A House of Lamps: A Moorish America

A House of Lamps | Part 1
  • A House of Lamps; Part 1

    "The whole world is like a house filled with lamps, rays, and lights through whom the things of the house are elucidated…"

    Ibn Barrajan, 12th century CE

    This timeline will trace the latter history of the Reconquista, from the Moorish victory at Las Navas de Tolosas through the history of the Ayshunids, to the Islamic discovery of the New World, and the beginning of the imperial age.

    The Point of Divergence: May 2nd, 1212 CE
    The Sierra Morena, Southern Spain

    The olives were doing well, this time of year. In the Sierra Morena, there was little else to worry about. On a pleasant day in early May, a haggard shepherd cussed at his sheep to follow the path from his hut on the hill to the pasture in the valley. One small lamb wandered off, as lambs do, and came to a spring nestled between crags of grey stone. The shepherd knocked his stick against the dusty road, pushing his flock down the path. He munched on some pine nuts from a bag slung at his waist. With a bit more grunting, and a fair few more curses, he goaded the flock to a rest in their pasture.

    He ran a quick count, unos, duos, tre…and saw one was missing. With an exasperated clip to his stride, the shepherd worked his way up the path, tracing the mess of hoofprints that marked the main flock, looking for a straggler. The lamp was off to the side, its hoods marked with mud where it had carelessly romped through the wet dirt besides the path. It munched on some small shrubs near a little puddle of water bubbling up from the rocks. The shepherd called to it, but it didn’t listen. He sighed and stepped off the trail, throwing dirt over his fine, for a shepherd, leather boots. One step landed him on a little boulder buried in the grass, just slickened just enough by residual morning mist to send him stumbling forwards. With a loud crack he fell forward onto more stones, grey but now flecked with blood. He died quickly. The lamb didn’t seem to notice.

    This shepherds name was Martin Alhaja, a Castillian. He was 36 years old.

    His death in other circumstances would warrant little attention, but in this case, it would change the face of the Iberian Peninsula. Just across the gorges, through the Despeñaperros pass would come to be the war-camp of the Caliph Muhammad al-Nasir. At the head of a vast host drawn up from Africa, he was intent on waging war on the Christians, following up the victory at Alarcos in 1195. He would be countered by Alfonso VIII of Castille, and the combined knightly orders of all Spain, among others. In other times, he would be aided by Marin to cross the Despeñaperros and ambush the Caliphs camp, routing the Almohad army and crushing the dream of resurgent jihad in Iberia. Yet, thanks to a wandering lamb and a slicked stone he would have no such guide.

    The next day, the Caliph would lead his force against the Christian coalition, crossing the Sierra Morena themselves and fighting south of the Guadiana. While not the crushing final battle either side was wishing for, the Almohad forces succeeding in causing a Christian withdrawal, and capitalized on their gains to fortify the territory on the north wall of the Sierra Morena.

    The Christian armies were forced to withdraw to Toledo. The military orders suffered significant losses, including the master of the order of Santiago Pedro Arias, and the master of the famed Order of Calatrava, Ruy Diaz.

    Muslims losses were not insignificant either. The Caliph himself was struck by a stray arrow during the assault on the Castillian center, and lost his right eye for it. For this he gained the Castillian nickname, el nudo, “the tree knot”, an insult on his new facial appearance. The Almohads also lost a significant number of Andalusian troops, which did not fare well with the southern emirs, already rankled by supporting troops to yet another Berber-led war. Still, it was a Muslim victory, and the battle was trumpeted throughout the mosques of Granada and the Maghreb during the khutbah.




    Toledo; 1263

    The brow of the crown-prince Ferdinand, once so clean and immaculate, was splashed with dirt and dust. The moors had tied him to his horse. Rope fetters bound his wrists together behind his back, and more ropes strapped him to his saddle. A guard pulled the reins ahead of him. He kept the nag at a steady pace with the rest of the vanguard. Muhammad Yusuf wished that the crown-prince would be visible to the entire city, not hidden behind a wall of dark faces and leathery shields. Ferdinand could barely see through the sunlight. The evening sun had begun its dip to the horizon, shining straight into his eyes, turning his bangs translucent as its rays pierced through to scratch his face.

    Captivity did not suit him, he thought. The cuffs on his wrists felt odd, like a bad dream. Only just yesterday he was a free man. A prince of Castile, a warrior of Christ. The red and yellow, the white, the blacks and blues of Christian banners fluttering over the tawny fields. He could feel, if he just pretended this flea-bitten beast was his own proud Santiago, a horse of noble bearing. Deep brown, thick hide and smart eyes. Sharp hooves and a straight head, a war horse. A champion of jousts across every corner of Christian Iberia. Wherever that horse was now was little better than his sad state. A Moorish spear, thrust into his side and then a black-feathered bolt to his forehead. He died quickly, Ferdinand could at least console himself on that. A fly landed on his neck, but he couldn’t swipe it off. He felt its wings on his skin, its tiny mouth nibbling at his flesh.

    “It seems these Christian flies are quick to turn on their own kind.” Someone spoke in a thick Moorish accent. Their foreign tongue laced each Castilian word with a southern must.

    The Moorish king, on a horse far finer than his, casually trotted up to meet at Ferdinand’s side.

    “They have eaten well in the past week. Perhaps they have remembered how sweet Christian blood can be.” He said.

    There was little that distinguished their king from the rest of their kind. Unlike others Ferdinand had fought he wore little finery and dressed practically. Tall black riding boots and a short gambeson with just the hint of a gilded fringed tunic underneath. A long sword in Andalusian style, sheathed and bound with iron rings clapped against his saddle. He wore a large turban, as in the style of the Berbers, but kept his face unveiled to display an immaculate brown beard, clipped with a sharp edge around the chin. Long proud features with wide cheekbones and pale eyes betrayed a mixed background, between moor and Christian. Ferdinand could scarcely imagine that such a creature could ever have been descended from Christian men. The falcon of Seville, as he had become known, wore his title well. He carried himself with an avian sort of stance, a barely bent pose that held a seemingly infinite pool of waiting ferocity. Ferdinand hung his head low. In his weakness, he could not bear to face his captor, as so many moors had whimpered before him in his own past.

    “Do not despair prince of Castile, I am not wasting a horse on you, so I can kill you somewhere else. You still have a mission to carry out for your kingdom.”

    “What task will you compel from me, moor?” he asked, speaking down through his hair and sweat.

    “God-Willing, you shall deliver me Toledo.”

    Ferdinand couldn’t help but grin. The audacity of the moor continued to exceed his own ability to comprehend it.


    The Timeline

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    1214 - 5 CE​

    Muhammad Al-Nasir, intent on pressing his advantage further, sets his sights on Toledo. Almohad forces penetrate across the Guadiana at Merida and rampage through La Mancha, but cannot directly attack the city, settling to retake Talavera and many towns to the south and west. It is renamed Talabayra al-Majd Allah, to celebrate the success of the campaign. Alfonso VIII stays in Toledo, anticipating an imminent siege that does not arrive. He sends Sancho VII of Navarre with a significant force to cut the Almohads off from the south near Malagon. Sancho successfully pushes back local garrisons but is intercepted by the Berber commander Imen al-Din Farra. After a short engagement both parties withdraw. Amid a general stalemate Muhammad Al-Nasir and Alfonso VIII sign a 15-year peace, both sides left drained by the war. The landscape around Toledo is decimated, some argue by intention, and a bloated population due to refugees and low food production leads to riots within the city. Muhammad Al-Nasir returns to Morocco.
    1216 CE​

    Miramoullin El Nudo, as the Christians had come to call the Almohad Caliph, busies himself with suppressing a Berber revolt in the Rif in Morocco. Increasing ethnic tensions in the South continue to peck at the Almohad power structure.

    In Andalusia, the governor of Jaen Abd Allah Al-Bayyasi faces a significant challenge from the commander Imen al-Din Farra, who accuses him of negligence in stocking the border with Castille with garrisons. Backed by Muhammad Al-Nasirs brother, and a significant power-broker in Al-Andalus, Abu Muhammad ‘Abdallah, Farra is able to orchestrate Al-Bayyasis death in August of that year. He is given control of Jaen in return for an unofficial pledge of loyalty to Abu Muhammad. Muhammad Al-Nasir, alerted to this machination calls for his brother’s imprisonment. The emirs of Al-Andalus are faced with a potential political crisis between two foreign figures, equally disliked among them.
    1217 - 20 CE​

    Abu Muhammad ‘Abdallah successfully wards off his brothers threats by swearing off his former plans off personal gain, having Farra publicly shamed and then hung for his ‘treachery’. Muhammad Al-Nasir, still unsatisfied with his brothers show of remorse has him assassinated as a precaution. Abu Muhammad ‘Abdallah is stabbed to death while taking a bath. Conscious of the need to restore loyalties among the Andalusian emirs, Al-Nasir promotes the son of Al-Bayyasi, Ahmed ‘Abdullah Yusuf to the governorship of Jaen. He is a popular figure among the emirs, and seen as a ready ear for their concerns. He is also palatable to the Masmuda sheiks as a pragmatist, not willing to tread on too many toes across the pillars of Hercules.

    Portuguese raiders along with a force of Crusader volunteers take several towns on the Portuguese coast, sieging the keep at Alcácer do Sal. They are repulsed upon attempting to push farther inland however. There is otherwise, general peace in Iberia.

    Gzennya Berbers stage a revolt in the Rif, attacking Almohad outposts on the coast. Mlila is even put under siege for several months, before Al-Nasir is able to lift the siege, executing 500 tribal sheiks.
    1221 CE​

    Muhammad Al-Nasir dies in combat with a straggler force of Riffian rebels. He is immediately succeeded by the 20-year-old Yusuf II al-Mustansir, who wastes little time in putting down the last vestiges of rebellion in Morocco.
    1223-24 CE​

    Yusuf II spends a significant amount of time and money refurbishing Mlila and Ceuta, signing an extensive trade accord with Genoa in November. Portuguese nobles, eager to take advantage of the absence of the Caliphs launch a wide ranging cabalgada raid into western Almohad holdings, capturing thousands of Muslim slaves and large herds of livestock. They swung north of Silves and put torch to the fields outside the city before returning to Portugal.

    Incensed, Yusuf II crosses to Portugal and crosses the border with a significant force, taking Alcacer and Setúbal. Alfonso II of Portugal dies at Coimbra, leaving Portugal unable to levy an effective response force. 40 Portuguese nobles choose to pledge allegiance to the Caliph to preserve their holdings in the southern Estramadura.

    Sancho II is declared King of Portugal, and immediately starts rallying troops for the reconquest of the Estramadura.
    1225 CE​
    The First Battle of Palmela (Tal al-Balla)

    Yusuf II gets notice of the Portuguese army advancing to the east of Setúbal, near the mount of al-Balla. He draws up his force southeast of Palmela, with the Sado estuary covering his southern flank and the fortress covering the north. He came to the field with 11,000 men, primarily Berber mushud levies with a large Andalusian cavalry contingent under the command of the Emir of Silves, Ibn Abnd al-Badie. His Christian mercenaries, the jund al-nasara bring up the very center.

    Sancho II entered the campaign with 4,000 men at arms, 1,200 crossbowmen and 2,000 mounted religious volunteers, headed by the general Dom Ruy Fontes of Guimarães. He also commanded a sizable number of knights from the Order of Aviz. After supplying in the still-Christian towns east of Setúbal, he swung west towards the city, intent on retaking it. Initial scouting parties clashed in the early weeks of June, and the battle commenced on the 17th.

    Sancho II sent his infantry at the center, who collided with Yusuf’s Christian mercenaries. The Portuguese crossbowmen screened the infantry’s advance, while he sent Ruy’s cavalry through the farmlands to the north to flank the bloated Almohad central line. Eager to press into the Christian center, Yusuf’s Berber troops crowded into the center, squeezing his Christians behind his levies and the Portuguese. Ibn Abnd al-Badie’s cavalry engaged with the Christian cavalry, and quickly pressed them back, forcing Sancho II to shift troops to the northern flank to ward them off. Seeing the battle and wishing to participate, a number of residents of the city of Setubal attempted to sally out to aid the Portuguese, but were promptly slaughtered by the Moorish garrison.

    The entire Portuguese line began to curve northwards, pulling back in the center against the weight of the massive Almohad central line and twisting to protect the vulnerable northern flank. Ibn Abnd’s cavalry were able to rout the Portuguese cavalry, forcing them back. It was at this time that the Knights of Avis, held back in reserve were deployed to charge the Almohad southern flank, but they became bogged down in the estuarine flats, where archers were able to inflict significant losses before they could break through. The Andalusian cavalry after breaking fully Dom Ruy’s cavalry swung south and charged the Portuguese flank, instigating a rout that relieved pressure on the Almohad center. Sancho II attempted to rally his forces, charging forward into the fray but was pulled from his horse and taken prisoner.

    Sancho II was later ransomed for a hefty sum, and returned to Lisbon in disgrace. Frustration over the defeat led to the nobility to request Sanchos younger brother Afonso take the throne, though at 15 he was aided by the regent Paio de Menezes until he could come of age. Sancho II accepted his removal and retired to Coimbra, where he would die of an intestinal infection in 1234.
    1226 CE​

    Ferdinand III of Castile was aware of the difficulties faced by the Portuguese, but chose to reinforce his own position and to strengthen ties with Aragon and Leon in the event the Almohads withdrew south again, where he could then reverse their gains free from immediate reprisal. He understands that the Portuguese throne is in serious jeopardy, and schemes to strengthen his position as the premier regent of Christian Iberia, so in the event of a possible intervention within Portugal he could plausibly claim long-coveted Portuguese territory with some degree of legitimacy.
    1229 CE​

    Yusuf II sieges Lisbon and enters the city in late spring. He signs a humiliating peace treaty with Afonso III soon after, who cedes all lands south of the Tagus. Yusuf II converts the Lisbon Cathedral back to a mosque (it was formerly on the site of the main mosque in Islamic Lisbon), commissioning a large minaret in Maghrebi style as a sign of the reconquest of the city. To punish the city for the difficulty of the campaign Yusuf II exiles the majority of the Christian population of the city, scattering them through the Algarve, and enslaving the rest. The city is repopulated by migrants from the south. He takes the title Al-Rasheed (The Rightly Guided) to commemorate his conquests.

