Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VI (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)

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No Left Turns: America Under Ashbrook (2/3)
Part 1 link here
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Although Frank Church left the convention and began the 1972 election polling far ahead of Ashbrook (a 60-40 split), he would quickly start to flounder. Ashbrook was an incredibly aggressive campaigner and refused to allow his opponent even a moment of rest. Furthermore, Church was held back by his selection of Ted Kennedy, with the Chappaquiddick Incident and the untapped scandals of Teddy’s brothers being constantly held over his head. The stinger would be in early October, when an FBI document would be leaked accusing Church of several cases of insider trading and tax improprieties. Despite the fact that this report would later be proven to be false, it was enough to bog down Church and force him on the defensive. Ashbrook would claim victory, albeit extremely narrowly.

As soon as he took office, Ashbrook began implementing his agenda, aided by a coalition of Republicans and Southern Democrats in Congress. He cracked down fiercely on a major strike by teachers, transportation workers, and other public employees, refusing to negotiate and causing union membership to fall from 21% to 15% during his term. Ashbrook and his allies managed to cut back on many aspects of the Great Society, but failed to repeal it completely. Controversially, Ashbrook put a quiet, unofficial pause on further integration and civil rights efforts to avoid alienating his growing Southern base. On the foreign policy front, Ashbrook and Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld would oversee the withdrawal of the final American troops from Vietnam, and the immediate reunion of the two halves by North Vietnamese forces. In August of 1974, another war broke out between Israel and an alliance of Arab nations, which would allow the former to make some territorial gains but would quickly turn into a cold war that made the entire region a war zone waiting to happen. Finally, Rumsfeld secretly orchestrated an overthrow of Chilean President Salvador Allende and placed Jose Merino Castro in power, beginning a horrific, decades long dictatorship.

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Ashbrook swept through the 1976 primaries with ease, despite a spirited and brief challenge by Pennsylvania senator Richard Schweiker. In his nomination acceptance speech, he promised another four years of conservative legislation and a new plan for what he called the 3-D War, a fight against what he called, “Drugs, Destitution, and Deviancy”. Facing strong polling numbers out of the gate, he and Vice President Bush sat back and watched.

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The Democratic primaries were far less peaceful. Although several heavy hitters like Hubert Humphrey, Ed Muskie, and Jerry Brown chose not to run, believing that Ashbrook couldn’t be beaten, the field of candidates was still extremely crowded. Mo Udall, an energetic and mildly eccentric Representative from Arizona, gained surprising momentum, blindsiding challengers like John Tunney, George Wallace, and Birch Bayh. Lloyd Bentsen managed several early narrow victories, but chose to drop out after facing accusations of involvement in the Texas Dairy Scandal. Udall continued to win as opponents dropped out, leaving him as the victor. He selected Adlai Stevenson III as his running mate, and prepared to challenge Ashbrook.
 

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No Left Turns: America Under Ashbrook (2/3)
Part 1 link here
View attachment 774779
Although Frank Church left the convention and began the 1972 election polling far ahead of Ashbrook (a 60-40 split), he would quickly start to flounder. Ashbrook was an incredibly aggressive campaigner and refused to allow his opponent even a moment of rest. Furthermore, Church was held back by his selection of Ted Kennedy, with the Chappaquiddick Incident and the untapped scandals of Teddy’s brothers being constantly held over his head. The stinger would be in early October, when an FBI document would be leaked accusing Church of several cases of insider trading and tax improprieties. Despite the fact that this report would later be proven to be false, it was enough to bog down Church and force him on the defensive. Ashbrook would claim victory, albeit extremely narrowly.

As soon as he took office, Ashbrook began implementing his agenda, aided by a coalition of Republicans and Southern Democrats in Congress. He cracked down fiercely on a major strike by teachers, transportation workers, and other public employees, refusing to negotiate and causing union membership to fall from 21% to 15% during his term. Ashbrook and his allies managed to cut back on many aspects of the Great Society, but failed to repeal it completely. Controversially, Ashbrook put a quiet, unofficial pause on further integration and civil rights efforts to avoid alienating his growing Southern base. On the foreign policy front, Ashbrook and Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld would oversee the withdrawal of the final American troops from Vietnam, and the immediate reunion of the two halves by North Vietnamese forces. In August of 1974, another war broke out between Israel and an alliance of Arab nations, which would allow the former to make some territorial gains but would quickly turn into a cold war that made the entire region a war zone waiting to happen. Finally, Rumsfeld secretly orchestrated an overthrow of Chilean President Salvador Allende and placed Jose Merino in power, beginning a horrific, decades long dictatorship.

View attachment 774780

Ashbrook swept through the 1976 primaries with ease, despite a spirited and brief challenge by Pennsylvania senator Richard Schweiker. In his nomination acceptance speech, he promised another four years of conservative legislation and a new plan for what he called the 3-D War, a fight against what he called, “Drugs, Destitution, and Deviancy”. Facing strong polling numbers out of the gate, he and Vice President Bush sat back and watched.

View attachment 774787

The Democratic primaries were far less peaceful. Although several heavy hitters like Hubert Humphrey, Ed Muskie, and Jerry Brown chose not to run, believing that Ashbrook couldn’t be beaten, the field of candidates was still extremely crowded. Mo Udall, an energetic and mildly eccentric Representative from Arizona, gained surprising momentum, blindsiding challengers like John Tunney, George Wallace, and Birch Bayh. Lloyd Bentsen managed several early narrow victories, but chose to drop out after facing accusations of involvement in the Texas Dairy Scandal. Udall continued to win as opponents dropped out, leaving him as the victor. He selected Adlai Stevenson III as his running mate, and prepared to challenge Ashbrook.
I have a bad feeling that Udall's gonna lose to Ashbrook.😞
 
John Charles Frémont (January 21, 1813 – June 14, 1879) was the 14th President of the United States, serving from 1861 to 1870. A native of Georgia, Frémont married Jessie Benton, daughter of Senator and future President Thomas Hart Benton, in 1841. In the 1840s, Frémont led several expeditions to the west, culminating in the capture of California from Mexico in 1846. Frémont faced a court-martial for mutiny and insubordination relating to a dispute with Stephen W. Kearny over the position of Military Governor of California. Frémont was acquitted and went on to serve as Shadow Senator from the California Territory and then as Senator from the northerly state of Sacramento. He left the Senate in 1851 to seek fame and adventure with American filibusters abroad. Frémont joined Narciso López's second second expedition to Cuba as a Colonel, serving with distinction at Bijarici and the Siege of Cienfuegos. During the retreat after the breaking of the siege at Cienfuegos, Frémont's rear-guard action at the Battle of Matanzas Bay enabled filibuster forces to escape to New Orleans largely intact. Using his position as son-in-law of the President, Frémont was shielded from any punishment.

Having acquired a taste for filibustering, Frémont enlisted in William Walker's army and sailed to Nicaragua, where he fought for several months before going to Honduras, where he befriended the Louisianan Chatham Roberdeau Wheat. In a cockeyed scheme to get aid out of his father-in-law, Frémont was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1855, a position he held for a year in which he held negotiations with the American Minister. With President Benton following the two term precedent and not running in 1856, a fair number of Democrats tried to draft Frémont. In letters to friends at home, Frémont said in no uncertain terms that he had no interest in being nominated for President. He did accept an offer to become the Democratic choice for Senator from Missouri and he was easily elected even as the Whigs won the presidency.

Back in Washington, Frémont staked out a position hostile to slavery but he remained cordial with Southern interests and especially the filibusters. The blustering and sometimes authoritarian Frémont was not especially popular among his fellow Senators but they recognized his appeal as the heir to Benton and he was nominated for President in 1860. Alongside Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis, Frémont won in a landslide over the Whigs, whose radical anti-slavery wing had split off and backed the Liberty Party, and a hardline pro-slavery southern Democratic ticket.

