally. With Krateros’ death in 303 B.C., the satrapy of Macedon now lies vacant, having been administered by the aging Olympias in Alexandros’ absence in India. When she warns the returning Alexandros III of the growing discontent amongst the Macedonians and Greeks at the growing Oriental tendencies of the ruling elite, and that she fears they will rebel sooner than accept one of his sons, whom they see as far too Asiatic, King Alexandros decides to send his eldest son and namesake, Prince Alexandros, to serve as satrap in Pella, hoping that he will gain the trust and support he needs in that capacity.

Prince Alexandros is now twenty-three years old. The only surviving son of the Great King and his Bactrian wife, Roshanak, he is now considered by many to be the preferred heir to the throne. Despite his youth, he has already distinguished himself as an able military commander, leading some 8,000 Macedonian and Thracian reinforcements to his father in India in 307 B.C. During the Indian campaign, he received his first taste of combat at his father’s side, and managed, mostly at his mother’s insistence, to gain his favor there. The Great King of Asia also sends Queen Roshanak herself to Pella with the prince, hoping to gain further acceptance of his marriage with the Greeks.

The absence of Roshanak and her son causes a great power vacuum at court. However, the year 298
B.C. brings with it a series of new developments that will restructure the royal court for the duration of the reign of Alexandros III Megas. First, Ptolemaios is summoned back to Babylon and Kassandros is removed from his command in Oman and dispatched to Sagan to replace him, the king having admired his able governing of Mazun and his loyalty. This is mainly due to the news of the abdication and death of King Chandragupta Maurya that same year, and the accession of his son, Bindusara, as ruler of the Mauryan empire. With the death of his powerful old rival, Alexandros III feels that the risk of further conflict with the Mauryans is at least decreased. Further, he desperately needs Ptolemaios at his side in Babylon, feeling that there are few other men he can rely on.

Upon his return to Babylon in the fall of 297 B.C., Ptolemaios is appointed to the vacant post of chiliarch, making him the second most powerful man in the empire. That same year, news of Queen Olympias death reaches Alexandros. The Great King of Asia is so devastated he orders a year of public morning, orchestrating magnificent funeral games in her honor (an honor never before bestowed upon a Macedonian queen), and entombing Olympias’ ashes in the newly completed royal mausoleum at Susa—a wondrous affair of marble and granite, constructed in Hellenic style with Persian influences, and now called ‘the eighth wonder of the world’, by some.

While the queen mother has probably died of old age (she is now past seventy-eight), many rumors still abound that her death was the direct result of Queen Roshanak poisoning her rival in Pella. These rumors are probably the work of King Alexandros’ Persian wife Queen Statira and her sister Drypetis, widow of Hēphaistiōn, both of whom are the daughters of Shāh Dāriūs III of Persia, the Great King’s defeated and slain enemy. Queen Statira has long been rivals with Roshanak, seeing her as a dangerous rival in power for their husband’s affections. Further, Statira also has a son by King Alexandros III, fifteen year old Philippos, and she fears for his future in the event of Prince Alexandros’ succession.

From 296 B.C. onwards, King Alexandros III Megas is almost entirely under the influence of a small court faction, known as the “Persian cabal”. It consists of Queen Statira, Drypetis, and the Great King’s former lover, the aging eunuch Bogoas. The small group essentially controls all access to the king through their monopoly over royal patronage and influence with much of the palace servants. Even the chiliarch Ptolemaios finds himself under increasing pressure, forced to compromise with the wishes of cabal in order to effectively administer the empire—a task now left almost entirely to him and the Synedrion council. The aging king finds himself further isolated from the rest of the court, which Queen Statira insists is for his benefit, as it is unseemly for a living god to be bothered by the affairs of mortals. She reintroduces further Persian court etiquette to Babylon, such as the custom of the Great King conducting all business behind a veiled throne, shielding him from the profane eyes of mortals. The cabal also, in an effort to increase its own power, encourages the king in his drinking and debauchery.

Queen Statira, however, in her thirst for absolute power, makes a fatal error. Her exclusiveness effectively shuts the chiliarch Ptolemaios out of power, making an easy enemy of him. Further, the much of the court, both Macedonian and Persian, finds itself alienated by the queen’s actions, and the entire cabal finds itself unpopular and in a dangerous position by 294 B.C. That same year, Ptolemaios turns against Statira, and allies himself with Queen Roshanak and her son in Pella, corresponding with the pair frequently. Playing on King Alexandros’ long held trust and their childhood friendship, Ptolemaios is able to convince the king of the necessity of recalling his son from Pella. Despite Statira’s attempts to dissuade him, the Great King agrees, and orders his wife and heir to return to Babylon.

The prince and his mother arrive in 292 B.C. By now, King Alexandros’ health is in visible decline, both physically and mentally, his demise urged onwards by the hedonistic lifestyle he has been encouraged in by his queen. Ptolemaios, however, is now instrumental in brokering peace between the two queens, despite his personal alliance with Roshanak. While Statira and her party still command much of the Great King’s influence, Ptolemaios has the loyalty of the army, and in the event of the king’s death, could easily use this to whatever candidate’s advantage he saw fit. It is the aging general who thus masterminds the so-called “Lady’s Peace of 292 B.C.” Under the terms of the private agreement, Philippos will refrain from making a bid for the throne, and in compensation, will receive Africa and Cyrenaica upon his father’s death (excluding Egypt). Prince Alexandros will succeed his father, but in return, to seal the peace agreement, will wed his half-sister, Statira’s daughter Kleopatra, in the old Persian fashion.