    James I of Aragon begins a naval invasion of Majorca in the Balearics. He quickly succeeds, taking the island from its Almohad governor Abu Yahya. Due to heavy casualties, he relents on moving to Menorca or Ibiza immediately afterwards.

    Afonso III reaches age of majority and assumes full control of the Kingdom of Portugal. He chooses not to pursue the Reconquista immediately, rather to strengthen relationships with the Holy See and develop internal loyalties with the merchant houses who had been alienated in the previous decades.
    1230 CE​

    Alfonso IX of Leon dies in September. Through negotiations Ferdinand is able to claim the crown of Leon, and is crowned as king of the united kingdom of Leon and Castile.
    1231 - 33 CE​

    Yusuf II initiates a series of hardline religious reforms attempting to return Al-Andalus to the original Almohad creed, enforcing stringent restrictions on dhimmi, and banning Jews and Christians from the interior towns along the Guadalquivir, intent on gradually cleansing Granada of non-Muslims. He convenes the qadi’s of Al-Andalus, religious judges, in Seville and attempts to lay out an updated version of the Almohad Doctrine. There is also a purge of tax collectors deemed excessive in their activities as a return of the original policies of Ibn Tumart and of artistic figures and styles deemed overly decadent.

    An Andalusian emir, Abdul Qadir Al-Nour emerges as the prime opponent to this new tact, and begins to gather supporters for an eventual uprising. He apparently solicits Ferdinand III, promising land concessions in return for military aid.
    1234 CE​

    King Sancho VII of Navarre dies. By a pre-arranged agreement Navarre is supposed to be granted to James I of Aragon, but the Navarrese nobility elevates Theobald, Count of Champagne to the throne instead. James I disputes this, and after Papal intervention eventually James I accepts Theobalds ascension.
    1235-36 CE​

    The fall of Lisbon to the Moors had seriously unsettled the Pope, who begins to enjoin Ferdinand and Afonso to work to increase the pace of the Reconquista to reverse the recent Islamic gains.

    Zanata Berber tribes in Ifriqya begin to collect their own taxes, clashing with local Almohad officials. Yusuf II returns to Morocco.

    Ferdinand goads Abdul Qadil Al-Nour into instigating his revolt, sending a large Castilian force under the raider Carlos de Alçaga towards Merida, where Al-Nours supporters rise up to take control of the city. The combined force marches on Cordoba. Shocked by the revolt, the other emirs of Al-Andalus flock to the city, bolstering its defenses and pushing Nour back. They are unable to prevent Ferdinand from retaking Talavera, who installs Nour, in exchange for his baptism, as governor. Nours supporters cede Merida to Ferdinand, and Caceras falls soon after. Ferdinand soon sweeps through the Extramadura, taking all territory north of Caceras and consolidating his gains.

    Al-Nour, baptized as the Christian Joaquín, assumes the title of governor of Talavera.

    The Andalusian emirs quickly break into camps, mutually accusing the other of aiding the coup by Al-Nour. Local Almohad governors are hard-pressed to contain the unrest. The strict religious restrictions of Yusuf II also add to strife in the area.

    James I of Aragon completes his conquest of the Balearics, taking Ibiza in 1236.

    Afonso III strengthens the city of Santarem, establishing it as a major border fortress guarding against Moorish raids that had been occurring despite the recent treaty.
    1237 CE​

    Yusuf II falls from a balcony while in Marrakesh. He is crippled, and dies soon after. His eldest son, Abu Sa’id Al-Mājid, who served with distinction during the Estremaduran campaigns succeeds him, taking the regnal title al-Mu'tadid bi-llah, “Seeking Support in God”. Abu Sa’id attempts to quell the strife in Al-Andalus, lifting the religious burdens of his father and allowing a larger degree of freedom to separate from the puritanical ideology espoused by the previous few Caliphs. This causes rumblings among the tribal sheikhs of the Maghreb that he is insufficiently committed to the creed, who begin to complain of his moderate policies. Abu Sa’id breaks with a core principle of Ibn Tumart in establishing a unified religious order across the Islamic world, and establishes separate law codes for the Maghreb and Al-Andalus, one stricter and the other more liberal. This enjoys great support in Al-Andalus, and resentment in the Maghreb, but works in establishing some measure of peace in the turbulent empire.

    Abu Sa’id exchanges letters with the Pope, who hoped to convince him to restore some measure of leniency to the dispossessed Christians of Andalusia. The Popes attempts to fully restore their status fails, but Abu Sa’id, conscious of the need to attract Christian commerce, does allow Christians to resettle in the larger cities and ports, he signs another trade agreement with Genoa in December.
    1238 CE​

    Abu Sa’id sponsors a large expansion to the Koutoubia Mosque in Marrakesh, adding an adjoined Madrasa and significantly expanding its square-footage.

    James I sets his sights on Valencia, amassing a significant force of Catalans, Aragonese, Navarrese and Crusaders. He invades the province, but is forced to withdraw by a severe bout of fever that renders him bedridden for several months.

    Ferdinand III signs a peace treaty with Abu Sa’id.
    1239-1240 CE​

    Abu Sa’id attempts to establish more direct control over the Saharan gold trade, but is decisively rebuked while campaigning near Essouk (Tadmekka), suffering grievous losses to local Berber fighters.

    Afonso III redistricts much of Portugal for easier administration. He also convenes the Cortes of Portugal to outline new law codes, more favorable to the merchant classes​

    1242 CE​

    James I of Aragon carries out extensive negotiations in southern France, slowly working to extend Aragonese influence past the Pyrenees.
    1243-45 CE​

    Alfonso III negotiates with Ferdinand for the exact boundary between Castile and Portugal.

    Abu Sa’id deals with an internal insurrection from the Masmuda cleric Abu Yusuf al-Sayyar, who accuses him of breaking from the Almohad creed. Abu Yusuf publicly denounces Abu Sa’id in mosques in the Maghreb. Almohad officials attempt to capture Abu Yusuf but he flees to Egypt, where he is taken in by several nobles there, willing to sponsor him.
    1246​

    Abu Sa’id extends his moderate reforms, renouncing the belief in Ibn Tumart’s infallibility, and re-allowing the study of legal texts officially suppressed since the rise of the Almohads.

    Almohad forces campaign in the Sahara, and succeed in taking Tadmekka after failing six years ago, executing rebellious local chiefs.

    Andalusian emirs reach a peak in the trade of Christian mercenaries, to the extent that the governor of Badajoz, fearful of Castilian invasion, stocks his entire palace with Portuguese slaves and bodyguards.
    1247 CE​

    Frustrated by the apparent moral degradation of the Almohad court, Berber tribes under the leadership of the chieftain Musa Uthman Ibn Abd al-Yassin seize a portion of western Ifriqya south of Tlemcen and declare independence. He founds the Yassanid Dynasty as Uthman I, and takes Tlemcen as his capital soon after.

    Yassanid armies negotiate the surrender of the garrison at Tlemcen, absorbing the garrison into their own force but forcing the Christian mercenaries stockade within to return to Iberia. Abd al-Yassin soon expands his territory to extend deep into the Sahara and marches on Sijilmasa to the west.
    1249 CE​

    Abu Sa’id crushes the Yassanid armies outside Sijilmasa, but is unable to recapture any lost territory to the east.

    Eager to retake Lisbon, Alfonso III invades Estremadura, laying siege to the city. Abu Sa’id is forced to withdraw from Morocco, seeing Lisbon as a more significant city to hold than to attempt to retake Yassanid territory.

    Ferdinand III courts Mozarabs in Toledo amid a general unification of the Christian communities of Castile.


    He leaves his younger brother Abdul Ghani to supervise the campaign in Morocco.
    1250 CE​

    Ayyubid Egypt falls in a coup as the Mamluk Sultan Izz al-Din Aybak. Abu Yusuf loses his, short-lived, Egyptian backing. He finds a backer in the new-found sultan Uthman I, who has him join him at Tlemcen. Abu Yusuf exhorts other leaders of the Maghreb to rise in revolt.

    Abu Sa’id lifts the siege of Lisbon, which has lasted for almost a year, from September of 1249 to May of 1250. Alfonso III returns back across the border having suffered casualties, and with a despondent army worn out from an extremely long siege. Abu Sa’id pushes into Portugal to take several border towns, but quickly returns to Morocco to deal with the rapidly expanding Yassanid rebellion. Abu Yusuf travels to Tunis to court the governor, Abu Hamdan, who had recently replaced the prestigious Abu Hafs after he had died after a bout of dysentery. Abu Hamdan was a known puritan, and was deeply uncomfortable with the moderate elements in Abu Sa’ids court. He also was constantly threatened by raids from the Banu Ghaniya tribes to the south, who now felt more loyal to the Yassanids to the west, of similar descent, than the Arab Abu Hamdan (whose family was Syrian in origin).

    Abu Hamdan tentatively sides with Abu Yusuf, feeling confident enough in the absence of nearby Almohad forces to show some open signs of dissension.

    The bishop of Pamplona attempts to excommunicate Theobald of Navarre, but is unsuccessful.
    1251 – 52 CE​

    Abu Sa’id stays to reinforce the Portuguese border and to rally support in Al-Andalus among the wavering emirs. Abdul Ghani is unable to make significant headway against the Yassanids, though he is able to retain the frontier east of Sijilmasa.

    The Riffian tribes, encouraged by the growing weakness of Almohad power in eastern Morocco sweep down from the hills, raiding towns and extorting local governments into paying taxes towards them. They are led by the sheikh Idris ibn Nas Al-Qarayn, a fanatical, elderly warlord. Drained for the fighting in the south, regional garrisons collapse, and the Riffian armies quickly occupy as far as Mlila on the coast.

    Abdul Ghani moves north to restore the trade routes along the Moroccan coast. Genoese traders negotiate with Al-Qarayn in the event his coup remains permanent.

    Ferdinand III of Castile dies. He is succeeded by his eldest son Alfonso X.
    1253 CE​
    The Battle of Oujda

    Abdul Ghani marches from Sijilmasa with a force of 12,000 weary Almohad infantry and cavalry to reconquer Mlila and restore the Riffian ports. While passing by Oujda on the passes between the south and the Rif he attempts to call to the city commander to open the gates, so his entourage can rest within. The commander opens the gates and invites Abdul Ghani within. When his retinue reaches the center of the city the guards toss down the Almohad banners and throw up the banner of Al-Qarayn. A ferocious melee ensues wherein Abdul Ghani dies attempting to flee, along with his entire bodyguard.

    The Almohad force, able to hear the melee from within the city, attempt to rally for an assault. However, Al-Qarayn sallies forth with his cavalry and routs the majority of the force.

    The Almohad army is scattered and Abdul Ghani’s head is carried back to Mlila as a trophy. Al-Iqarayn declares himself the founder of the Qaranid Dynasty. They immediately claim the eastern Rif past the Atlas to Taourirt and east to Oujda.

    Alfonso X is eager to press the Reconquista. He is intent on conquering the remaining elements of La Mancha still in Muslim hands, marching on Puertollano and easily defeating the Moorish forces guarding the frontier. He razes the Almohad castles in the region, erecting his own line of fortifications along the Guadiana and scattered along the interior. The conquests of Al-Nasir beyond the Sierra Morena are entirely erased in the matter of a few months.
    1254 CE​

    Abu Hamdan joins the Yassanids on the agreement he is able to retain his position as governor of Ifriqya. Uthman I agrees, and moves the Yassanid capital to Tunis. He embarks on a war to consolidate Almohad Libya under his rule.

    Al-Qarayn moves west, razing Taza and setting his sights on Tangier. Abu Sa’id receives word of Abdul Ghani’s death. He is despondent by the collapse of eastern Almohad territory as well as the imminent invasion across the Sierra Morena by Alfonso X. Abu Sa’id suffers a mental breakdown and withdraws to his tent, leaving his army quartered in the Algarve.
    1255-57 CE​

    Amid Abu Sa’ids despondency, an Andalusian general within his army begins to consolidate his own position. Yusuf Muhammad Ibn Ayshun, originally from Seville, is able to ingratiate himself with Abu Sa’id with unusual quickness. He ends up in command of much of the Almohad army after Abu Sa’id succumbs to a fever in April.

    The Masmuda sheikhs attempt to select the next Caliph, quickly placing Abu Sa’ids son Umar on the throne, despite being only 14. He is given the laqab “Al-Nasir”.

    Yusuf Muhammad clashes with the Almohad governors in Al-Andalus. They are suspicious of his rise and of the circumstances of Abu Sa’ids demise. He is able to outmaneuver them by allying with the landed Andalusian aristocracy, willing to take the bet that the Almohad forces in the Maghreb will be unable to mount an effective response.

    Al-Qarayn takes Tangier and commandeers the Almohad fleet stationed by the city. Qaranid armies raid deep into western Morocco, some going as far as the outskirts of Marrakesh itself. Al-Qarayn conscripts the Christian contingents within Almohad forces into his own armies, while ruthlessly purging tribes loyal to the Masmuda.