Frémont made abolition of slavery and the expansion of the United States a centerpiece of his presidency. New Orleans, the jumping-off point for American filibusters in the Caribbean, exploded in activity as Frémont covertly backed another expedition to Cuba and reinforcements for the Walker government in Nicaragua. As early as 1861, Washington insiders would raise alarm at the President's administrative style. Frémont's White House was likened to that of "a European autocrat" and a newly-organized army detachment dressed in brassy uniforms guarded the President. Frémont often clashed with Congress and tried to have his way even when Congress disagreed with him. Despite this, he remained personally popular among the American people and even to elected officials in Washington. In less tumultuous times, Frémont's career might have been cut short by the power of the opposition, but in the early 1860s the Whig Party imploded, with the majority of its elected officials joining the newly-founded and explicitly anti-slavery Libertarian Party.

The Libertarians nominated the popular John Van Buren for President in 1864. A former Democrat and son of a President still popular among Democratic voters, Van Buren was a formidable opponent. He campaigned in northern cities and drew large crowds of workers while decrying slavery. Unfortunately, Van Buren's chances were hampered by the size of the Libertarian tent. The party tried to get the backing of both nativist ex-Whigs and the often ethnic urban workers that Van Buren was such a hero to. This, combined with the presence of a vestigial Whig ticket strong in the border states, gave Frémont victory in the 1864 elections. Like in 1860, Frémont faced a southern Democratic splinter that won several states. On the ballot in Louisiana and several other Southern states was the ticket of the verbose Nicaragua Annexationist Democratic Party. Intended to compete in states where the Southern Rights Party was on the ballot, the Annexationists would serve as a pro-Frémont stalking horse and electors would get behind Frémont if elected. Chatham Roberdeau Wheat, Frémont's friend from Honduras then-serving as Senator from Louisiana, headed up the Annexationist ticket. It ultimately won only in Wheat's home state of Louisiana.

Abolition, the central goal of Frémont's administration, finally came to fruition in the summer of 1866. As a massive force of filibusters sailed for Colombia under the New Jerseyan George McClellan, ostensibly to help the Conservative forces of Bartolomé Calvo, but in reality in search of riches and political power, the President announced that he had reached a deal with Congress to free America's slaves by 1886 and resettle them in Central America, Haiti, and Liberia. The so-called Davis Plan was backed by enough Southerners in the Senate to pass, but was greeted with outrage in the south and as the Plan passed through Congress, eight southern states seceded, declaring the Confederal Republic of Washington. Frémont tried to persuade the government of Washington to rejoin the union peacefully, but when it became apparent that they would not, he manufactured a crisis by sending a Federal flotilla up the Mississippi, forcing rebel batteries to fire on them at Vicksburg. The Federals launched a three-pronged offensive in the spring of 1867 but the eastern prong, led by Robert E. Lee, experienced the most success, catapulting Lee into the national spotlight and making him as popular as Frémont. Lee captured the rebel capital of Montgomery in late summer, leaving other generals to mop up resistance in the west, including the breakaway Republic of the Rio Grande. At the war's end, the disgraced Jefferson Davis resigned the Vice Presidency while the south came under military rule and slavery was abolished effective July 4, 1868.

During the Southern Rebellion, Frémont had becoming increasingly reclusive, spending time hidden from public view and guarded by European mercenaries. His occupation forces in the south had orders coming from the White House to engage in terroristic reprisals against local resistance. Frémont did not wield absolute control over the country and feared defeat in the election of 1868. Frémont strongly feared John Van Buren and believed Van Buren would win in a rematch. Van Buren's decision not to run was disastrous to the Libertarians and Whigs, who combined with anti-Frémont Democrats to form the Opposition Party, which nominated Libertarian General Walter Harriman and Whig Congressman Chester Hubbard. Frémont's Democrats again split, with the Southern Amity Society, led by businessman John A. Dix ran on a platform of eneding military occupation in the south, siphoning off the votes of northern workers reliant on trade with the south. To replace Vice President Davis, who had resigned after the end of the Southern Revolt, Frémont chose his old friend Chatham Roberdeau Wheat. Frémont was favored to win but did not leave anything to chance. Democratic operatives pulled out all the stops and stuffed ballot boxes to ensure their man would win a third term in the White House.

Even before the election of impeachment but Congress began to talk of it more freely after it became clear Frémont's allies had engaged in fraud above and beyondwhat was normal at the time. Despite their reservations, Congress went along with Frémont in April 1869, voting to pass a bill to annex Nicaragua and make it the 36th state. The last straw came later in the year when Frémont nearly began a war with Spain that was avoided only at the last moment by a purchase of Cuba and Puerto Rico for a sum of $15 million Congress. On August 15, 1870, Robert E. Lee marched with a force of regular army troops on Washington, backed by the leaders of the opposition parties. His forces stormed the White House, engaging in battle with Frémont's European guards. Frémont himself was captured and exiled as Robert E. Lee was declared head of a transitional government.

An attempt at rallying forces against Lee and retaking Washington was unsuccessful and Frémont fled to Europe with his wife and children. With his riches, he attempted to organize an expedition to retake the presidency, but these attempts fell apart and Frémont gave up any serious plans of return by the end of 1873, as the wildly popular Robert E. Lee finished the end of his first year in office. From Paris, Frémont continued to weigh in on American affairs and saw an opening in 1877. Through allies remaining in the United States, Frémont organized a coup attempt and, on August 18, 1877, allies of the former President attacked the White House. They successfully stormed the building, but failed to capture Lee, who fled into Virginia, where he rallied a force of federal troops and Virginia militia that retook the city with Lee at the helm three days later. President Lee died of pneumonia in May 1878 and though Frémont was not involved, he was widely blamed. On June 14, 1879, James W. Travis, a former American regular army sergeant broke into Frémont's house in Paris and shot him several times as revenge for Lee's death and Frémont died within hours.

Frémont was a divisive figure during his lifetime and continues to evoke strong emotions. A national hero starting in the 1840s, Frémont was generally popular until his presidency, when his sometimes erratic behavior slowly caused Americans to turn against him. By the time of his deposition in 1870, Frémont had lost most of his earlier popularity, though a sizable minority continued to support him. This group was strongest among immigrants in the cities of the north and New Orleans. They led the riots that rocked the nation in 1870. Frémont's star was eclipsed by that of Robert E. Lee, who led the United States through the 1870s. The pro-Frémont coup attempt of 1877 and subsequent unrelated death of President Lee alienated all but the most diehard Frémont supporters. In the modern United States, Frémont is seen either as a flawed and incompetent leader that did good in the abolition of slavery or as a tyrannical villain. In the Americo world, Frémont is remembered favorably as one of the Americans most instrumental in abolition and the push towards large-scale colonization.

1663373775834-png.774844
1662683581352-png.772918
 
The Largest Small City, a Council election in a Steampunk Hobbit City-State
Beepeck wiki (1).png

(For those of you who play Anbennar you will immediately recognize the setting, I took the game world and simply transposed it into a Victorian era)
 
John Charles Frémont (January 21, 1813 – June 14, 1879) was the 14th President of the United States, serving from 1861 to 1870. A native of Georgia, Frémont married Jessie Benton, daughter of Senator and future President Thomas Hart Benton, in 1841. In the 1840s, Frémont led several expeditions to the west, culminating in the capture of California from Mexico in 1846. Frémont faced a court-martial for mutiny and insubordination relating to a dispute with Stephen W. Kearny over the position of Military Governor of California. Frémont was acquitted and went on to serve as Shadow Senator from the California Territory and then as Senator from the northerly state of Sacramento. He left the Senate in 1851 to seek fame and adventure with American filibusters abroad. Frémont joined Narciso López's second second expedition to Cuba as a Colonel, serving with distinction at Bijarici and the Siege of Cienfuegos. During the retreat after the breaking of the siege at Cienfuegos, Frémont's rear-guard action at the Battle of Matanzas Bay enabled filibuster forces to escape to New Orleans largely intact. Using his position as son-in-law of the President, Frémont was shielded from any punishment.