It is thus in 291 B.C. that King Alexandros III Megas, through the influence of Ptolemaios, and without contest from Statira, names Prince Alexandros his co-ruler, in order to encourage a smoother transition of power. The thirty-two year old prince is enthroned at Babylon under the reign name of “Alexandros IV Philopatōr, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Great King of Asia and Macedon, Pharaoh of Egypt.” The following week, at Susa, he weds his half-sister, the sixteen year old Kleopatra.

Six months later, on January 4, 290 B.C., King Alexandros III Megas Neos Dionysos dies at Ecbatana of natural causes, aged sixty-five—the king, knowing his death was close, having desired to travel north to die in the same palace where his beloved Hēphaistiōn had perished before him. It is said that on his deathbed, during his final hours, he whispered his beloved’s name, and that it was his final word before he drew his last breath.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

290 B.C.​

Funeral Games​

King Alexandros IV Philopatōr is at Susa when news of his father’s death reaches he and his mother from Ptolemaios. The new king immediately acts to protect his interests, probably on the advice of Roshanak herself, though certainly with the support of Ptolemaios. King Alexandros IV betrays his half-brother and has he and his mother, the unpopular queen Statira, quietly strangled several days later.

Despite his ruthless start, the new Great King of Asia is still, nevertheless, no monster. Indeed, he is far from it, acting only on the advice of his supporters to strengthen his own hold on the throne. In order to ensure unity in the royal family, he even remains married to his half-sister, Queen Kleopatra, seeing little reason to repudiate her, despite the shift in court alliances. Besides, the king sees such an incestuous match as positive, as it not only strengthens his support amongst the Persians, but also can be useful in perpetrating the myth of the God King Alexandros—after all, as the son of a living god, he is obliged to sire god like children and keep the divine bloodline pure. This does not stop him, however, from agreeing to take a second wife, Ptolemaios’ twenty-six year old widowed daughter, Arsinoē. Arsinoē soon proves herself an able match for the Great King, making herself useful to him as a political advisor and partner. The Great King will have no issue with his second wife, though he and his sister will produce three surviving children: a son, Philippos (b. 289 B.C.), and two daughters Laodikē (b. 287 B.C.) and Barsinē (b. 283 B.C.).

A year of public mourning is declared for the dead king, the royal fires are extinguished, and he is properly honored with the most splendid and magnificent funeral and funerary games ever seen, before or since. The king’s body is preserved in honey, and he is laid to rest in a magnificent tomb within the royal mausoleum at Susa. Afterwards, his cult is expanded, and Alexandros III is declared to have been a living god, now ascended to be with his father, Zeus-Ammon on Olympus. A great temple is planned for him in Babylon, to house the king’s cult, and he is now to be known as Alexandros Zeuidēs Megas Basileus Theos—“Alexandros the Great God King, son of Zeus”.

Nevertheless, all is not well. In the west, Lysimakhos rebels in Africa, while Kassandros, having bided his time, seizes the chance and rebels against the new king as well, allying himself with King Bindusara in India. Finally, the worst news of all: the Greeks of the League of Corinth, led by the unlikely alliance of Athens and Sparta, have refused to acknowledge Alexandros IV as their hegemon, and instead are in open rebellion against Macedon, alienated and offended by the king’s adoption of so many of the trappings of an oriental monarch. Indeed, the League now declares its rebellion justified, and no more treasonous than any previous war with Persia, seeing Macedonian rule as akin to that now.

War is now inevitable.

 

[Jammy]

I'm looking forward to the comming war.

 

[Julius Vogel]

I am rather enjoying your work so far.

The one minor criticism I would raise is below, where in the bolded sentence it seems you are trying to say that the Macedonians have finally overcome their reverses but have mixed the word order up. So as I was saying, pretty minor and easily fixed!

1.29 AM post

The battle that ensues is one of the finest examples of the skills of both men as tacticians. It is there that King Alexandros defeats his enemy on the field, redeeming his former glory and forcing Chandragupta and his army to retreat south. For the first time in over half a decade, Punjab and the north of the Indus river valley are again occupied by Alexandros’ forces. The forces of the Macedonians have finally been reversed.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

I am rather enjoying your work so far.

The one minor criticism I would raise is below, where in the bolded sentence it seems you are trying to say that the Macedonians have finally overcome their reverses but have mixed the word order up. So as I was saying, pretty minor and easily fixed!

1.29 AM post

The battle that ensues is one of the finest examples of the skills of both men as tacticians. It is there that King Alexandros defeats his enemy on the field, redeeming his former glory and forcing Chandragupta and his army to retreat south. For the first time in over half a decade, Punjab and the north of the Indus river valley are again occupied by Alexandros’ forces. The forces of the Macedonians have finally been reversed.

Ah, thank you very much, actually!
It is supposed to be "The fortunes of the Macedonians have finally been reversed."