    The premier loyalist Almohad commander in Libya, Falysal Al-Awjila fights the Yassanids to a standstill outside Tripoli.

    Alfonso X crosses the Sierra Morena and lays siege to Jaen, entering the city in September.

    James I renounces his claims to Toulouse in exchange for Louis VIII renouncing his own claims to Barcelona. He returns to Aragon to deal with internal turmoil among the noble families there.

    Uthman I sieges Tripoli, starving the city out until the residents sue for peace in October of 1256.​

    1258 CE​

    The Battle of Bujalance

    Yusuf Muhammad attacks Alfonso X as the latter marches towards Cordoba. Alfonso’s army of 9,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry was ambushed by Muslim skirmishers near the town of Bury al-Hans (Bujalance). The town is surrounded by dense olive groves which conceal the movements of the Moorish fighters and prevents an effective cavalry counterattack. Yusuf Muhammad waits until the Castilian army is drawn out into a long convoy and has broken out of the olive groves into the more open ground west of the town. He then attacks with the bulk of the Almohad army, routing the Castilian vanguard and killing Alfonso’s second eldest son Sancho. Alfonso rallies the Castilian forces and counterattacks Almohad cavalry attempting to flank the rear, leading a courageous fighting escape back towards Jaen.

    Yusuf Muhammad chases Alfonso to the gates of Jaen. He reconquers the city after a short siege. The townspeople, eager to reassert their independence chase the remaining Castilians out of the city. Alfonso returns to his fortresses along the Guadiana.

    Al-Nasir II, advised by the elderly regent Ibn Muharib, faces a challenge from Abu Sa’ids uncle Tariq Bin Qays. Tariq begins minting coins listing his name as Caliph Tariq Bin Qays Nasir al-Dawla, “Defender of the State”. His base of territory is between Agadir and Essaouira. Despite holding more outright military power than Al-Nasir II, he lacks the approval of the Masmuda sheikhs and remains intent on establishing his legitimacy as the true Caliph.

    Abu Yusuf establishes a rigid system of Zahirite law in Yassanid territories, built on an adherence to Almohad traditions. He proclaims Ibn Tumart as the Mahdi, and Uthman I as the true successor of his rule through descent from Ibn Al-Baqqal, one of the original companions of the Mahdi.​

    1259-60 CE​

    Yusuf Muhammad pushes Alfonso back across the Sierra Morena but stops short of marching to the Guadiana. Instead, he consolidates his own position inside Al-Andalus. Andalusian leaders show less and less respect for Almohad orders as the Almohad powerbase fragments. Yusuf Muhammad stops short of taking official titles, preferring to work inside of informal arrangements between noble families. Almohad loyalists begin to be pressured to realign towards Yusuf’s interests, and many find themselves quietly stripped of wealth and power.

    James I prepares for a campaign into Valencia to take advantage of the infighting within the Almohad regime. He assembles a grand army of Catalans, Aragonese and Navarrese to finish the aborted campaign of 1238. Morella falls, followed by Peniscola in August. He lays siege to Valencia proper in May of the next year, and enters in August.

    Alfonso III builds up Coimbra, rebuilding its fortifications and erecting a monastery along the Mondego river.
    1261-62 CE​

    Tariq Bin Qays clashes with Al-Nasir II as the former tries to recover the coast. Al-Nasir II is defeated.

    Al-Qarayn marches further west, taking Fes, Sale and Rabat with little resistance.

    The ruler of Sijimasa Mousa Bin Haidar Al-Jabbour declares independence, throwing out Almohad loyalists within the city. He is able to negotiate for peace with Al-Qarayn in exchange for allowing Qaranid forces to move through his territory.

    Yassanid armies complete the conquest of Almohad Libya, pushing the boundary of the new kingdom as far east as Adjabiya, constructing an imposing fortress within the town.

    Yusuf Muhammad marches north, pushing past the Guadiana and razing Castilian border castles. He takes Talavera in a midnight raid and routes a Castilian army sent to intercept him.

    James I moves south to consolidate the remaining portions of Valencia under his control.
    1263 CE​

    Alfonso X rallies for the defense of Toledo, expecting Yusuf Muhammad to attack the city from Talavera. The prominent Almohad governor of Gibraltar Nusayr al-Garnata is assassinated, removing the last prominent loyalist Almohad in Al-Andalus.

    Yusuf Muhammad leads his army around Toledo, capturing Madrid and cutting off a main artery of supplies to Toledo. He sends his ally Badr al-Gasani to burn the farmlands on the outside of the city, both to deprive food supplies and to send clouds of smoke into the city. Alfonso X asks for aid from James I, who halts the conquest of Valencia and marches west.

    The Battle of the Villasequilla Marshes / The Battle of Muballah

    July 16th - 23rd

    Yusuf Muhammad leads the Almohad army of 12,000, supplemented by mujahidin recruited for the conquest of Toledo, to attack James I near the village of Villasequilla. He arrays his forces behind the salt marshes west of the town, spread in a long line with his personal cavalry on the north flank.

    The elderly James I set up camp inside the village, sending the bulk of his army to array on the opposite side of the marshes, with his Catalan crossbowmen making up the center. He brings 2,000 knights and 6,000 men-at-arms, as well as 9,000 almogavar skirmishers. He also has 1,500 French volunteers brought to aid in the conquest of Valencia.

    Alfonso X marches from Toledo with the remnants of his army, 7,000 strong with a few remaining knights. His eldest son Ferdinand leading the Castilian cavalry.

    July 24th

    Moorish cavalry swarm the countryside, intercepting couriers between Alfonso and James as they attempt to plan a joint attack on Yusuf’s position. James I receives word that Yusuf’s forces are maneuvering to attack Alfonso X from the north. He marches his army north to attack Yusuf from the rear. This is confirmed by the appearance of large moorish troop movements on the far side of the marsh away from Villasequilla. James I waits on attacking across the marshes, waiting for the bulk of the Almohad army to begin the march to meet Alfonso before trying to take their positions with his infantry.

    Alfonso X, aware of the Moorish numerical advantage, sets up his line east of Yusuf with Toledo to the rear, erecting stockades and defensive trenches. He plans on having James I superior army press Yusuf against his line where they can be held and broken by the Aragonese cavalry.

    Yusuf sends a Murtadin courier, a Muslim convert dressed in captured Castilian heraldry, to James I, telling him that Yusuf has already attacked the Castilian line and to send the cavalry southwards to engage the Almohad rear. James I marches out at the head of the Aragonese cavalry, moving past the marshes and towards where he believes the Almohad forces are currently engaged in fighting Alfonso. In reality, Yusuf’s infantry had done little but skirmish with the Castilian line, the bulk of his army had actually withdrawn south, leaving a gap between his infantry and his cavalry force where James I moved through.

    July 25th

    James I leads the Aragonese cavalry during the early morning hours to charge the Almohad line, but once he arrives at Alfonso’s line, he is shocked to see there is no sign of the Almohad army, and Alfonso’s defenses in good condition. Sensing a trap, he attempts to withdraw back to Villasequilla, but it is too late. Yusuf’s cavalry attack from the north while his infantry move from the south, catching the Aragonese in a trap. Alfonso can only watch as the Aragonese cavalry are wiped out to a man. James I dies in the melee, as well as his eldest son Peter. Reportedly James’s final words were the Latin, “Ego perdidi”. Simply, “I have lost.”

    July 26th

    Yusuf pivots his force to attack Alfonso, overrunning his defenses but suffering heavy casualties. Alfonso attempts a charge with his knights, but they fail to rout the large Moorish army, and the king is killed in the melee, while Ferdinand is captured. The Castilian army fights almost to a man, though some attempt to flee to Toledo. By late evening the Castilian army is completely destroyed.

    Leaderless, and without any knowledge of the fate of James or the whereabouts of Yusuf’s army, the Aragonese generals elect to fortify the town and wait for word of any messengers. At midday a small number of Catalan knights led by the Count Hugo Gardenes ride into Villesequilla, wounded and exhausted. He carries a scrap of the king’s robe, emblazoned with the standard of his house. He describes the ambush of the Aragonese cavalry and the supposed death of the king.

    July 27th

    The Aragonese generals hunger for revenge and move across the marshes to take the Moorish positions. While suffering some casualties from missile fire, they take the other side easily, and slaughter the garrison there. The Almogavars move west to counter Yusuf’s own skirmishers, and to harass the Moorish army.

    Yusuf decides to ignore the remaining Aragonese forces, and dispatching his light cavalry to ward off James’s almogavars marches to Toledo with Ferdinand displayed as a prisoner.

    July 28th-29th

    Yusuf negotiates the surrender of Toledo and enters in triumph on midday of the 29th of July. Ferdinand is delivered to the nobles of Castile in exchange for his agreement to pay tribute to Yusuf. He is crowned as Ferdinand IV of Castile.
    1264-66 CE​

    The Aragonese army slowly filters to Aragon after several unremarkable skirmishes with Moorish cavalry. James’s second eldest James is recalled from his capital in the Balearics and crowned as King James II.

    Yusuf, free from retaliation from either Aragon or Castile ravages Christian lands along the Tagus, reconquering Caceras, Merida and even as far east as Tarancon. He stops short of taking his war to the recently conquered territories of Valencia, aware of the difficulties posed by managing such a large and restive Christian population in his new conquests. Yet, for the first time in almost 200 years Muslim flags are again visible over Toledo, and Muslim rule has been restored as far north as Madrid.

    Yusuf grows confident in his recent successes and sheds the last vestiges of Almohad title. He takes on the laqab al-Fadl, “the prominent”, and gives himself the full regnal title of Yusuf Muhammad ibn Ayshun ibn Walid ibn Al-Aban Ibn-Muhammad al-Fadl I. He is also nicknamed by his troops Saqr Ishbiliyya, “The falcon of Seville”. He takes Toledo as his capital and takes Al-Andalus as his own personal sultanate, though he does not proclaim himself Caliph. The Andalusian emirs swear loyalty soon after, though not without reservations about the legality of his rise to power. After all, it was only too well known that the most prominent opponents of Yusuf before the Toledo campaign had suffered unfortunate accidents in rapid succession.

    The Castilian nobility is furious by the thought of paying tribute to a Moor, and outright rejects Ferdinands offered peace treaty. Ferdinand attempts to consolidate a peace with Yusuf but finds himself essentially stripped of power at court. The Castilian nobility begins to bicker about how best to counter the recent Moorish successes. Some argue an alliance, like the one constructed in 1212 is necessary to recover Toledo while others argue for peace.

    James II carries out an extensive purge against Morisco’s living in his territory, to minimize the chances of a popular rebellion in the new territories of Valencia. Count Hugo is rewarded with an addition to his already sizable estates and is recognized as a hero throughout Aragon.

    Al-Qarayn attempts to outright conquer the Masmuda heartland in the High Atlas but is unable to establish control in the old Almohad seat of power. He settles to freely raid the foothills and fortify his newly captured ports at Ceuta and Tangier.

    Despite Yusuf’s victories on land, the Almohad fleet remains scattered and weak, allowing Aragonese pirates to freely attack Maghrebi and Andalusian ships. Al-Qarayn attempts to gain control over the bulk of it but cannot use it effectively to curb piracy.

    Uthman I is captured by Christian mercenaries, intending to ransom him to Al-Qarayn, but is killed while attempting to escape. He is succeeded by his son Abdullah, who becomes Uthman II. Abdullah executes his father’s captors and expels Christian mercenaries from the Yassanid armies.
    1267 CE​

    James II marries Elena of Arborea. Through the marriage, he acquires a sizable estate in Sardinia and an alliance with the house of Arborea, a powerful Sardinian family dating back to the 11th century.

    A coalition of nobles backs the claim of the infante Peter of Ledesma, with the added support of Alfonso Ferandez, one of Alfonso X bastards, but considered an impeccable strategist. Alfonso had been in Toledo and had counseled against riding out of the city, before being forced to flee himself upon Yusuf’s advance.

    Tariq Bin Qays dies of old age, leaving Al-Nasir II in control of a unified, but drastically shrunken Caliphate. Al-Nasir II is an ineffectual, and garrulous ruler. He spends most of his time among his harem, leaving Qaranid armies to inexorably gain more and more territory each year.

    The emir of Sijilmasa expands his influence over the Saharan trade routes at the expense of the Almohads. He begins to mint his own coinage. Sijilmasa rapidly becomes an immensely wealthy city as it oversees a stable corridor between Mali and the Algerian coast.​

    1268 CE​

    Yusuf Muhammad puts down a rebellion by the Christians of Extremadura, massacring thousands of Castilians between Madrid and Toledo. He appoints his nephew Ali to oversee the northern border.

    Uthman II fights a short-lived, but catastrophic war with the Mamluks of Egypt. In the ensuing counter-campaign, led by the Oghuz Mamluk Chormakhan the Yassanids are routed from Cyrenaica.

    Abu Yusuf dies, but his followers continue to dominate internal Yassanid politics.

    Al-Qarayn moves his capital to Tangier, beginning a public works project to expand the walls of the city.
    1269 CE​

    Portuguese nobles secretly back the claim of Peter to the Castilian crown, in exchange for concessions in Galicia to Portugal. Ferdinand IV marries Patricia de Caboat. Patricia negotiates and schemes to build up Ferdinands position in the court, restoring him to some modicum of authority.

    She calls on the Pope decides to intervene and, but he eventually backs Peter’s claim, awarding Ferdinand a large territory in Burgundy as a compensation for him abandoning the throne. Ferdinand reluctantly accepts and cedes the crown to Peter. He is crowned as King Peter I of Castile. He cedes large estates in Zamora to Portugal, which irritates the same nobles who had backed his position previously.