Having acquired a taste for filibustering, Frémont enlisted in William Walker's army and sailed to Nicaragua, where he fought for several months before going to Honduras, where he befriended the Louisianan Chatham Roberdeau Wheat. In a cockeyed scheme to get aid out of his father-in-law, Frémont was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1855, a position he held for a year in which he held negotiations with the American Minister. With President Benton following the two term precedent and not running in 1856, a fair number of Democrats tried to draft Frémont. In letters to friends at home, Frémont said in no uncertain terms that he had no interest in being nominated for President. He did accept an offer to become the Democratic choice for Senator from Missouri and he was easily elected even as the Whigs won the presidency.

Back in Washington, Frémont staked out a position hostile to slavery but he remained cordial with Southern interests and especially the filibusters. The blustering and sometimes authoritarian Frémont was not especially popular among his fellow Senators but they recognized his appeal as the heir to Benton and he was nominated for President in 1860. Alongside Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis, Frémont won in a landslide over the Whigs, whose radical anti-slavery wing had split off and backed the Liberty Party, and a hardline pro-slavery southern Democratic ticket.

Frémont made abolition of slavery and the expansion of the United States a centerpiece of his presidency. New Orleans, the jumping-off point for American filibusters in the Caribbean, exploded in activity as Frémont covertly backed another expedition to Cuba and reinforcements for the Walker government in Nicaragua. As early as 1861, Washington insiders would raise alarm at the President's administrative style. Frémont's White House was likened to that of "a European autocrat" and a newly-organized army detachment dressed in brassy uniforms guarded the President. Frémont often clashed with Congress and tried to have his way even when Congress disagreed with him. Despite this, he remained personally popular among the American people and even to elected officials in Washington. In less tumultuous times, Frémont's career might have been cut short by the power of the opposition, but in the early 1860s the Whig Party imploded, with the majority of its elected officials joining the newly-founded and explicitly anti-slavery Libertarian Party.

The Libertarians nominated the popular John Van Buren for President in 1864. A former Democrat and son of a President still popular among Democratic voters, Van Buren was a formidable opponent. He campaigned in northern cities and drew large crowds of workers while decrying slavery. Unfortunately, Van Buren's chances were hampered by the size of the Libertarian tent. The party tried to get the backing of both nativist ex-Whigs and the often ethnic urban workers that Van Buren was such a hero to. This, combined with the presence of a vestigial Whig ticket strong in the border states, gave Frémont victory in the 1864 elections. Like in 1860, Frémont faced a southern Democratic splinter that won several states. On the ballot in Louisiana and several other Southern states was the ticket of the verbose Nicaragua Annexationist Democratic Party. Intended to compete in states where the Southern Rights Party was on the ballot, the Annexationists would serve as a pro-Frémont stalking horse and electors would get behind Frémont if elected. Chatham Roberdeau Wheat, Frémont's friend from Honduras then-serving as Senator from Louisiana, headed up the Annexationist ticket. It ultimately won only in Wheat's home state of Louisiana.

Abolition, the central goal of Frémont's administration, finally came to fruition in the summer of 1866. As a massive force of filibusters sailed for Colombia under the New Jerseyan George McClellan, ostensibly to help the Conservative forces of Bartolomé Calvo, but in reality in search of riches and political power, the President announced that he had reached a deal with Congress to free America's slaves by 1886 and resettle them in Central America, Haiti, and Liberia. The so-called Davis Plan was backed by enough Southerners in the Senate to pass, but was greeted with outrage in the south and as the Plan passed through Congress, eight southern states seceded, declaring the Confederal Republic of Washington. Frémont tried to persuade the government of Washington to rejoin the union peacefully, but when it became apparent that they would not, he manufactured a crisis by sending a Federal flotilla up the Mississippi, forcing rebel batteries to fire on them at Vicksburg. The Federals launched a three-pronged offensive in the spring of 1867 but the eastern prong, led by Robert E. Lee, experienced the most success, catapulting Lee into the national spotlight and making him as popular as Frémont. Lee captured the rebel capital of Montgomery in late summer, leaving other generals to mop up resistance in the west, including the breakaway Republic of the Rio Grande. At the war's end, the disgraced Jefferson Davis resigned the Vice Presidency while the south came under military rule and slavery was abolished effective July 4, 1868.

During the Southern Rebellion, Frémont had becoming increasingly reclusive, spending time hidden from public view and guarded by European mercenaries. His occupation forces in the south had orders coming from the White House to engage in terroristic reprisals against local resistance. Frémont did not wield absolute control over the country and feared defeat in the election of 1868. Frémont strongly feared John Van Buren and believed Van Buren would win in a rematch. Van Buren's decision not to run was disastrous to the Libertarians and Whigs, who combined with anti-Frémont Democrats to form the Opposition Party, which nominated Libertarian General Walter Harriman and Whig Congressman Chester Hubbard. Frémont's Democrats again split, with the Southern Amity Society, led by businessman John A. Dix ran on a platform of eneding military occupation in the south, siphoning off the votes of northern workers reliant on trade with the south. To replace Vice President Davis, who had resigned after the end of the Southern Revolt, Frémont chose his old friend Chatham Roberdeau Wheat. Frémont was favored to win but did not leave anything to chance. Democratic operatives pulled out all the stops and stuffed ballot boxes to ensure their man would win a third term in the White House.

Even before the election of impeachment but Congress began to talk of it more freely after it became clear Frémont's allies had engaged in fraud above and beyondwhat was normal at the time. Despite their reservations, Congress went along with Frémont in April 1869, voting to pass a bill to annex Nicaragua and make it the 36th state. The last straw came later in the year when Frémont nearly began a war with Spain that was avoided only at the last moment by a purchase of Cuba and Puerto Rico for a sum of $15 million Congress. On August 15, 1870, Robert E. Lee marched with a force of regular army troops on Washington, backed by the leaders of the opposition parties. His forces stormed the White House, engaging in battle with Frémont's European guards. Frémont himself was captured and exiled as Robert E. Lee was declared head of a transitional government.

An attempt at rallying forces against Lee and retaking Washington was unsuccessful and Frémont fled to Europe with his wife and children. With his riches, he attempted to organize an expedition to retake the presidency, but these attempts fell apart and Frémont gave up any serious plans of return by the end of 1873, as the wildly popular Robert E. Lee finished the end of his first year in office. From Paris, Frémont continued to weigh in on American affairs and saw an opening in 1877. Through allies remaining in the United States, Frémont organized a coup attempt and, on August 18, 1877, allies of the former President attacked the White House. They successfully stormed the building, but failed to capture Lee, who fled into Virginia, where he rallied a force of federal troops and Virginia militia that retook the city with Lee at the helm three days later. President Lee died of pneumonia in May 1878 and though Frémont was not involved, he was widely blamed. On June 14, 1879, James W. Travis, a former American regular army sergeant broke into Frémont's house in Paris and shot him several times as revenge for Lee's death and Frémont died within hours.

Frémont was a divisive figure during his lifetime and continues to evoke strong emotions. A national hero starting in the 1840s, Frémont was generally popular until his presidency, when his sometimes erratic behavior slowly caused Americans to turn against him. By the time of his deposition in 1870, Frémont had lost most of his earlier popularity, though a sizable minority continued to support him. This group was strongest among immigrants in the cities of the north and New Orleans. They led the riots that rocked the nation in 1870. Frémont's star was eclipsed by that of Robert E. Lee, who led the United States through the 1870s. The pro-Frémont coup attempt of 1877 and subsequent unrelated death of President Lee alienated all but the most diehard Frémont supporters. In the modern United States, Frémont is seen either as a flawed and incompetent leader that did good in the abolition of slavery or as a tyrannical villain. In the Americo world, Frémont is remembered favorably as one of the Americans most instrumental in abolition and the push towards large-scale colonization.

1663373775834-png.774844
1662683581352-png.772918
I see you've also decided to attempt making a pixel infobox.
 
The Largest Small City, a Council election in a Steampunk Hobbit City-State
View attachment 775006
(For those of you who play Anbennar you will immediately recognize the setting, I took the game world and simply transposed it into a Victorian era)
Very cool and thorough! Feels inspired by the Burgue in Carnival Row.

Is it set on Middle-Earth or a original fantasy world?

Any plans on expanding the lore about other parts of the Empire?
 
A Not So American Century, Part 6

Index

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Clarence Thomas (born June 23, 1948) is a New Afrikan politician who served as the 10th and 12th president of New Afrika from 2001 to 2006 and 2009 to 2021. Thomas currently serves as Leader of the Opposition and as the chairman of the Self-Defense Movement. He served in office for a total of 15 years, making him the longest-serving New Afrikan president in history. He was the first president to be born after the abolition of the Confederacy, but before New Afrika’s Declaration of Independence.

Screenshot 2022-09-17 at 19.20.52.png


Thomas was born in Pin Point, Georgia but moved to New Afrika at the age of 2, where he was raised by his extended family, after his father abandoned them. The family spoke Gullah as a first language. Raised a devout Catholic, Thomas had originally intended to become a priest but abandoned this aspiration to attend Spalding University and, later, the University of Virginia Law School. Upon graduating, he was appointed as an assistant attorney general in the New Afrikan government. He became a legislative assistant to Thomas Sowell and was appointed as Chairman of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission by President Malik el-Shabazz in 1982.

From 1984 to 1988, Thomas was New Afrika’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations before starting a private practice in Birmingham. In 1993, he was elected deputy chairman of the Self Defense Movement, becoming Leader of the Opposition after the amalgamation of the NAACP and the Freedom Party into the Unity Movement. Self-Defense went on to defeat the incumbent president Martin Luther King, Jr. at the 1996 election, leading to chairman Louis Farrakan becoming president. Thomas served as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Finance. As finance minister, Thomas initiated major reforms which liberalized New Afrika’s economy. However, Self-Defense lost the 1999 election badly and Jesse Jackson, leader of Unity, became president.

Thomas became leader of Self-Defense in 2000 and led the party to victory in the 2001 general election. His first term saw Thomas’ government engage in a controversial anti-terrorism programme to combat white separatist groups in 2004-05. The policy proved controversial and is partially responsible for Self-Defense losing their majority at the 2006 elections, which resulted in Hazel R. O’Leary becoming president.

Although Self-Defense finished second in the 2009 election to Unity, Thomas was able to form a coalition government with other right-wing parties and was sworn in as president for a second time. He went on to lead Self-Defense to victory in the 2013 and 2015 elections. Two elections in 2019 saw political deadlock but Thomas remained president. Following a further election in 2020, Self-Defense and the centrist Green and Black alliance, led by Lloyd Austin, reached a coalition agreement whereby the presidency would rotate between Thomas and Austin, with Thomas relinquishing his office in November 2021. However, the coalition collapsed in March 2021, with Self-Defense once again forming a minority government led by Thomas. Only three months later, however, Tim Scott of the Forwards Movement reached an agreement with Green and Black, which saw Scott become president and Thomas removed from office.

Despite his long tenure, Thomas is a controversial figure in New Afrika. He is popular with many for his uncompromising conservative stances on law and order, family values and healthcare but has drawn criticism for his dismantling of the New Afrikan welfare state and his autocratic tendencies while in power. Since 2016 his position has been further weakened by a series of allegations of historic sexual harrassment of subordinates, dating back to the 1980s. On November 21, 2019, he was arrested on charges of corruption and fraud.
 
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So made a thing using the Wikipedia Sandbox for the first time

Creating User_WMSTER23_sandbox - Wikipedia - Google Chrome 9_17_2022 6_28_35 PM.png

Bascially, Craxi warns Ghadaffi of the American bombing like IOTL, but in this timeline, Reagan doesn't take it as well.
 
A Not So American Century, Part 6

Parts One, Two, Three, Four and Five.

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Clarence Thomas (born June 23, 1948) is a New Afrikan politician who served as the 10th and 12th president of New Afrika from 2001 to 2006 and 2009 to 2021. Thomas currently serves as Leader of the Opposition and as the chairman of the Self-Defense Movement. He served in office for a total of 15 years, making him the longest-serving New Afrikan president in history. He was the first president to be born after the abolition of the Confederacy, but before New Afrika’s Declaration of Independence.

View attachment 775087

Thomas was born in Pin Point, Georgia but moved to New Afrika at the age of 2, where he was raised by his extended family, after his father abandoned them. The family spoke Gullah as a first language. Raised a devout Catholic, Thomas had originally intended to become a priest but abandoned this aspiration to attend Spalding University and, later, the University of Virginia Law School. Upon graduating, he was appointed as an assistant attorney general in the New Afrikan government. He became a legislative assistant to Thomas Sowell and was appointed as Chairman of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission by President Malik el-Shabazz in 1982.

From 1984 to 1988, Thomas was New Afrika’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations before starting a private practice in Birmingham. In 1993, he was elected deputy chairman of the Self Defense Movement, becoming Leader of the Opposition after the amalgamation of the NAACP and the Freedom Party into the Unity Movement. Self-Defense went on to defeat the incumbent president Martin Luther King, Jr. at the 1996 election, leading to chairman Louis Farrakan becoming president. Thomas served as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Finance. As finance minister, Thomas initiated major reforms which liberalized New Afrika’s economy. However, Self-Defense lost the 1999 election badly and Jesse Jackson, leader of Unity, became president.

Thomas became leader of Self-Defense in 2000 and led the party to victory in the 2001 general election. His first term saw Thomas’ government engage in a controversial anti-terrorism programme to combat white separatist groups in 2004-05. The policy proved controversial and is partially responsible for Self-Defense losing their majority at the 2006 elections, which resulted in Hazel R. O’Leary becoming president.

Although Self-Defense finished second in the 2009 election to Unity, Thomas was able to form a coalition government with other right-wing parties and was sworn in as president for a second time. He went on to lead Self-Defense to victory in the 2013 and 2015 elections. Two elections in 2019 saw political deadlock but Thomas remained president. Following a further election in 2020, Self-Defense and the centrist Green and Black alliance, led by Lloyd Austin, reached a coalition agreement whereby the presidency would rotate between Thomas and Austin, with Thomas relinquishing his office in November 2021. However, the coalition collapsed in March 2021, with Self-Defense once again forming a minority government led by Thomas. Only three months later, however, Tim Scott of the Forwards Movement reached an agreement with Green and Black, which saw Scott become president and Thomas removed from office.

Despite his long tenure, Thomas is a controversial figure in New Afrika. He is popular with many for his uncompromising conservative stances on law and order, family values and healthcare but has drawn criticism for his dismantling of the New Afrikan welfare state and his autocratic tendencies while in power. Since 2016 his position has been further weakened by a series of allegations of historic sexual harrassment of subordinates, dating back to the 1980s. On November 21, 2019, he was arrested on charges of corruption and fraud.
I really like this timeline, though not a fan of Thomas and glad he's been arrested (and hopefully convicted too).
 