    Al-Nasir II marches out of Marrakesh to reconsolidate the ravaged territories to the north under his rule. He is murdered by his own men, who switch sides to Al-Qarayn on the road to Fes. The sheikhs elect his eldest son Tariq Ibn Nashri as-Sadr, who becomes the Caliph Tariq Al-Ma’mun. He is faced by a pretender from the Hhaha tribe, ‘Abd al-Aziz.
    1270-71 CE​

    Al-Qarayn finally embarks on a campaign south, grinding down the remaining Almohad mountain fortresses and laying siege to Marrakesh proper in July. Qaranid armies break into the city by late September. Tariq Al-Ma’mun is sent to live in exile in Mauretania. ‘Abd al-Aziz withdraws to the Sous and attempts to negotiate with Al-Qarayn. Unwilling to tolerate a potential claimant to the Almohad throne Al-Qarayn has him executed instead during his conquest of the Sous. The Almohad Caliphate officially ceases to exist, but pockets of loyalists remain well in the 1270’s, mostly in the High Atlas and southern coast.

    Yusuf Muhammad presses Peter I, attacking Caceras and razing multiple Castilian castles, moving west to gather slaves in Portugal before retreating to Lisbon.

    Uthman II signs a trade deal with the Genoese, opening up the Libyan ports again to European traders.

    Peter I signs an alliance with Alfonso III, agreeing to aid the other in the case of Moorish invasion. He is rebuffed by James II, who feels more loyalty to Ferdinand and is unhappy with his exile. James II is also attempting to expand his holdings in Sardinia and the Balearics, and decides not to incur the wrath of Yusuf Muhammad.

    Peter I attacks Menorca, taking it after a prolonged siege. It was still ruled by the Almohad appointee governor Abû 'Uthmân Sa'îd ibn Hakam al Qurashi, who surrenders the island in September. He deports the entire Muslim population of the island except for a few families.

    Louis IX of France invades Tunis as part of the Eight Crusade. Dysentery sweeps through the French camp, killing Louis soon after the siege began. The Crusaders withdraw, but not before negotiating free trade with Tunis and privileges for Christians in the Algerian ports.​

    1272 CE​

    Al-Qarayn dismantles much of Marrakesh, intent on eliminating the Masmuda from the political scene. He has the Masmuda sheikhs purged to a man. Returning to Tangier, he declares himself the first Caliph of the Qaranids, but receives little recognition outside his own territories. Bricks from the Almohad palace in Marrakesh are shipped to Tangier and incorporated into his sprawling citadel there.

    Almogavars raid Castile, creating a brief diplomatic row between Peter I and James II, who is forced to curb their influence and punish those responsible.

    Yusuf Muhammad reorganizes the Andalusian army, training a large number of jinetes and reducing the size of the traditional mounted Andalusian knights. He organizes numbers of raiders who can take territory quickly and use scorched earth tactics to put pressure on the enemy before the main force arrives.

    Yusuf Muhammad enslaves or deports much of the Jewish population of Toledo as part of an organized purge of Jews in Al-Andalus. It is a response to the criticism of some firebrand imans, who had been attacking him as overly tolerant of non-Muslims in the conquered northern territories. Most flee to Christian lands while those who are more Arabized flee to Egypt.

    A Mamluk army under Shurayh Ibn Muhammad marches past Benghazi to solidify the frontier in Cyrenaica. Yassanid forces don’t even engage the Mamluks in battle, making a hasty retreat west to the safety of Tripoli.
    1273-74 CE​

    Yusuf Muhammad tests his new army in Portugal, moving across the Tagus and into the Centro region. They avoid assaulting the numerous hilltop castles in the area and instead burn large swaths of farmland, slaughtering cattle and covering whole areas in smoke. Alfonso III marches from Coimbra to repel the moors but by design the Andalusian army is too wide-spread and dispersed to be easily pinned down. Yusuf Muhammad and a small entourage return to Lisbon, allowing much of his army to slowly trickle past the Tagus over a period of months, drawing out the raid.

    Alfonso III, now in his mid-60s, is unwilling to fight a high-speed, aggressive war against the Moors. He calls on Peter I for aid, who responds by marching west from Caceras, damaged but still in Castilian hands. Together, Portuguese and Castilian forces defeat the remaining raiders in Portugal, and push Yusuf Muhammad out of Portugal. Alfonso III erects imposing castles at Leiria, Torres Vedras, and another at Santarem. He suspends trade with the Islamic Algarve, and expels any Moors living in southern Portugal, accusing them of aiding the raiders.
    1275 CE​

    Al-Qarayn, now well past his 70’s, dies after a prolonged sickness. His eldest son, Ahmad al-Dani attempts to succeed him, but is pushed out by the sheikh Muhammad Sa’d. Ahmad al-Dani is pushed out of Tangier and forced to flee to Al-Andalus.

    Uthman II invades Qaranid territory, but is defeated at Bejaia by Muhammad Sa’d.

    James II moves to expand his holdings in Sardinia, displacing native communities and vassalizing local nobles. He comes into conflict with the Pisan and Genoese noble families that controlled much of the island. Aragonese forces begin to trickle into the region of Logudoro, but face intense resistance from the local population.

    Peter I oversees a growing and deep relationship between the Portuguese and Castilian nobility. Nobles from the house of Lara oppose the move but are outmaneuvered and sidelined. They see this as a betrayal, considering they were the ones originally backing his claim for the throne.
    1276 CE​

    Yusuf Muhammad attempts to reopen the western Mediterranean, dispatching his fleet from Gibraltar to intercept Aragonese pirates south of the Balearics. His fleet is unable to catch the enemy fleets, and eventually has to withdraw to Gibraltar. He is able to negotiate a deal with Genoa, promising significant concessions and a reduction of Almohad tariffs.

    Emir Mousa Bin Haidar of Sijimasa successfully plays the Qaranids against the Yassanids, retaining his own independence. He extends his influence as far south as the old Almohad frontier of Tadmekka, installing a friendly client ruler.

    Yusuf Muhammad begins his second campaign into Portugal, capitalizing on his recent raids and the ailing health of Alfonso III. He sieges Santarem, surrounding the city with siege weapons he hauled across the Tagus in a flotilla of rafts. Soon after he takes the territory south of Peniche on the coast, attaching Lisbon to the bulk of Al-Andalus after many decades of isolation. Leiria falls soon after, its unfinished citadel breached during a nighttime raid. A long string of towns in southern Portugal capitulate to Yusuf, on the conditions that they will not be forcibly converted nor enslaved, like what happened to the population of Lisbon after its own surrender.

    Yusuf lays siege to Coimbra itself, but is repulsed after several assaults. He decides to move east to reconquer Extramadura, taking Caceres and Merida. Peter I, who had been in Burgos, quickly mobilizes and attacks Yusuf at the Almonte.

    The Battle of Haza de la Concepción

    Peter I deploys on the far side of the Tietar river, northwest of Caceres. Yusuf, plagued by supply difficulties in the rocky terrain of the Sierra de Gredos attempts to move quickly to friendly territory to the east, but finds his path blocked by a large Castilian army.

    Multiple attempts to break the Castilian defenses result in high Moorish casualties, Yusuf’s infantry being bogged down in the river and picked off by crossbows and archers. He attempts to ford the river at another point, but is ambushed by knights under Peter’s son Ferdando. Yusuf escapes the melee, and in a fit of frustration attempts to counter-attack again, before retreating south to the village of Haza de la Concepcion, called Bayt al-Jabal in Arabic. Peter fords the Tietar, and chases Yusuf towards Caceres, but heavy rains prevent him from fording the Tagus proper quickly enough to catch him.

    Yusuf suffers heavy casualties. His new army, while more mobile, was unable to break heavy infantry in an open battle, causing Yusuf’s first major defeat. Furious, he withdraws south, but not before ransacking the churches in Caceres in a fit of anger.
    1277-78 CE​

    Emboldened by Peters victory against Yusuf, already a rallying cry throughout the Christian territories, recently conquered towns in Portugal rise up in revolt. Militias cast out local officials and chase Andalusian garrisons out of the towns. Yusuf is forced to march back to Portugal, crushing the rebels and massacring thousands of Christian peasants. Between constant raids and Yusuf’s purge, much of the Centro is depopulated. Thousands of peasants from the Algarve are sent in to repopulate the territory.

    Uthman II is strangled by a slave in his sleep. He is succeeded by his brother Idris ibn Uthman Al-Khalid, who is rightly suspected as being behind the coup. Idris ibn Uthman Al-Khalid, now Idris I, imprisons most of the former followers of Abu Yusuf as possible threats to his new rule.

    Muhammad Sa’d shows interest in Sufism, entertaining prominent Imans from Syria and Egypt at Tangier.

    James II is humiliated by a Sardinian rebel force in Logudoro, suffering a major defeat where Sardinian militias ambush a Aragonese force in the mountains of Gennargentu.
    1279 CE​

    Alfonso III dies, succeeded by his eldest son Denis. Denis attempts to increase Portuguese self-sovereignty at the expense of Castile, which frustrates Peter. He centralizes the judiciary and promotes Portuguese as a court language.

    Peter I remarries, taking Ingrid of Bayonne, and tries to curry better favor with the French while simultaneously competing with Navarre for the favor of Philip III. Navarre, which had long been frustrated on its attempts to recapture territory lost to Castile, was growing increasingly restive, and while it was enjoying an economic boom free from the warfare in the south, was still small, and not of significant threat. However, the close relations between Theobald and Louis IX had concerned Peter, and on Louis death in Tunis, Peter saw an opportunity to bypass the Navarrese.

    Yusuf enjoins the governor of Cordoba, Haroun Ibn Tayyib, to build up the Andalusian navy. He scuttles parts of the old navy, degraded beyond repair, and orders the planting of large forests in Granada to provide new lumber for ships.
    1283 CE​

    Yusuf enters an alliance with Muhammad Sa’d, who is eager to make good with what had rapidly become the most powerful western Islamic kingdom. Yet, before Yusuf can do anything with the alliance he falls of his horse while hunting and dies of a pierced lung several days after.

    He gives the bulk of his territory to his eldest son Sulayman al-Aswad Ibn Yusuf, while giving control of the conquered Portuguese territories and the Algarve to his second-eldest ‘Abd al-Aziz. Sulayman rules as Sultan Sulayman Sayf al-Andalusi I of the Ayshunids.

    Idris I becomes involved in a diplomatic row with Genoa, as he is unwilling to hold to the trade concessions signed by Uthman II. A Genoese fleet, with the aid of Philip III, attacks Tripoli and is able to batter Idris’s fleet into submission. He reopens the Libyan ports soon after.

    The Situation in the Maghreb and Iberia in 1283, on Muhammad Yusuf's Death:
    VwuXghf.png


    [Thats it for this installment. This is my first timeline here, so any feedback is appreciated.]​
     
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    A House of Lamps | Part 2
  • A House of Lamps; Part 2

    "The whole world is like a house filled with lamps, rays, and lights through whom the things of the house are elucidated…"

    Ibn Barrajan, 12th century CE


    The Ayshunid Sultans and the Wars of Galicia, The Last Yassanids and the Expeditions to the West


    The Atlantic Ocean; 1364

    Abdullah was right to be proud of his olives. A thick stand stood where once a tiny few saplings had clung to the deep soil. Each morning the sea mist clung to the fat green fruit, dripping slowly onto the thirsty grasses on the ground. They grew deeper and denser each year, twisting and twining like the village along the coast. They had named it Dāniyyaḧ al-Sahil, Denia[1] of the coast. He remembered the day he first stepped foot on this beach. Thick stands of beech wood interspersed with low rolling hills. Were it not for the wildness of it all he swore he could have smelt the sweet perfume of the Denian beaches, the fisherman and flower merchants. As he stepped through the grove, checking the branches for pests, he smelt that smell again.

    His slippers were worn thin over years of pacing the groves. His sleeves ragged and marked with small patched repairs. A small cap to cover his head, and some leather gloves fitted to his belt. Some goats trotted through the field next to him. Bird calls rang out from the interior. Chattering and clamoring voices answered their calls from the town below. Abdullah checked the length of the shadows against the trunks, it would be time to return to town soon. He pulled a knife out from his pocket and cut an olive off a nearby branch, feeling for its firmness and texture. They soon would be good for making oil, he thought, and his new press was almost finished.

    Pattering feet from behind him. A young man from the village, one of the fishermen’s boys.

    “Abdullah!” he shouted and clapped his hands on the rock wall that surrounded the grove. “There is a ship in the harbor, it is Andalusian.”

    “Oh really. And what would an Andalusian ship want with an olive farmer?” Abdullah responded.

    “It has the flag of the governor!” The man said. Abdullah quickly put away his knife and walked out of the grove towards the small wooden gate in the wall. He thanked the man and began his long shuffle down the path to the town.

    Long rows of stones and withered branch fences marked the outer edge of the ring of farms circling the town. Fields of oranges, wheat and fat Iberian grapes. Small white flat-topped houses with walls of slathered plaster puffed chubby clouds of smoke into the blue sky. A single watchtower balanced atop a few beech trees kept watch for any bandits slithering out of the forests. Off near the coast, a tall stack of rounded stones marked the minaret of the town mosque. Behind it, the stout masts of ships docked in harbor.

    Abdullah made his way through the souq, the warren of shops and stalls that crowded the center of the town and stepped from the beaten dirt onto the sun-bleached planks of the town docks. Tied to the largest dock in the town, sitting resplendent on the crystal blue waters of the bay, was a fine galley of Andalusian design. It had three masts, with a large cabin fixed on the back and a high railing rung around the rest of the ship.