A Not So American Century, Part 6

Parts One, Two, Three, Four and Five.

---

Clarence Thomas (born June 23, 1948) is a New Afrikan politician who served as the 10th and 12th president of New Afrika from 2001 to 2006 and 2009 to 2021. Thomas currently serves as Leader of the Opposition and as the chairman of the Self-Defense Movement. He served in office for a total of 15 years, making him the longest-serving New Afrikan president in history. He was the first president to be born after the abolition of the Confederacy, but before New Afrika’s Declaration of Independence.

View attachment 775087

Thomas was born in Pin Point, Georgia but moved to New Afrika at the age of 2, where he was raised by his extended family, after his father abandoned them. The family spoke Gullah as a first language. Raised a devout Catholic, Thomas had originally intended to become a priest but abandoned this aspiration to attend Spalding University and, later, the University of Virginia Law School. Upon graduating, he was appointed as an assistant attorney general in the New Afrikan government. He became a legislative assistant to Thomas Sowell and was appointed as Chairman of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission by President Malik el-Shabazz in 1982.

From 1984 to 1988, Thomas was New Afrika’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations before starting a private practice in Birmingham. In 1993, he was elected deputy chairman of the Self Defense Movement, becoming Leader of the Opposition after the amalgamation of the NAACP and the Freedom Party into the Unity Movement. Self-Defense went on to defeat the incumbent president Martin Luther King, Jr. at the 1996 election, leading to chairman Louis Farrakan becoming president. Thomas served as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Finance. As finance minister, Thomas initiated major reforms which liberalized New Afrika’s economy. However, Self-Defense lost the 1999 election badly and Jesse Jackson, leader of Unity, became president.

Thomas became leader of Self-Defense in 2000 and led the party to victory in the 2001 general election. His first term saw Thomas’ government engage in a controversial anti-terrorism programme to combat white separatist groups in 2004-05. The policy proved controversial and is partially responsible for Self-Defense losing their majority at the 2006 elections, which resulted in Hazel R. O’Leary becoming president.

Although Self-Defense finished second in the 2009 election to Unity, Thomas was able to form a coalition government with other right-wing parties and was sworn in as president for a second time. He went on to lead Self-Defense to victory in the 2013 and 2015 elections. Two elections in 2019 saw political deadlock but Thomas remained president. Following a further election in 2020, Self-Defense and the centrist Green and Black alliance, led by Lloyd Austin, reached a coalition agreement whereby the presidency would rotate between Thomas and Austin, with Thomas relinquishing his office in November 2021. However, the coalition collapsed in March 2021, with Self-Defense once again forming a minority government led by Thomas. Only three months later, however, Tim Scott of the Forwards Movement reached an agreement with Green and Black, which saw Scott become president and Thomas removed from office.

Despite his long tenure, Thomas is a controversial figure in New Afrika. He is popular with many for his uncompromising conservative stances on law and order, family values and healthcare but has drawn criticism for his dismantling of the New Afrikan welfare state and his autocratic tendencies while in power. Since 2016 his position has been further weakened by a series of allegations of historic sexual harrassment of subordinates, dating back to the 1980s. On November 21, 2019, he was arrested on charges of corruption and fraud.
Personally think this should fall under current politics since it discusses a current political figure
 
You cannot in your right mind accept the demands of this rabble.
This Council gives me no alternative but to sign that accursed paper and recognize their noble rights.
We have the blood of the Green Hand flowing through our veins. For generations our house has protected the Reach and ruled over these lordlings with no concern for what they had to say on the matter...
But you're not of this House my brother, are you?
...And what, little brother, do you mean by that?
It has been said that this Kingdom is ruled by my bastard brother. That I cannot have! You meddle in subjects beyond your perview. And you will reffer to me as Your Grace!
Would you have me stripped of my rank then? Take my leave and become a Hedge Knight while the Kingdom that Father and I have forged is gutted by shits like Gyles Hightower and the Joffrey Manderly? Or is it exile? Should I board a ship to the Free Cities?
Florian (sighs) you go too far my brother...
It is you who do not go far enough.
What would you have me do?

You do not need do anything your grace. Let me assemble the hosts of Highgarden. Many a loyal house will flock to us. Let the Blackhand, not the Green, break these traitorous cunts.
- Conversation between King Perceon Gardener II of the Reach and his bastard brother Florian Blackhand Flowers concerning the Great Council of Highgarden, 3035

---
My Lords, what would you call the rejection of the Great Council's decision if not tyranny? I see great houses before me, old lineages who will not stand for this. If the King does not embrace our demmands by choice he gives us no other option but to raise arms once again. Down with oppression! Down with the black bastard! By the Seven, this League will be victorious.

- Gyles the good Hightower forming the League of Oldtown, 3035

1663457779264.png
1663457628972.png
1663457705266.png

This war is not like the other ones we've fought, Gyles. The entire realm is in it this time. They say Honeyseed was burned to the ground by the Blackhand, every man, woman and child slaughtered.
Then we must put an end to the Blackhand once and for all.
Easier said then done. The bastard of Highgarden is no fool Gyles, and he has won more battles then most.
Aye, but his is proud beyond measure. Let us goad him into battle here in the Southlands, where we know the terrain.
He still outnumbers us...
Did you not say he butchered Honeyseed? How long until that is Blackcrown, or Bulwerside? Or Ashford? We must end him and his whole tyrannical cause ends with him.
- Conversation between Lord Joffrey Manderly and Gyles Hightower concerning the upcoming Battle of Norcross, 3031
---

This war has lasted years my Lord... The fields need tending.
Then let us water then red with traitor's blood.
They say Gyles Hightower has his host near Norcross
They will be buried there.

-Conversation between a footman and Florian the Blackhand Flowers, 3031
1663459376615.png

My Father was not our cause. Our cause lives on and I refuse to let his murder go unpunished. We will have our victory my lords, I swear this on the blood of all those killed in Norcross.
We need gold and men, without it we cannot go on.
The coffers of Oldtown will go empty if need be. As for the rest, I will see to it.
- Quentyn Hightower speech, 3031
---
A Lannister Princess! It's not enough for those Hightower moneylenders to be as rich as they are, the boy signed a marriage contract with the bloody King of the Rock.
And earned himself a mighty dowry, not to say for an powerful ally. And he did it all on the pretext of his precious cause. Aye, the Hightowers are cunts, but cunning cunts nonetheless. Let word of this spread like Wildfire, we may yet use it...
Use it? Half the lords that hear of it flock to the League's banner!
And the other rest fear that Hightower boy just sold the Northmarch to a Lannister king for a bag of gold and a pair of legs. He's not as clever as he thinks he is. And in the meantime, I have friend beyond the Dornish mountains who would love the opportunity to raid the Southlands.
Dornishmen? Invited into the reach...
They kill traitor's as well as any man.
- Florian Blackhand Flowers after hearing of the marriage of Quentyn Hightower to Cecily of Lannisport
---
1663460926487.png

Let us end this here and now boy! Let us decide this war between the two of us right now. Come now boy, avenger your father!

This war is already over Bastard. Your men are defeated or fled, you will not have such a noble death.
What then, the executioner's blade?
I would wish that, Bastard, believe me on that. But you're still the King's brother, even if illegitimate, and your're worth more alive.
(laughs) And you were doing so well. You will regret that boy.
-Quentyn the Bold and his prisioner Florian Blackhand following the Battle of Horn Hill, 3028
---
Long live Perceon II, King of the Reach! Long live Quentyn Hightower, Lord Protector of the Reach! Long last the Proclamation of the Hand!
- Nobles celebrate the elevation of Quentyn Hightower to Lord Protector, de facto ruler of the Reach, as well as the signing of the Proclamation of the Hand, which empowered the nobility, 3028
---

I will not remain in Highgarden as a prisioner of that boy. I am a warrior, and there's much of my trade to be done elsewhere. Dorne always needs a good killer, mayhaps I shall travel there.

- Florian Blackhand goes into exile
---

1663463160458.png


Why does he return after all this time?

He claims that the Lord Protector has insulted his name or some such. When has cause ever been needed when the Blackhand wants killing? He demmanded a duel.
And Hightower accepted? Has he taken leave of his senses?!
He could not let the challenge go unmet. As Lord of Oldtown perhaps, but not as Lord Protector.

- 2 courtiers discuss the impeding duel between the Bold and the Blackhand, 3022
---

You should've seen the duel boy. Every lord worth his salt came to Highgarden to watch. Men who fought for both sides. Myles Tarly with his big beard, Steffon Oakheart with his limp, as well as widows and sons. Lady Peake and Samwell Manderly to name a contentious pair. It was if as the War begun anew between those two men. The victor would write down their side in the tomes.
The Blackhand was the finest knight of his time, no doubt about it. But he was old, pushing 50 by the time of the duel. Quentyn Hightower had youth and speed, not to mention that Valyrian Blade of his. When it started the entire field held its breath.
Three times they struck one another with lances, three times the lances broke. On the fourth round the Blackhand was knocked out of his horse. Hightower tried to ride him down but the Blackhand cut his white steed down, sending the Lord Protector flying.
From then on it was all blades. They would strike and parry and strike again, neither getting the advantage. Then Hightower found a gap and landed a deep cut to the Blackhand's shoulder, and another to his gut, forcing him to drop his blade. But he pulled out his helm and hit Hightower with it, knocking the younger man down. The two rolled on the mud, punching and kicking. Then the Blackhand pulled his knife and stabbed Hightower btween his plates, over and over, as they lay one atop another. The lights went out of the Lord Protector's eyes, and then slowly the Blackhand got up and gave a great bellow towards the crowd. None dared make a noise, not cheer or curse. Not even when Florian Blackhand collapsed from his wounds. None heard his last words clearly. "Good Sport", some claim, "Quick Cunt", others claim. He died from his wounds a fortnight later.
- Acount of the Duel of Florian Blackhand and Quentyn the Bold, 3022

---
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I'm trying to find an infobox depicting a neo-medieval American version of Attila the Hun called 'Rick the Montanan', Can somebody help me out?
Here you go.
 
You cannot in your right mind accept the demands of this rabble.
This Council gives me no alternative but to sign that accursed paper and recognize their noble rights.
We have the blood of the Green Hand flowing through our veins. For generations our house has protected the Reach and ruled over these lordlings with no concern for what they had to say on the matter...
But you're not of this House my brother, are you?
...And what, little brother, do you mean by that?
It has been said that this Kingdom is ruled by my bastard brother. That I cannot have! You meddle in subjects beyond your perview. And you will reffer to me as Your Grace!
Would you have me stripped of my rank then? Take my leave and become a Hedge Knight while the Kingdom that Father and I have forged is gutted by shits like Gyles Hightower and the Joffrey Manderly? Or is it exile? Should I board a ship to the Free Cities?
Florian (sighs) you go too far my brother...
It is you who do not go far enough.
What would you have me do?

You do not need do anything your grace. Let me assemble the hosts of Highgarden. Many a loyal house will flock to us. Let the Blackhand, not the Green, break these traitorous cunts.
- Conversation between King Perceon Gardener II of the Reach and his bastard brother Florian Blackhand Flowers concerning the Great Council of Highgarden, 3035

---
My Lords, what would you call the rejection of the Great Council's decision if not tyranny? I see great houses before me, old lineages who will not stand for this. If the King does not embrace our demmands by choice he gives us no other option but to raise arms once again. Down with oppression! Down with the black bastard! By the Seven, this League will be victorious.

- Gyles the good Hightower forming the League of Oldtown, 3035

View attachment 775093View attachment 775090View attachment 775091

This war is not like the other ones we've fought, Gyles. The entire realm is in it this time. They say Honeyseed was burned to the ground by the Blackhand, every man, woman and child slaughtered.
Then we must put an end to the Blackhand once and for all.
Easier said then done. The bastard of Highgarden is no fool Gyles, and he has won more battles then most.
Aye, but his is proud beyond measure. Let us goad him into battle here in the Southlands, where we know the terrain.
He still outnumbers us...
Did you not say he butchered Honeyseed? How long until that is Blackcrown, or Bulwerside? Or Ashford? We must end him and his whole tyrannical cause ends with him.
- Conversation between Lord Joffrey Manderly and Gyles Hightower concerning the upcoming Battle of Norcross, 3031
---

This war has lasted years my Lord... The fields need tending.
Then let us water then red with traitor's blood.
They say Gyles Hightower has his host near Norcross
They will be buried there.

-Conversation between a footman and Florian the Blackhand Flowers, 3031
View attachment 775096
My Father was not our cause. Our cause lives on and I refuse to let his murder go unpunished. We will have our victory my lords, I swear this on the blood of all those killed in Norcross.
We need gold and men, without it we cannot go on.
The coffers of Oldtown will go empty if need be. As for the rest, I will see to it.
- Quentyn Hightower speech, 3031
---
A Lannister Princess! It's not enough for those Hightower moneylenders to be as rich as they are, the boy signed a marriage contract with the bloody King of the Rock.
And earned himself a mighty dowry, not to say for an powerful ally. And he did it all on the pretext of his precious cause. Aye, the Hightowers are cunts, but cunning cunts nonetheless. Let word of this spread like Wildfire, we may yet use it...
Use it? Half the lords that hear of it flock to the League's banner!
And the other rest fear that Hightower boy just sold the Northmarch to a Lannister king for a bag of gold and a pair of legs. He's not as clever as he thinks he is. And in the meantime, I have friend beyond the Dornish mountains who would love the opportunity to raid the Southlands.
Dornishmen? Invited into the reach...
They kill traitor's as well as any man.
- Florian Blackhand Flowers after hearing of the marriage of Quentyn Hightower to Cecily of Lannisport
---
View attachment 775097
Let us end this here and now boy! Let us decide this war between the two of us right now. Come now boy, avenger your father!

This war is already over Bastard. Your men are defeated or fled, you will not have such a noble death.
What then, the executioner's blade?
I would wish that, Bastard, believe me on that. But you're still the King's brother, even if illegitimate, and your're worth more alive.
(laughs) And you were doing so well. You will regret that boy.
-Quentyn the Bold and his prisioner Florian Blackhand following the Battle of Horn Hill, 3028
---
Long live Perceon II, King of the Reach! Long live Quentyn Hightower, Lord Protector of the Reach! Long last the Proclamation of the Hand!
- Nobles celebrate the elevation of Quentyn Hightower to Lord Protector, de facto ruler of the Reach, as well as the signing of the Proclamation of the Hand, which empowered the nobility, 3028
---

I will not remain in Highgarden as a prisioner of that boy. I am a warrior, and there's much of my trade to be done elsewhere. Dorne always needs a good killer, mayhaps I shall travel there.

- Florian Blackhand goes into exile
---

View attachment 775105

Why does he return after all this time?

He claims that the Lord Protector has insulted his name or some such. When has cause ever been needed when the Blackhand wants killing? He demmanded a duel.
And Hightower accepted? Has he taken leave of his senses?!
He could not let the challenge go unmet. As Lord of Oldtown perhaps, but not as Lord Protector.