    Fluttering from the bow was a green standard with the tell-tale golden seal of a high official. There was a thin wood ramp extending away from the ship to the dock, guarded by men in long quilted coats with red turbans.

    “I knew I left my islands in good hands.” The governor shouted from the deck and stepped down along the ramp. He wore a long red and gold robe with a heavy necklace and a bright, almost shining, white turban around a red cap. A long sword with a brown and gold sheath dangled from his belt, a mark of office, even if it might rust in its scabbard from unused.

    “You look well. The groves have barely aged you.” He said, and embraced Abdullah, who did the same.

    “I wish I could say the same. How many years has it been?”

    “Beyond count it seems. Tell me, is it this hospitable every day? Or has God blessed us for just this meeting?”

    “It is indeed this beautiful year-round. Though, there can be storms.”

    “Only Eden can be perfect.” The governor chuckled. “but it is worth to suffer the rare storm to see such a sight like this each morning.” He said, gazing at the sparkling bay around him. Abdullah smiled and nodded. “Can I ask why I am blessed by such a visit?” he said. The governor rubbed his chin.

    “My friend, I have a mission for you. Do you remember running the fleets down to Arguin[2]?” he asked. Abdullah had a faint memory of it.

    “That was many years ago, why mention it?”

    “We believe there are more islands in the western seas. The Sultan is gathering colonists for it, I offered your name to head the fleet.”

    “more islands? To the west, there is nothing but ocean past the islands of the Wanj[3] until Sin[4]. Why sail west?”

    The governor pondered for a moment, looked back at the guards behind him and took Abdullah to the edge of the dock, away from any nearby ears. He turned inwards to him and pulled a small bundle from within his robe. It was a small piece of white folded cloth tied with string. He gave it to Abdullah, who pulled the string and opened the bundle. Within was a small bracelet of rounded wood beads threaded around a sinew cord. The beads had small swirling carvings on them, faded and worn with ocean spray, but recognizable all the same.

    “Sailors found this on the corpse of a body off the shore of Al-Jinit[5]. It was not Wanj, nor was it like the blacks. . The Sultan believes it means there are still more peoples to be found to the west.” The governor said.

    Abdullah turned the bracelet over. It seemed so soon to sail again, but the will of the Sultan could reach far farther anywere he could run to. He sighed, “if you ask this of me, God-willing I must comply.” He said. “When do we sail?”

    [1]A city in eastern Iberia.
    [2]A island on the Mauritanian coast, a popular trading post for slaves heading back to Al-Andalus.
    [3] The Guanche, the aboriginal population of the Canary Islands
    [4] China
    [5] Tenerife, in the Canary Islands
    1286

    Muhammad Sa’d reinforces his alliance with Sulayman al-Andalusi I. Relations between Sulayman and ‘Abd al-Aziz remain strong in the face of retaliatory Christian raids.

    ‘Abd al-Aziz implements notoriously tough policies in his territories. As a result, the Algarve rapidly homogenizes into one of the most solidly Islamic territories in Al-Andalus as the remaining Christian population is gradually drained to sell as slaves to the Moroccan emirs.

    Peter I succeeds in strengthening ties with France, frustrating the Navarrese and signing off his eldest daughter Isabella to Philip’s son Louis of Évreux.

    1290

    Idris I is allegedly murdered during a orgy while in his palace at Tripoli. The ruling sheikhs of the Yassanids, commandeered by the Zahirite Iman, and student of Abu Yusuf’s school, Mubarak Ibn Abdullah Al-Qas promote his second eldest Abdul to the throne. Abdul, a noted religious scholar and a prominent opponent of his father, takes little time in cleansing the supposed decadence of the Yassanid court. He goes so far as to drive Idris’s harem out of the court entirely, famously taking a horse whip and swatting at his fathers courtesans as he rampaged through the palace.

    Abdul, crowned as Al-Mustansir I of the Yassanids, restores the power of the Alfahilites, as Abu Yusuf’s students had become known. This name is derived from the Arabic verb “to remain”, referencing their belief that the consequences of the manifest interpretation of the Quran, the zahir of Zahirite law, are the key determiner of the validity of such interpretations, that such consequences remain past the original interpretation of the text. That is, the physical impact of past teachings legitimizes, or delegitimizes those interpretations. It is assumed that an interpretation that leads to a negative impact on the community must reflect on the incorrectness of that interpretation, as God would only allow for a proper reading that benefited the community in some way to the utmost.

    1292-95

    Peter I, after several unsuccessful attempts to push back into Ayshunid territory, negotiates the Treaty of Segovia with Sulayman. The terms were designed to establish a general détente in Iberia after almost a century of warfare. In exchange for the cessation of organized cross-border raids (chevauchée) and the renunciation of Sulayman’s claim to the Castilian territories in the former ta’ifa states of Zaragoza and Valencia, which had become a major target of proposed military expeditions after Yusuf’s death, Peter I and James II in exchange, agreed to respect Ayshunid claims south of the Tagus in Castile.

    In Portugal, neither King Denis nor ‘Abd al-Aziz agreed to the treaty, forcing a separate treaty at Ourém in 1295, which included additional stipulations for the management of the Algarve and the Portuguese border. ‘Abd al-Aziz ceded Leiria to Portugal and agreed to halt the continued deportation of Christians to Morocco, though by 1295 they were already seriously depleted. King Denis moved towards lifting sanctions on Muslim traders moving through Portuguese ports but was talked out of the move by disgruntled noblemen. As a result, up through the mid-1400s official trade through Portugal would continue to be conducted by Mozarab and Jewish middlemen.

    1297-99

    Muhammad Sa’d puts down an insurrection from the former Almohad holdings in the High Atlas. It is notable for featuring a large number of black slave-soldiers from Ghana, who had reasserted their place in Maghrebi armies after the glut of fresh Christian slaves withered after the restoration of peace in Iberia.

    The emir of Sijilmasa, Mousa Bin Haidar Al-Jabbour dies at the ripe age of 92, ceding power to a collection of local chiefs who eventually appoint the Lamtuna elder Ebrahim Al-Wadoud Nasr. He reaffirms the treaties with both Muhammad Sa’d and Abdul Al-Mustansir.

    Al-Qas institutes reforms based on Alfahilite philosophy, suppressing lingering Malikite strains in Ifriqya and ordering the creation of a systematic review of previous law codes. The massive 12 volume collection is a complete top-down compilation of Ifriqyan laws and fatwas and is used to institute a centralized law code that becomes the envy of the Maghreb.

    James II defeats the Sardinians at the battle of Nughedu di San Nicolo, ending his Sardinian campaign, and extending Aragonese control over all the island except for the southern kingdom at Cagliari. Tensions between Genoa and Aragon over growing Aragonese influence in the western Mediterranean boil over, leading both sides to begin to hire rival pirate fleets to ransack enemy shipping.

    1303

    Theobald of Navarre dies of dysentery and is succeeded by his eldest son Manuel, who rules much of the country as managed estates from his own residency in France.

    1304-7

    Peter I dies when a boulder falls on his skull while travelling in northern Castile. He is succeeded by his daughter Elvira; all his eligible sons having died of various causes in the previous years. Her claim is challenged by his bastard Juan, who was half-Galician and quite popular there.

    Initially, Juan has little support except for the regional nobility in Galicia, who fume under continued Castilian control. To undercut any potential rebellion, Elvira decentralizes the region, appointing a mayor of Galicia drawn from the local nobility (coincidentally families solidly loyal to her). She rules as Elvira I of Castile.

    1309

    Frustrated moriscos in Valencia rebel, seizing parts of the city and driving Aragonese officials out of formerly Muslim towns, which they then fortify. James II, returned from Sardinia with a large number of experienced troops, brutally crushes the rebellion.

    ‘Abd al-Aziz flaunts the treaty of Segovia, continuing to brutalize local peasants in the Algarve. In one incident, while out on a hunting trip, the entire town of Odivelas (near Beja) is rounded up and forced to eat in the same stable as his horses. King Denis, inundated with complaints and demands for reprisal, suffers a serious loss of prestige at court, unwilling to either react or violate the treaty.

    1315

    ‘Abd al-Aziz is assassinated, some suspect on the orders of Sulayman who felt frustrated by his growing rebelliousness and sadism. He is replaced by a member of Sulayman’s inner circle, the governor of Huelva, Omar Bin Sayyid. The Algarve is reintegrated into the larger Sultanate.

    James II sets his eyes on Sicily, wracked with constant rebellions against the Capetian regime there. After the failed uprising in 1282, there had been a second, larger one led by the local baker Balderico Bartocci. The rebels succeed in defeating the French at the battle of Roccoaema, pushing them from the center of the island and a few areas in the west. Louis X sends a large force to suppress the rebellion.

    1318-19

    James II dies peacefully while in the Balearics. His eldest son, crowned as James III, continues his fathers plans in Sicily, marrying Margaret of Sicily, the daughter of Constance consort of the duke Robert of Tarragona. By marrying her, he sided himself with the Sicilians against the French. At the head of an army of thousands of almogavars and Catalan warriors, he invades Sicily, intent on being hailed as a liberator.

    Philip V fights James III and a combined army of Sicilians at the battle of Luco. James II prevails and drives the Capetians out of all of Sicily. However, less than a year after his marriage, Margaret dies of an infection, robbing James III of any material claim to the throne of the island. Splinter bands begin to diffuse in the countryside as Aragonese power visibly withers.

    1320

    The French defeat the Aragonese outside Messina. Balderico Bartocci, after producing documents supposedly tracing his lineage to William II states his own claim to the Sicilian throne. Under these combined pressures the Aragonese withdraw to forts on the western coast. Balderico is crowned as Baldrick I of Sicily, though neither James, nor Philip recognizes his claim.

    1323

    Muhammad Sa’d invades the southern deserts, seeking to extend Qaranid control to the old Almoravid boundaries deep into the coast. In an agreement with Musa Keita I of Mali he does not violate Malian territory, instead raiding the Sosso tribes to the north. Despite minor setbacks, Qaranid forces soon control as far south as Oualata, with raids penetrating farther south than that.

    The Emirate of Sijilmasa absorbs many of the refugees fleeing the Qaranid forces, who selectively punish Berber tribes traditionally opposed to the tribes serving the Qaranids. Ebrahim Al-Wadoud Nasr, intending to flex the muscle of his expansive trade empire, repulses a Qaranid siege of the salt mines at Taghaza. This minor skirmish marks the most significant defeat of the Qaranids during their desert campaign, and establishes the Emirate as the main political power in the Algerian desert.

    Juan of Galicia dies, leaving Elvira in complete control of Castile. She reforms the judiciary, and weakens the power of the central church, appointing a network of mayors to rule over Castile who report to the crown, and who are given special powers to resolve religious disputes: to avoid rebellions like had happened in Aragon.

    1325

    Manuel of Navarre marries off his daughter, Isabella, to Alfonso, eldest son of James III. Manuel’s unpopularity in Navarre boils over to a minor revolt, which he is forced to put down with the aid of Castilian mercenaries.

    Sulayman I is pressured to leave the throne to his nephew Fariq due to a worsening neurological condition, likely a form of Alzheimer’s. Fariq is crowned with the titular name al-Muʿtamid ʿAlā ’llāh (Dependent on God).

    1326-30

    Fariq, an ambitious and young ruler, sets his eyes on reforming the languishing Ayshunid navy. The abortive reforms of Yusuf Muhammad to improve the navy had little effect, and many ships were still unchanged from the Almohad era. The ports, while lucrative, had weak defenses and pirates still had free reign over the eastern shipping routes to Syria.

    He first reforms the navy, scuttling any remaining old ships and investing into a new naval college at Cadiz. The major ports of southern Andalusia were refortified, especially Gibraltar, which gained a massive sea-wall to ward off naval attacks from the Mediterranean. Fariq also begins to fund expeditions south along the African coast to identify new ports for gold, salt, and slaves.

    As the Qaranids power grew in the Sahara, Muhammad Sa’ds eagerness to maintain a subservient trade relationship with the Ayshunids lessened substantially, preferring to trade more and more with the Yassanids and then to Mamluk Egypt. To recoup such losses, Fariq began to send ships south to find trading partners beyond the Qaranids he could negotiate with directly, and bypass Muahammad Sa’ds grip on western Saharan trade.

    Denis I of Portugal dies. He is succeeded by his son Sebastian.

    1332-35

    Muhammad Sa’d dies in Tangiers. He is succeeded by his eldest son Ibn Muhammad Al-Fadl I.

    The wars in Sicily end with the Third Battle at Rocca di Novara, where Baldrick I decisively defeats Philip V, and then goes on to negotiate the independence of Sicily under the authority of the Pope. As part of the peace treaty James III is forced to renounce his own claim to Sicily, while Charles IV retains the port of Messina as a French enclave.

    Al-Mustansir I of the Yassanids invades Mamluk Libya, but is repulsed, like previous rulers had been, back to Tripoli.

    Galician nobles rise in revolt against Castile, led by the powerful knight Sebastian Araujo. They enjoy initial success, forcing the appointed mayor of Galicia Tomas of Asturias to call on the Crown for further aid. Rebel forces in Galicia spill over into northern Portugal, causing Sebastian of Portugal to head north to reinforce the border. While in the north, he is convinced by certain rival nobles to intervene in Galicia proper, being promised concessions to Portugal in the case of Sebastian Araujo’s defeat, and the victory of the rival cause.

    In what becomes known as the War of the Sebastians, Sebastian I of Portugal comes into conflict with Sebastian Araujo. Sebastian I even reaches out to Manuel of Navarre, who sends a token force to harass Castile in the east. Elvira is able to defeat the Galicians, but at significant cost, and with the use of large numbers of Norman mercenaries, who would go on to become extremely troublesome in later years.

    Sebastian I is forced to withdraw south, and gives up his promised territories in southern Galicia. Manuel of Navarre dies at the end of the war, ending in the inheritance of Navarre to Aragon through the marriage between Isabella and Alfonso, who becomes Alfonso I of Navarre.

    1339

    Ayshunid merchants sail the Mauretanian coast, but find few new ports not already controlled by Qaranid officials. Attempts to negotiate treaties with Musa Keita I result in failure, pushing Fariq to consider pushing expeditions even farther south beyond Mali entirely. Sailors sail down the coast of Africa, making visits to the ports on the coast of Senegal and as far south as the Volta delta.

    Sebastian I turns his attention again to Castile in what has become a personal vendetta with Elvira. With a huge Portuguese armada, he attacks ports along the coast of Galicia and Asturias. He garners significant support from the Galician populace that sided against the rebellion of Sebastian Araujo. In response Castile convinces the Ayshunids to enter the war against Portugal, claiming that the constant aggression between Portugal and its neighbors would eventually lead to an invasion of Al-Andalus, should Portugal prevail.

    Ebrahim Al-Wadoud Nasr builds a fortress on the main salt caravan route through Algeria. It is designed to solidify Sijilmasan control over the lucrative salt trade, and discourage Qaranid incursions east.

    1340

    Intervening on behalf of Queen Elvira, Fariq dispatches the admiral Abu Tamin al-Furat to harass the Portuguese fleet. The Fleet departs Andalusia on May 7th.

    The Battle of the Rias Baixas

    The Ayshunid fleet, comprised of 70 galleys of newer style and a smaller number of older vessels swept north with little resistance, the bulk of the Portuguese navy fighting off the coast of Asturias with the Castilian fleet. Abu Tamin intended on rendezvousing with local allies at Pontevedra. By using the port as a base, he could harass Portuguese shipping routes, then retreat into the estuaries upon a potential counterattack.

    Sebastian, aware of the possibility of being cut off from behind, dispatched the commander Dom Gustavo Vilho to keep the Atlantic shipping lanes open. With 50 galleys, he sailed south to intercept the Moorish fleet, arriving two days before they were intending on entering the port of Pontevedra. Abu Tamin’s fleet arrived to face a wall of Portuguese ships separating them from the port.

    Through the month of June, the moors attempted to break the blockade, attacking the Portuguese ships with improvised siege weapons, nighttime boarding parties and even trying to scale the nearby cliffs to fire down on the enemy force.

    Frustrated, Abu Tamin ordered a final assault on June 22nd. With supplies rapidly dwindling and morale low, the remaining Ayshunid fleet attacked the Portuguese en masse. After intense fighting, they were able to crack the Portuguese center and fled towards Pontevedra, where they were able to flee towards friendly territory. The Portuguese, satisfied the Moorish fleet had been seriously wounded, departed Pontevedra, but not before burning the remaining enemy ships left in the estuary. Abu Tamin drowned while fleeing his flagship.

    Despite the failure of the Ayshunids to sway the war decisively in Castile’s favor, Sebastian suffered heavy losses on land, unable to capture any new territory in the face of rocky terrain and enemy tactical superiority. By winter, Portugal was forced to withdraw south a second time, again with no gains on land, despite a moral victory at sea.

    1341

    The Portuguese fleet is crushed by Castile near Gijon. Out of a combined 130 Portuguese ships, less than half survive to flee south again. Their losses are so severe it would be almost a century before the Portuguese navy could return to pre-war levels. Sebastian I signs the treaty of Verin with Castile, surrendering his claims on Galicia entirely.

    After the total loss of Portuguese naval power, Castile and the Sultanate effectively divide the wealth of the Atlantic trade routes between the two.

    Al-Mustansir I is ousted from power by his uncle Al-Assah. Growing tribal rivalries begin to threaten the Yassanid ruling regime. Berber tribes grow in boldness, attacking settlements in Tunisia. Al-Assah, backed by a coalition of sheikhs from the Beni Khlut, a group of mixed Arab-Berbers who had fled to Ifriqya after persecution under the Qaranids, receives considerable political backing against Al-Mustansir, who, despite his popularity with the Ifahilites, has little support from the tribes that control most of the military forces in Ifriqya.

    Growing hostility between the Yassanids and the Ayshunids culminates in the near-murder of the Andalusian Iman Bin Yusuf, who is forced to flee from Tunis to Cordoba.

    1344

    Fariq, eager to exploit the void of Portuguese naval power, grants charters to explore the western seas and access sources of new trade revenue. Increased trade with ports on the African coast incentivizes this policy even more. Andalusian ports begin to swell with large numbers of Sahelian slaves in quantities not seen since the Almohad period.

    James III dies, leaving his son Alfonso to inherit the kingdom of Aragon alongside Navarre. Alfonso is crowned as Alfonso I of the unified kingdom in Zaragoza. He is extremely popular in Navarre, having been far more amenable to native customs than Manuel had been, who was far more interested in spreading French culture.

    Muhammad al-Fadl I takes advantage of the civil war in Ifriqya, taking Tlemcen after a brief siege, a long sought target of the Qaranids.

    1346

    Al-Assah’s coup leads to a civil war inside the Yassanid kingdom, with the Khlut and coastal Arabs on his side facing the Berbers in the interior. Al-Mustansir himself flees to Syria while the tribal sheikh Izemrasen Al-Abdi leading his loyalists. A Berber army sieges Tunis for a short while but is repelled in late spring by Al-Assahs military.

    Ayshunid sailors reach the eastern end of the Azores, dubbing the islands the Tawil (long) islands after the long shape of the first island spotted.

    Muhammad al-Fadl I marches east from Tlemcen, taking large parts of the Algerian coast with little resistance.

    1348

    Izemrasen Al-Abdi succeeds in defeating the Beni Khlut near the Chott el Hodna, only to be assassinated a few weeks later.

    The Canary Islands are sighted by Moorish sailors, and some contacts are made with the local Guanche peoples, called the Al-Wanj. They are dubbed Al-Kinaru, after the Latin name.

    Norman mercenaries, settled in Asturias by Elvira, begin to clamor for more regional power. A small rebellion is subsequently put down near Santandar.

    Ebrahim al-Wadoud Nasr of the Emirate of Sijilmasa dies, and is replaced by Haroun Ibn Tamim al-Shawiya.

    1349-50

    Alfonso I petitions the Pope to resolve a dispute between him and his younger brother Sancho, who claims Valencia under documents purportedly prepared by James III on his deathbed. The Pope orders that Alfonso give a sizable piece of Sardinia to Sancho in exchange for his renunciation of his claim to Valencia.

    Ayshunid sailors discover a unique circular wind pattern in the north Atlantic, which they dub the Karr wa Farr (Attack and Retreat), after the signature cyclical formation of the Jinete. Naval charts drawn up at Cadiz show the Canary islands and Azores in their entirety for the first time.

    Al-Assah regathers his forces and defeats the remnants of the lfahilite army, who flee to Algiers. Unable to pursue them due to the threat of a possible Mamluk invasion in the east, he is forced to allow them to regroup themselves.

    The Arab commander, Ali Ibn Makki Ibn Fath, of Al-Assahs army defects, taking Tripoli and declaring himself the head of a new dynasty. Suspicion of Mamluk involvement in the plot is proven correct when Ibn Fath, aided by a large Mamluk force from the east, routes his former allies at the decisive battle of Wadden. Al-Assah retreats to Tunis.

    Fariq orders the colonization of the Azores, to establish both a new western base of Ayshunid naval power off the shore of Portugal, and to establish timber mills to ship wood to offset rapidly depleting timber reserves. The destabilization of Ifriqya means the lessening of Yassanid power and therefore lower tariffs, but increased piracy means more ships being attacked and supplies lost.

    1353

    Sebastian I dies while wintering in Coimbra, some suspect assassination by disgruntled nobles for his failures in the Galician campaigns. He is succeeded by his son Fernando, who quickly attempts to patch up the frayed relationship with the nobles, convening the Cortes Portugal in the spring.

    Ibn Fath, now Sultan Ali Ibn Makki Ibn Fath li-Dīn Allāh, makes Tripoli his capital as a protectorate state of the Mamluks. His dynasty, the Fathids, for the moment only control Cyrenaica and parts of the interior desert. Al-Mustansir attempts to regain influence among Ibn Fath, but fails.

    The Beni Khlut, under Muharib Ibn Asim al-Aswad, ingratiate themselves into the Yassanid army as mercenary infantry. Eventually, Al-Aswad becomes the second most powerful man in the Yassanid court, below Al-Assah.

    Ayshunid sailors set foot on Madeira, naming the islands the ‘Blessed Islands” after their name in classical literature.

    The first large migration to the Azores takes place. Andalusian communities, primarily from the Algarve. They establish towns on the major islands, and begin to trade back with Iberia.

    1355

    Fariq dies while traveling abroad in Egypt. His eldest son, Abdul attempts to take the throne but is outmaneuvered by his second eldest Yaqub. The Andalusian emirs settle on Yaqub, opposed to Abdul on account of his lack of suitability for rule. Rumors of his debauchery were well known in the court.

    Alfonso I decides to press the advantage gained temporarily in North Africa during the Eight Crusade. Sailing from Valencia, he attacks Tunis, the center of Al-Assah’s rump state. Weakened and wearied from constant civil war, the city falls easily. Al-Assah surrenders to Alfonso, becoming a vassal of Aragon and effectively ending the Yassanid state proper. Their desert territories quickly revert to the pre-existing tribal rule.

    1356-60

    Elvira of Castile dies. Having married multiple times, she has a wide range of illegitimate children. After a brief, but violent squabble, her son Henry, the child of Juan, duke of Lugo, inherits the throne. He is crowned as Henry II.

    Yaqub Ibn Fariq al-Qurtubah I continues his fathers policies, but with a even fiercer mercantilist bent. He moves to push the Portuguese out of the Atlantic entirely, signing a trade agreement with Castile setting aside the bay of Biscay for Castilian ships in exchange for their respect of Ayshunid trade between the coast and the Azores. He intensifies overland trade and reopens trade with Aragon, having been significantly throttled after the conquest of Valencia a century ago. He moves to open up new western trade routes, believing a western passage towards China could lessen the Andalusian reliance on Mamluk Egypt for trade routes to the east.

    The Ayshunid navy, now the most powerful Islamic navy in the western Mediterranean, works to cut down on piracy in the Alboran sea.

    Ayshunid sailors record the presence of islands off the coast of Ghana which they label the Al-Zamaridia “Emerald” Islands (Cape Verde) after their verdant vegetation.

    Ibn Fath takes the easternmost Yassanid territories as far west as Zarzis.

    Andalusian traders begin to regularly interact with the Al-Wanj, setting up trade posts along the shores of the major islands. Several chiefs on the island of Al-Jinit (Tenerife) converts to Islam.

    Alfonso I fights Al-Fadl I outside Algiers. They sign a treaty assigning Algiers to Alfonso while the two sides agree on a mutually respected border to the west. Alfonso I adds the title rex Africae to his name to commemorate his conquest.

    Fernando works to rebuild the shattered Portuguese navy, though he finds Portugal has been almost entirely cut out of its former territories in the Atlantic.

    1365

    Encouraged by the possibility of yet more lands to the west, an expedition is launched west from the Canary Islands to scout and settle these new territories. It is lost at sea.

    Alfonso I sends missionaries to his African territories to Christianize the area, though-like the Yassanids-he is unable to suppress tribal revolts from the interior.

    Henry II cuts taxes to encourage economic growth and strips the nobility of their power, further centralizing power under the crown.

    The Emirate of Sijilmasa becomes embroiled in the Tuat War, a intercine conflict between the Gurara and Tuwat Zenata Berbers. Following an uprising by the sheikh Musa Abdullah Amani Agha of the Tuwat against the Gurara, Gurara raiders attacked several oases in Tuwat territory. In addition, Tuareg bandits from the south took advantage of the chaos to attack the border fortresses, taking away significant amounts of stockpiled goods. It takes many months to suppress the violence during the height of caravan season, cutting deeply into the Emirates profits.

    1370

    Alfonso I defeats the Banu Khlot at El Kef, forcing them westwards towards Qaranid territory.

    Henry II weakens the laws against Jews and Muslims in Castile.​

    The Discovery of the New World

    Yaqub funds a second expedition west, led by captain Abu Ali ibn Mahmud al-Mursiyah. Leaving in July, the expedition of 20 ships sailed southwest, reaching new lands across the Atlantic in mid-October.

    They name the island (Guadaloupe Grande-Terre) they reached Jezirah al-Riysh, the island of feathers, after the vast menagerie of tropical birds that flew past their ships as they approached. The settlers disembark, making contact with a band of natives they call the Al-Tayni (Taino) They exchange goods and take on a native guide, leaving after a few days. The expedition leaves a few men to scout the territory and heads north, following the chain of islands. They take the names for the islands they discover from the names reported to them by the native guide, transcribed in Arabic.

    The fleet reaches Damea “teardrop” (Montserrat), named for its distinctive pointed shape. In order, they sail past Waliyya (Nevis), Laymuqa (Saint Kitts), and Malawhana (Anguilla). After passing through a series of small islands, they come across a large landmass they dub Buriken (Puerto Rico). Again, the fleet makes landfall, contacting the local peoples, led by the chief Al-Nithanaw. It is later discovered that Nithanaw simply means ‘noble’ in the Tayni language, but the original name sticks. Abu Ali stays on Buriken for several weeks, erecting a makeshift mosque and trading with the local peoples. For a brief period they come under attack by natives apparently different from the Tayni, who are named the Al-Karbi (Island Carib). He is told of many more islands both to the west and north, as well as of lands to the south, but chooses to sail back instead. Leaving a few settlers behind at a makeshift village, dubbed Buhiyya, a rendering of the native word for “house”, transcribed as al-buhiyu.