- 2 courtiers discuss the impeding duel between the Bold and the Blackhand, 3022
---

You should've seen the duel boy. Every lord worth his salt came to Highgarden to watch. Men who fought for both sides. Myles Tarly with his big beard, Steffon Oakheart with his limp, as well as widows and sons. Lady Peake and Samwell Manderly to name a contentious pair. It was if as the War begun anew between those two men. The victor would write down their side in the tomes.
The Blackhand was the finest knight of his time, no doubt about it. But he was old, pushing 50 by the time of the duel. Quentyn Hightower had youth and speed, not to mention that Valyrian Blade of his. When it started the entire field held its breath.
Three times they struck one another with lances, three times the lances broke. On the fourth round the Blackhand was knocked out of his horse. Hightower tried to ride him down but the Blackhand cut his white steed down, sending the Lord Protector flying.
From then on it was all blades. They would strike and parry and strike again, neither getting the advantage. Then Hightower found a gap and landed a deep cut to the Blackhand's shoulder, and another to his gut, forcing him to drop his blade. But he pulled out his helm and hit Hightower with it, knocking the younger man down. The two rolled on the mud, punching and kicking. Then the Blackhand pulled his knife and stabbed Hightower btween his plates, over and over, as they lay one atop another. The lights went out of the Lord Protector's eyes, and then slowly the Blackhand got up and gave a great bellow towards the crowd. None dared make a noise, not cheer or curse. Not even when Florian Blackhand collapsed from his wounds. None heard his last words clearly. "Good Sport", some claim, "Quick Cunt", others claim. He died from his wounds a fortnight later.
- Acount of the Duel of Florian Blackhand and Quentyn the Bold, 3022

---
View attachment 775102View attachment 775103View attachment 775104


Isn't there a limit on images per post?
 
Screenshot 2022-09-17 074842.png

States in yellow elected a majority or plurality of Republican MPs, states in blue elected a majority or plurality of Democratic MPs, states in green elected a majority or plurality of Populist MPs, states in purple elected an equal amount of Democratic and Republican MPs, states in light green elected an equal amount of Republican and Populist MPs, and states in dark green elected an equal amount of Democratic and Populist MPs.

The 1895 United States federal election was held on August 25, 1895. The government of Prime Minister John M. Palmer sought a third term in office.

In office since 1885, the government of John Palmer had proven itself reasonable popular during its first eight years, instituting policies of lower tariffs and lesser interventions in the South. During this time, meanwhile, the Republican Party had been badly split between its moderate and radical factions; during the early Palmer years, the moderate faction, led by Leader of the Opposition George F. Edmunds, had the edge, but led the party to a catastrophic result in the 1890 election, leading to William McKinley become the new Republican leader in the wake of that election.

However, in the years since Palmer had first taken office economic issues had changed greatly. The Panic of 1890 had nearly cost Palmer his majority in that year's election, with only Republican disunity preserving it, and yet, as would soon be clear, was only the prelude of further economic woes. Meanwhile, a debate had raged on the issue of gold versus silver backed currency, but initially did not translate into electoral relevance due to both major parties' leadership being staunchly on the side of sound money. This was briefly changed in 1882, when the Greenback Party won 12 seats in that year's elections, but the party failed to have relevance in Parliament and lost all of its seats in the subsequent 1885 election. However, the issue of silver remained, and was channeled into the creation of a new party into which the Greenbacks merged: the Populist Party, formed in 1889 and successful in winning 61 seats in the 1890 election - the most of any third party up to that point - and nearly denying Palmer his majority. This was, of course, all further upended by the Panic of 1893, which, even after a massive Cabinet reshuffle, completely shredded any approval left for Palmer's government. Meanwhile, the issue of alcohol prohibition bubbled under the surface, with the Prohibition Party consistently taking about 1-2% of the vote since the late 1870's, though it had up to that point failed to ever win any seats.

In the resulting election, with the Republicans renewed, Palmer faltering, the Populists surging, and Prohibition support increasing, it was unsurprising when the Democrats lost a staggering 72 seats, while all other parties gained. McKinley's Republicans surged to first place, taking 290 seats and 42% of the vote; the Populists, led once again by James B. Weaver took 84 seats and nearly 20% of the popular vote; and the Prohibitionists, led by John St. John of Kansas, took 5% of the vote and 14 seats.

Once the votes were tallied and the seats distributed, it soon became clear there was no clear majority. Though coalitions had occurred before, with the Democratic-Liberal Republican coalition of 1874 and the Republican-Readjuster coalition of 1882, the Populists weren't a clear fit for either major party, with its defining issue, silver coinage, being disdained by both party leaderships. It seemed, initially, like new elections were likely to be held in early 1896, in order to resolve the hung Parliament, but then Henry Teller, a Republican MP from Colorado, announced he would challenge McKinley for the Republican leadership and attempt to forge a coalition with the Populists. Teller failed, given that silver Republicans were hard to find outside the West, but it did inspire those on the other side of the aisle, where the two panics had destroyed Palmer's control over the party, not helped by his past as a Liberal Republican and, before that, a Republican. As such, Palmer soon found himself facing a leadership challenge, with Richard P. Bland of Missouri coalescing the much larger silverite faction of the Democrats. Despite this, the gold Democrats maintained a numerical edge over the silverites, and Palmer might have kept the leadership, had it not been for current Treasury Secretary and former prime minister John G. Carlisle throwing his hat in the ring, dividing the gold Democrats. With the faction divided and in any case blamed for the party's woes, the fence sitters ended up breaking for Bland, and Palmer was overthrown from Democratic leadership, though he maintained his job of caretaker prime minister.

With Bland the new Democratic leader, the next step were the Populists. They themselves had no clear preference, and had cooperated with both parties on the state level, though this did show a clear regional difference, as Western Populists had generally participated in Democratic-Populist coalitions (seen in Wyoming, Nebraska, Kansas, and the Dakotas) while Southern Populists had generally done so in Republican-Populist coalitions (seen in North Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, and Alabama). Ultimately, however, with Bland, a known champion of the silver cause, as Democratic leader, many Populists saw an opportunity to implement their signature policy proposal, and accepted to negotiate a coalition. It seemed like an electoral do-over would be avoided.

This was soon thrown into disarray, however, because of Prime Minister Palmer. Unhappy over the manner he as ousted from his job, staunchly opposed to any abolition of the gold standard, and never particularly beholden to his party affiliation, Palmer bolted the party and founded the National Democratic Party, which mostly copied the Democratic platform of low tariffs and states' rights, but with a decided endorsement of hard money and the gold standard. Most gold Democrats naturally chose to keep the larger party's affiliation, but among the fiercest supporters of gold over silver, Palmer made some inroads, winning over some 38 Democrats to his party. This was a massive coup that would be enough to deny a Democratic-Populist coalition a majority, and it seemed like, once again, fresh elections would be needed.

The pro-silver coalition would be saved by Henry Teller, who led a contingent of Western silver Republicans to bolt from the GOP, in hopes of, if not entering a coalition, then at least offering confidence and supply to the prospective Democratic-Populist coalition and therefore allowing it to institute free silver. Thus was the Silver Republican Party born. As it was, however, they fell short of providing sufficient seats for this scheme to work, cobbling 11 of the 18 necessary. Further involved were the Prohibition Party, whose raison d'être many Populists were sympathetic to, offering its own 14 seats for confidence and supply, though the silverite coalition refused to promise to enact alcohol prohibition and thus, the Prohibitionists would not fully join the coalition. However, those were the votes. Bland, with the support of 224 Democrats, 84 Populists, and 11 Silver Republicans had 319 votes, against 279 for McKinley and 38 for Palmer, with the 14 prohibitionists abstaining. That was just enough, and the prohibitionists offered confidence supply. Richard P. Bland would be inaugurated as Prime Minister. Free silver seemed inevitable.