    Abu Ali returns to Yaqub with the records of his discoveries. Yaqub, tantalized by the possibility of new trade networks and new sources of slaves commands another expedition to set out the following year.

    Summary 1283 - 1370 CE

    The Ayshunids have solidified their new holdings in Iberia, exploring west and south to find new trade routes beyond the stranglehold of the Mamluks in the east.

    Despite several wars and a crisis of succession, Castile decisively prevails over Portugal, pushing the Portuguese out of the Atlantic for the immediate future.

    In the Maghreb, tribal confederacies carve out increasingly tenuous states from the wreckage of the Almohads. The Mamluks construct alliances with turncoats from the Yassanids, and the Qaranids fight with Sijilmasa for the wealth of the Saharan trade routes.

    Aragon takes advantage of the chaos in the Western Mediterranean to conquer Sardinia and the Algerian coast, but fails to take Sicily. After absorbing Navarre, Aragon stands as the most expansive Christian state in Iberia.


    The Next post will be the culture of the Sultanate, technological developments and the expedition of Abu Ali.
    Fig 1: The Western Maghreb and Al-Andalus on the
    Eve of the Discovery of the New World


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    Fig 2: Ayshunid Naval Discoveries Between 1300 - 1370

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    A Brief Cultural and Political History of the Early Ayshunids [1260 - 1370 CE]
  • A Brief Cultural and Political History of the Early Ayshunids [1260 - 1370 CE]

    The Early Ayshunids, defined as the period between Yusuf Muhammads ascendency to the effectively independent ruler of Almohad Spain c. 1260 CE and the discovery of the New World in 1370. This brief, 110 year period was marked by rapid social, political and technological changes that transformed Al-Andalus from a frustrated Almohad colony to the resurgent capital of Western Islam.

    In the last years of the Almohads, it seemed obvious to anyone paying attention that the status quo could not last. In the words of the scholar Ibn Faradh, from his Book on the History of The Christians of Spain and the Flower of Andalusia,

    “In the time of Abu Sa’id, God turned his gaze from the Almohades, and it seemed all Andalusia was in shadow.”

    Between the campaigns of 1212 and Abu Sa’ids death in 1255 constant warfare with the north wreaked an increasing toll on the political stability of the Almohad state. Exorbitant demands for fresh levies for the campaigns of the various caliphs, coupled with a series of droughts from 1226 – 1240 crippled the food supply in the south pushed the Andalusian emirs to turn to protect their own, rather than fuel the endless jihad of the Berber tyrants in Morocco. Where once the first Almohad caliphs had sacked tax collectors from the Algarve to Valencia as part of their fundamentalist cleanse of the Almoravids, the later caliphs hiked the tax rate higher and higher to pay for their wars. Almost to spite the Andalusians, at the same time peasants outside Cordoba were cutting leather from old shoes to boil into soup, Abu Sa’id invested into a massive expansion of the Koutoubia mosque in Marrakesh. Its fine brickwork, in Moroccan style but overlain over floors paved with Iberian granite seemed to be a reminder for the troublesome colony of their place in the Almohad hierarchy.

    After the droughts subsided, Andalusia was left drained and deprived. Tax avoidance was at crippling levels, crop yields were barely at what they had been in the 1220s, and the dearth of adult men in Andalusia was filled by a glut of Christian mercenaries. These farfanes, as they are called, stepped in with opportunistic glee to stock the Almohad armies. In a twist of cruel irony, those same emirs who protested as the Almohad depopulated their territories ended up hiring thousands of Christians from the same states their own populations had been called up to fight. These mercenaries, while competent fighters, could not hold the frontier with any more success than the Almohads could. In 1250 Abu Sa’id, after just barely pushing the Portuguese north out of their attempted reconquest of Lisbon was forced to return to Morocco to curb the rapidly expanding Yassanid rebellion. In a reaction to the growing vulnerability of Al-Andalus against the Christians, Andalusian political figures worked with desperate assurance to buttress their own positions. In Seville, the qadi, (a municipal judge) Abdullah al-Mus’ad slackened the religious restrictions on Christians. Evidently fearful of them rising up in the event the city came under siege, he hoped to placate them into some measure of loyalty. Acting as the governor of Valencia, Ali Ibn Nizar Ibn Dabbaj, began to divert supplies from ships ostensibly bound for the Maghreb into the cities own storehouses as a way of gathering up financial collateral to bargain after the inevitable Christian assault. In the case of Abdullah al-Mus’ad, his fears never materialized, but for Ali Ibn Nizar, when the Christians did sally outside the walls in 1260, no amount of stolen goods could stop Alfonso X from mounting his head on an pike outside the city gates.

    Direct Almohad control on the regional level, tenuous by 1212, was basically nonexistent by 1255. Almohad appointments to governmental posts were sporadic at best in 1212, with multiple decrees (taqadim) sent out by Al-Nasir to appoint pro-Almohad figures to a mishmash of judge and governorships. Abu Sa’id, so preoccupied by the disintegration of Almohad power in the Maghreb, only sent out one with any consequence, taqadim 3, which appointed the sheikh Abu Yusuf to the judgeship of Murcia in 1248. Past this point, no Almohad appointees would ever rule in Al-Andalus. Only in the khutbah, the public sermon in the mosque, was Almohad power acknowledged. In the same year (1245) the Jaenese Iman Muhammad Mu'awiya Ibn Affan declared that Andalusia was:

    “the white flower of Islam, that sits cupped in the hand of al-Mu'tadid bi-llah (Abu Sa’id), and will only wilt on the day of Revelation”,

    the governor of Jaen, Ibrahim al-Hawlaq paid just a reported 56 dinars to Marrakesh over the course of the entire year. It is clear that Abu Sa’ad was aware of this breakdown of authority, but he could take few solid steps to remedy it. In previous years Almohad caliphs could punish any upstart rebels by simply crushing them militarily, but with depleted troop counts and a war in Morocco that was quickly spiraling out of control, that was no longer an option. Instead Abu Sa’ad could do little but march his army through Al-Andalus when he could but could not linger much longer than absolutely necessary, just putting bandages on an increasingly festering wound.

    So, by 1255 Abu Sa’ad, lying morose in his tent while his empire crumbled around him, must have felt some sense of personal responsibility for it. After all, he knew from the 1230’s onwards that the Andalusians felt no real allegiance to the Almohads and felt no great harm would come to them if they defied him. Despite that fact, the Almohad governmental structure far outlasted any actual Almohads in Iberia. Yusuf Muhammads rise, though the death knell of Almohad Iberia, began through Almohad structures of power. Originally a minor noble of a Muladi family in Seville, Yusuf Muhammad first appeared on the historical scene as a cavalry commander in Abu Sa’ads army after 1251, an attaché to bolster the Almohad army with Andalusian loyalists. Of course, his true ambitions cared little for the Almohad cause, and after Abu Sa’ads death he engineered a silent coup inside the army, playing with alliances built up across his youth and his time among the cadre of Andalusian military officers.

    Yusuf Muhammad never took an official position as any sort of real ‘ruler’ in Al-Andalus. Rather, after becoming the de-facto leader in the face of the Almohad withdrawal he had his ally, the most powerful iman in Al-Andalus, Ibn Mutarrif of Cordoba, release a khutbah in 1256 declaring that the apparent surviving descendant of Hisham III, the last Umayyad emir of Al-Andalus, a obscure and effete intellectual named Abdullah Al-‘Abbas was the only true ruler of Andalusia. Now, Abdullah Al ‘Abbas would have never appeared in the historical record unless Yusuf Muhammad needed a royal face for his nascent regime, until he could assume it himself. After the khutbah, the emirs couldn’t decide entirely how to react.

    As the Christians marched south, some even considered pleading to the Almohads to try and gain fresh military support. Yusuf Muhammad needed a victory to align the emirs behind his movement, and he gained one at Bujalance. After a prolonged ambush through the olive groves of southern Spain, Alfonso X had to flee north and Yusuf Muhammad could fully emerge from the shadows. Abdullah Al ‘Abbas, taking on his title as the Umayyad Caliph Abdullah I, though entirely unrecognized by the Almohads, released a series of taqadim establishing Yusuf Muhammads allies throughout influential positions across Al-Andalus. Yusuf Muhammad himself never took an official Almohad title, though he ensured he was cloaked by a ring of allies who did have such title, to project some air of plausible deniability. By the late 1250’s, it was obvious who was truly pulling the strings, and by 1263 the last staunch Almohad in Iberia was conveniently assassinated by an unknown assailant. The shadow takeover of Andalusia was complete. There was significant nostalgia for the old Caliphate of Cordoba among the emirs, and the possibility of a legitimate restoration of that line was tantalizing to those who wished for a time before the Berber dynasties. Yusuf Muhammad though, never had any intentions of giving Abdullah I any real power. Once he was confident the Almohads had been driven out, and that his supporters (more loyal to him than to any sort of Umayyad nostalgia) were entrenched throughout the country, he politically neutered Abdullah I and by 1266, Abdullah I was little more than a pretty pet caged in Cordoba while Yusuf ruled the country. Most official histories of the time barely mention his name more than once. He was after all, a temporary prop until the emirs realized who the real power was.

    Yusuf Muhammad redrew his own genealogy to claim descent from Hasan Ibn Ali, Muhammads elder grandson, thus superseding the Umayyad claim to the Prophet. He also took the nickname of Saqr Ishbiliyya, the falcon of Seville, a clear nod to the famous title of ‘Abd al-Rahman I (Saqr Quraiysh, the Falcon of the Quraysh). Thus, he was simultaneously undermining the idea of a restoration of the Umayyads in Al-Andalus and creating a new version of it. A restored Caliphate of Cordoba, without the decadence that defined its fall. This sense of an Andalusian renaissance permeates the Early Ayshunids. Crucially, Yusuf never took the title of Caliph himself, settling for Sultan. This was likely a move to preserve his own integrity vis-à-vis the Umayyad lineage he claimed to represent, though not a part of himself. It would have been quite unseemly were he to try to usurp the title of Caliph from the same dynasty he had propped up only a few years before.

    After Yusuf’s death, he divided his kingdom into two states, with the bulk of it going to his eldest Sulayman, and the Algarve going to ‘Abd al-Aziz. Technically speaking, the Ayshunid state was still united, with a single capital (at Seville), and a single sultan in Sulayman. The state of ‘Abd al-Aziz was in a legal sense just a personal fiefdom operating under the supervision of his brother. Yusuf had hoped that this dual system would complement the personalities of his sons, with the warlike Portuguese frontier going to the notoriously pugnacious ‘Abd al-Aziz and the delicate sultanate itself to the bureaucratic and stoic Sulayman. What happened in reality was a quick division of the Ayshunids into two functionally independent states paying only lip service to each-other.

    ‘Abd al-Aziz, as the governor of the wilayat of the Algarve diverted taxes to his own stores, paying only slivers to Sulayman, and began to spend more and more of his time in Lisbon instead of Seville. Sulayman, who spent much of his early reign negotiating with the Christians became irritated by his brother’s insubordination and worked to isolate the Algarve from the rest of his kingdom. Were it not for ‘Abd al-Aziz, the reign of Sulayman I might be remembered as one of defining peace for the Iberian Peninsula. Sulaymans brainchild, the treaty of Segovia, negotiated painstakingly between 1292 – 94 promised to settle the border wars in Iberia for the foreseeable future. Unfortunately, his brothers increasingly erratic behavior would poke holes in his foreign policy for decades.

    First ‘Abd al-Aziz refused to accommodate Portuguese envoys while they attempted to help negotiate the treaty. Then he grudgingly signed a secondary, piecemeal deal with King Denis, with the obvious intention of violating it whenever possible. ‘Abd al-Aziz, for all his military acumen was a fanatic, and prone to violent mood swings. The infamous Scouring of Portugal, the series of pogroms and massacres that took place under his reign from 1285 – 90 was allegedly all started because a Christian peasant spat near him while he traveled through the countryside. ‘Abd al-Aziz instituted some of the most puritanical, and cruel policies seen in Iberia since the early Almohad period. Jews were forbidden from living in all cities, and any without marketable skills were forced to flee the Algarve or face forced conversion. Christians deemed insufficiently amicable to conversion to Islam were persecuted at every turn, with quota systems set up where a certain percentage of Christian goods had to the be paid to the state on top of the standard jizya, as compensation for the wars of their compatriots in the north. The quotas increased each year, and any village that could not pay faced mass executions, imprisonment, and forced exile. Churches were sacked, priests were publicly tortured, and the legal rights of Christians were essentially nonexistent.

    In one, possibly apocryphal, incident in September 12th, 1286 reported by the Chronicler of King Denis, ‘Abd al-Aziz, while visiting a fortress near Santarem noticed a pilgrim had stopped nearby to pray at a shrine. He asked the pilgrim why he chose to pray while his king was passing by, knowing that the Muslims would have to tolerate seeing a Christian pray on Muslim land. The Christian responded by saying that he “prays when the mood strikes me, for there are no times that are not good for prayer.” ‘Abd al-Aziz, rankled by the response ordered his guards to seize the pilgrim, and on arriving at the fortress had bonds of hot iron made with which they locked the pilgrim’s hands together. ‘Abd al-Aziz, seeing the Christian whimper in pain, quipped “now you may never stop from praying, no matter what time of day it is.”