However, this quickly began to fall apart. Despite their support being crucial, the wishes of the Silver Republicans were often ignored by the Silver coalition. The budget of 1896 was bitterly fought over, with the Silver Republicans ultimately voting against it, with it only being saved by the National Democrats. More important was the key issue of silver. It was the signature proposal, the common ground of the coalition, but it soon became abundantly clear that, despite the National Democrats, many gold Democrats still existed, and though his ministry did have a numerical minority for the premiership and a majority for the budget, it soon became clear Bland didn't have a pro-silver majority in Parliament. The defeat of Bland's silver bills was an embarrassment, and strained the coalition. It fell in December of 1896, lasting just over a year, and elections were scheduled for 1897. The Silver Republicans rejoined their progenitor party in February, while the National Democrats remained separate and contested it.
 
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View attachment 775060
States in yellow elected a majority or plurality of Republican MPs, states in blue elected a majority or plurality of Democratic MPs, states in green elected a majority or plurality of Populist MPs, states in purple elected an equal amount of Democratic and Republican MPs, states in light green elected an equal amount of Republican and Populist MPs, and states in dark green elected an equal amount of Democratic and Populist MPs.

The 1895 United States federal election was held on August 25, 1895. The government of Prime Minister John M. Palmer sought a third term in office.

In office since 1885, the government of John Palmer had proven itself reasonable popular during its first eight years, instituting policies of lower tariffs and lesser interventions in the South. During this time, meanwhile, the Republican Party had been badly split between its moderate and radical factions; during the early Palmer years, the moderate faction, led by Leader of the Opposition George F. Edmunds, had the edge, but led the party to a catastrophic result in the 1890 election, leading to William McKinley become the new Republican leader in the wake of that election.

However, in the years since Palmer had first taken office economic issues had changed greatly. The Panic of 1890 had nearly cost Palmer his majority in that year's election, with only Republican disunity preserving it, and yet, as would soon be clear, was only the prelude of further economic woes. Meanwhile, a debate had raged on the issue of gold versus silver backed currency, but initially did not translate into electoral relevance due to both major parties' leadership being staunchly on the side of sound money. This was briefly changed in 1882, when the Greenback Party won 12 seats in that year's elections, but the party failed to have relevance in Parliament and lost all of its seats in the subsequent 1885 election. However, the issue of silver remained, and was channeled into the creation of a new party into which the Greenbacks merged: the Populist Party, formed in 1889 and successful in winning 61 seats in the 1890 election - the most of any third party up to that point - and nearly denying Palmer his majority. This was, of course, all further upended by the Panic of 1893, which, even after a massive Cabinet reshuffle, completely shredded any approval left for Palmer's government. Meanwhile, the issue of alcohol prohibition bubbled under the surface, with the Prohibition Party consistently taking about 1-2% of the vote since the late 1870's, though it had up to that point failed to ever win any seats.

In the resulting election, with the Republicans renewed, Palmer faltering, the Populists surging, and Prohibition support increasing, it was unsurprising when the Democrats lost a staggering 72 seats, while all other parties gained. McKinley's Republicans surged to first place, taking 290 seats and 42% of the vote; the Populists, led once again by James B. Weaver took 84 seats and nearly 20% of the popular vote; and the Prohibitionists, led by John St. John of Kansas, took 5% of the vote and 14 seats.

Once the votes were tallied and the seats distributed, it soon became clear there was no clear majority. Though coalitions had occurred before, with the Democratic-Liberal Republican coalition of 1874 and the Republican-Readjuster coalition of 1882, the Populists weren't a clear fit for either major party, with its defining issue, silver coinage, being disdained by both party leaderships. It seemed, initially, like new elections were likely to be held in early 1896, in order to resolve the hung Parliament, but then Henry Teller, a Republican MP from Colorado, announced he would challenge McKinley for the Republican leadership and attempt to forge a coalition with the Populists. Teller failed, given that silver Republicans were hard to find outside the West, but it did inspire those on the other side of the aisle, where the two panics had destroyed Palmer's control over the party, not helped by his past as a Liberal Republican and, before that, a Republican. As such, Palmer soon found himself facing a leadership challenge, with Richard P. Bland of Missouri coalescing the much larger silverite faction of the Democrats. Despite this, the gold Democrats maintained a numerical edge over the silverites, and Palmer might have kept the leadership, had it not been for current Treasury Secretary and former prime minister John G. Carlisle throwing his hat in the ring, dividing the gold Democrats. With the faction divided and in any case blamed for the party's woes, the fence sitters ended up breaking for Bland, and Palmer was overthrown from Democratic leadership, though he maintained his job of caretaker prime minister.

With Bland the new Democratic leader, the next step were the Populists. They themselves had no clear preference, and had cooperated with both parties on the state level, though this did show a clear regional difference, as Western Populists had generally participated in Democratic-Populist coalitions (seen in Wyoming, Nebraska, Kansas, and the Dakotas) while Southern Populists had generally done so in Republican-Populist coalitions (seen in North Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, and Alabama). Ultimately, however, with Bland, a known champion of the silver cause, as Democratic leader, many Populists saw an opportunity to implement their signature policy proposal, and accepted to negotiate a coalition. It seemed like an electoral do-over would be avoided.

This was soon thrown into disarray, however, because of Prime Minister Palmer. Unhappy over the manner he as ousted from his job, staunchly opposed to any abolition of the gold standard, and never particularly beholden to his party affiliation, Palmer bolted the party and founded the National Democratic Party, which mostly copied the Democratic platform of low tariffs and states' rights, but with a decided endorsement of hard money and the gold standard. Most gold Democrats naturally chose to keep the larger party's affiliation, but among the fiercest supporters of gold over silver, Palmer made some inroads, winning over some 38 Democrats to his party. This was a massive coup that would be enough to deny a Democratic-Populist coalition a majority, and it seemed like, once again, fresh elections would be needed.

The pro-silver coalition would be saved by Henry Teller, who led a contingent of Western silver Republicans to bolt from the GOP, in hopes of, if not entering a coalition, then at least offering confidence and supply to the prospective Democratic-Populist coalition and therefore allowing it to institute free silver. Thus was the Silver Republican Party born. As it was, however, they fell short of providing sufficient seats for this scheme to work, cobbling 11 of the 18 necessary. Further involved were the Prohibition Party, whose raison d'être many Populists were sympathetic to, offering its own 14 seats for confidence and supply, though the silverite coalition refused to promise to enact alcohol prohibition and thus, the Prohibitionists would not fully join the coalition. However, those were the votes. Bland, with the support of 224 Democrats, 84 Populists, and 11 Silver Republicans had 319 votes, against 279 for McKinley and 38 for Palmer, with the 14 prohibitionists abstaining. That was just enough, and the prohibitionists offered confidence supply. Richard P. Bland would be inaugurated as Prime Minister. Free silver seemed inevitable.

However, this quickly began to fall apart. Despite their support being crucial, the wishes of the Silver Republicans were often ignored by the Silver coalition. The budget of 1896 was bitterly fought over, with the Silver Republicans ultimately voting against it, with it only being saved by the National Democrats. More important was the key issue of silver. It was the signature proposal, the common ground of the coalition, but it soon became abundantly clear that, despite the National Democrats, many gold Democrats still existed, and though his ministry did have a numerical minority for the premiership and a majority for the budget, it soon became clear Bland didn't have a pro-silver majority in Parliament. The defeat of Bland's silver bills was an embarrassment, and strained the coalition. It fell in December of 1896, lasting just over a year, and elections were scheduled for 1897. The Silver Republicans rejoined their progenitor party in February, while the National Democrats remained separate and contested it.
Prime Minister William Jennings Bryan in 1897?
 
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