    Whatever the truth of these reported acts is, by 1290 the Christian population of the Algarve had dropped by perhaps as much as 70%, and Jews just as much. Those who could fled to Portugal. Those who couldn’t converted or were executed. This was a flagrant violation of the general peace and infuriated the Portuguese. Sulayman, recognizing a second war was imminent had ‘Abd al-Aziz murdered in 1315. From that point forward, Sulayman sub-partitioned the wilayat of the Algarve and reintegrated it into the larger sultanate. The last ten years of his reign were marked by peace and stability. He kept the system of regional qadis and governors but centralized power away from the noble families, borrowing from Christian models on centralized kingship. The tribal clans, so integral in Maghrebi politics, were marginalized and weakened, replaced by European style aristocratic houses. Some even took on family heraldry to be more Latin in appearance. Sulayman’s nephew, Fariq continued these trends.

    Unlike his predecessor, Fariq was far more interested in the navy over political reforms. Leaving much of the day to day running of the government to a series of regents, he obsessed over trade and maritime technology. Lavish stipends were granted to scholars to study in expansive new naval colleges, staffed by experts recruited from as far afield as Zanzibar. His was a policy intent solely on forcing a path where none had existed before. During the end of the Almohads, and the reign of Yusuf, Al-Andalus had been nearly strangled by the drying up of the Mediterranean trade routes and relentless piracy. The near-total dependence of this outpost of Islam on trade with distant, sometimes hostile, powers knawed at Fariq, who wished to find an escape outlet. A new pipeline of wealth, not beholden to a Mamluk Sultan nor Saharan tribesmen. The Atlantic seemed to be the natural solution to this, and he would indeed be ultimately vindicated, though long after his own death.

    It would take his successor Yaqub to fulfill his ambitions and eventually make Andalusia the most powerful trade empire in the entire Mediterranean. The discovery of the New World marks both the end of the Early Ayshunid period and also the beginning of the Islamic conquest of the Atlantic.

    The Material Culture of the Ayshunids

    Early Ayshunid material culture is indistinguishable from Almohad era artifacts, but as the first few Ayshunid sultans steered the state away from the Maghrebs cultural sphere, Andalusian material culture changed drastically. As Yusuf Muhammad marched north, his kingdom marched north with him. As the Andalusian state swelled to take newly conquered parts of Portugal and Toledo itself, it pulled away from the Berber culture that had dominated it for 400 years. Andalusians consciously attempted to reenter themselves in Europe, away from the Maghreb. Artwork took on an archaic, flowery appearance, like the famed ivory work of the Umayyads. Poetry, Literature and clothing all took on older Umayyad styles, with Egyptian and Syrian influences replacing Maghrebi. The thousands of Mozarabs and former Moriscos of Toledo re-injected European stylings into Al-Andalus. Castilian style fabrics, artwork and even Castilian vocabulary repenetrated Andalusian culture. The shifting cultural dynamics even penetrated northwards. As the political balance suddenly, and sharply tilted towards the south, noticeable elements of ‘Moorish’ fashion entered Latin Christian culture for the first time in centuries. These processes would only accelerate under Yusuf’s successors, especially pronounced during the reign of Fariq I, whose mercantilist expansionism led to the beginning of what is widely considered the Ayshunid golden age.

    As the markets of Africa began to dry up as the Qaranids flexed their muscles, Fariq began to seek goods from farther south. Backed by fleets of highly mobile galleys Ayshunid merchants could rely on the full weight of the state to sway local rulers away from the Qaranids, and the farther south the fleets went the weaker the Qaranid grip was. Goods from as far south as Benin soon entered Iberian ports as west Africa was cracked open to Andalusian commerce. Exotic goods like pelts, ivories and forest hardwoods decorated Fariqs sprawling palace outside Seville, and he even could boast a private menagerie complete with apes and giant jungle insects displayed in golden cages. There was little African cultural influence on Al-Andalus however, with the notable exception of kente cloth, which attracted Arab buyers with its bright colors and strong patterns. Soon faux-kente embroidery decorated the robes worn by upper-class merchants, and their meals were served by Igbo and Wolof servants. This style, called mulabbad mukhattam al-sudan, became very popular in the mid-14th century.

    A stronger factor in Andalusian society was the Christian kingdoms, long resented under the Almohads. As general peace settled in Iberia for the first time in half a millennium, there was again cultural room for adoption of northern styles, and vice-versa. Poets felt freed to write in Mozarabic again, freely mingling Arabic and Castilian verse to verse. Except for the Algarve and Valencia, where religious tensions remained high, some semblance of the old Convivencia of Cordoba had returned to Iberia. The Mozarabs, on the brink of extinction following the Almohad purges, reestablished themselves in Toledo, producing new literature and high art under the patronage of the Sultanate. One Mozarabic poem from the poet Alexo Bercio of Toledo (with the penname Al-Aleberia) describes the resurgent optimism of this period:

    “ 1 Come my love to my court

    2 The sun is a golden orange in God’s hands

    3 Fly my love to me

    4 We will have alfajores by the river

    5 Feel my voice singing songs to you

    6 Our clothes match like stones in a riverbed

    7 Come, we can see the market and hear the cobblers banging their hammers

    8 their faces are red in the evening sun

    9 Flush cheeks are the seal of your love on my face

    10 Let us embrace in the twilight “


    Clothing in Castilian style became quite popular, especially in the north. Turbans had long since fallen out of favor after the Almohad withdrawal, replaced by simple caps, sometimes with a thin wrap around the brow to show the wearers faith. Christian-style caps and jewelry were all the rage among the urban classes, to the point where some bemoaned the apparent degradation of Islamic fashion. One writer, Ibn Farha, bemoaned that in Jaen,

    “foreign clothing is abundant in the souq…it is difficult to find a single jubba [a long male robe], or a proper muslim shaya [a tunic worn primarily by the middle class]. Women strut like peacocks, their veils with golden edging in the Christian fashion…”

    As Andalusian fashion became less Maghrebi, it became more appealing to Europeans, who bought Andalusian textiles in copious quantities. This was most pronounced in Aragon, which became the most cosmopolitan of the Christian kingdoms, with colonies in the Balearics, Sardinia and even Ifriqya itself. The extent of Moorish influence in Aragon did unsettle the nobility, and after pressure Alfonso I passed a series of sumptuary laws aimed at limiting non-Latin styles of clothing among Christians. One such law, aimed at cutting back the popularity of cut robes in the Muslim style decreed the following:

    “VIII The King Commands: that no grandee, knight, nor squire nor man of Aragon shall wear costume in the Moorish style. No one shall wear their hats peaked on the temple with straps hanging freely, but must tie them, nor allow their caps to be embroidered in gold except at the mercy of the king.”

    New public works, built to reflect Umayyad style decorated the major cities. The foremost of these was the great mosque at Lisbon, which was finished in 1342. Designed to replace the previous mosque which was originally the converted cathedral of the city, it was based on the Great Mosque of Cordoba, with white arches decorated with vinework tilings and fine alabaster stonework around the courtyard. Much of the construction was carried out by Granadine masons and Mozárab artisans imported from Murcia. In the wake of the purges of the Algarve most of the native Christians around Lisbon had long since fled, leaving the territory to be repopulated by Andalusian Muslims from the east. This lent a distinctively Granadine taste to the new stonework flourishing in the Algarve.

    By the late 14th century, Ayshunid culture was vain in its pride, confident and self-assured as the jewel of Western Islam. There was a knowing neglect of Maghrebi customs, which saw themselves isolated and ignored, stuck as a backwater between Iberia and Egypt. New colonies in the Canary Islands and the Azores saw Ayshunid culture turn further to the west. The decline of Portuguese naval power allowed Ayshunid traders to fully exploit the Atlantic. Still quite young, the potential of the western islands was still not lost on the nobility, who enjoyed feasting on oranges from the Azores, and picking over primitive souvenirs from the Guanches, though there was a noticeable yearning for more. As the 14th would turn to the 15th, the Arabs who would settle these island territories would begin to develop a distinctive and rich culture and form the first crop of explorers for the impending explosion of expansion into the New World.

    Ayshunid Naval Technology

    “I arrived safely in Jinit, but found little to buy in the markets. The Wanj make excellent furs but they are expensive. I have used 75 dinars to buy 30 of them. After much prayer, I traveled to Lebuh [Senegal] and sold the corals you had given me. The corals sold for 1 1/2 mithqals [Egyptian dinars] each. I bought ivory and returned to Cadiz…”

    Yusuf bin Hassan, a Arabo-Jewish trader writing to his business partner in 1366.

    Early Ayshunid science is foremost defined by advances in naval technology. At the start of the dynasty, the navy was in a sorry state. Degraded, and withered by decades of neglect and piracy most ships were barely seaworthy. This fact constantly bothered Yusuf Muhammad, who was unable to solve the problem, leading to the near-collapse of his state only just after he had claimed it. Constant raids on the eastern coast and an unwillingness of merchants to provide loans for expeditions to once-familiar ports in Syria and Egypt crippled the Andalusian economy. To begin to fix the problem, the later sultans proposed increasingly radical solutions. Early Ayshunid ships were light galleys, of wholly Islamic style, with thin hulls and lateen sails. These ships, of the ghurab, and qata’i variety were well-suited for anti-piratical actions, but required constant, and expensive maintenance. Unfortunately, the breakdown of political stability in the mid-13th century meant that many of these ships were out of repair and out dated. Fariq worked to improve the navy by first investing heavily into new ship-building facilities and naval colleges, grooming a new cadre of capable admirals. Other investments were into new ship designs, ones that could be maintained more easily and weather the Atlantic, increasingly the focus of Ayshunid naval activities. The ship that was settled on was a derivation of the traditional sailing ship in the Maghreb, the qarib. These unassuming fishing vessels were expanded and refitted with a wider scantling to accommodate cargo for longer voyages. Early successes in the exploration of the Azores encouraged its wider adoption, and eventually Fariq decided to scuttle much of the existing navy in favor of similar vessels, built to accommodate crews of marines. This new navy was extremely light and highly self-sufficient, able to travel long distances through open ocean. Yet, as the Ayshunid navy transformed from a purely military navy to a colonial, exploratory navy its military capabilities were reduced. The lighter vessels simply could not carry as much firepower as heavier European ships, nor could their hulls withstand as much punishment. They could easily handle pirates, but as the naval actions in the Second Galician war showed, they were ill-equipped to engage a foreign fleet in an open naval battle.

    By the beginning of the 15th century, the root qarib form had diverged into several designs built for the various components of the Ayshunid trade network. There was the ultra-light ship, built for coastline exploration and scouting actions, known as the risha, the heavier Atlantic trade vessel, the safinah, and the warship, of the form most commonly described as the ‘ibra. Such innovations in ship design, combined with discoveries in navigation and cartography, like the discovery of the karr w farr trade winds, led to an explosion of Islamic exploration in the late 14th-15 centuries.

    [typed this up real quickly between updates, hope its interesting]
     
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    A House of Lamps | Part 3
  • A House of Lamps; Part 3

    "The whole world is like a house filled with lamps, rays, and lights through whom the things of the house are elucidated…"

    Ibn Barrajan, 12th century CE

    The New World and the Western Seas

    The Caribbean, 1423

    From the Travel of Ibn Nuh, Volume 3, on the Peoples of Bahr al-‘Alwan, pages 23-25:

    We arrived at the ‘Alwanan Sea on September 28th and departed Jinit on July 20th.

    We departed from Jinit[1], and made preparations with a merchant from among the Wanj to sail for Buhuq. The ocean between Kinaru[2] and Buhuq [3]is dreadfully wide and prone to storms. Our ship suffered through many strong gales, but by Gods graces we suffered little damage. Upon reaching port in Buhuq, which is on the island of Boriken[4].

    Boriken is an excessively hot place, and prone to clouds of insects, that are plentiful food for the many flocks of colorful birds that rest in the forests of that place. We arrived through a thin bay that had the clearest water I had ever seen, with the deepest of blues and greens swirling within. The town itself is new, and only a few stone buildings exist, foremost of which is the mosque of Abu Yaqub, who is the richest man in the town, and my patron for my voyage.

    The governor of Buhuq is the Wali Kashiq Hammad Al-Justani. Kashiq [Cacique][5] is the title given to the sultan of the natives there, though the governor is Syrian himself. During our first meeting, he informed me that the natives had come to label him as such and finding the title fitting adopted it as his own […] He resides in a large house attended by many servants, of whom the majority are natives but those who work within the house are Iberian by origin. I found that he had provided me a house there and I resided there for much of my residence in Boriken.

    On my third day in Buhuq, for I had to take a day to rest, and become acquainted with my host, I had the opportunity to engage with the natives of the island, of whom I had learned much about. I was provided with a native guide of good character, whose Muslim name is Abdullah, but he informed me he was once known as Higwaqa, which means a type of parrot common to the islands. These natives are known to the Arabs of Buhuq as the Tayniyy, which comes from a native word for a chief of their people. They are profoundly odd, and unlike any other peoples of the world which I have seen.

    Their bodies are lean with dark skin, almost as black as that of a negro, though their faces are Asiatic in appearance. They are tall and carry themselves with pride. Among the people of Tayn, it is customary that both men and women wear short cloths over their genitals, and to paint themselves red and black, and to wear feathers in their hair. They work fine jewelry in gold and in precious stones, though they show little personal regard for these items, and upon asking my guide for one of his golden bracelets I was happily provided it.

    I was in a village in the forest during their season of festivities. The village was named Komeshokowa, and was a main resting place for their chiefs when they congregated for the festivities of their people. I was treated with great hospitality and given great quantities of food and gifts, being allowed to sit next to their chiefs.

    The conduct of their ceremonies is as follows:

    The whole of the village gathers around a cleared opening, which functions as a courtyard for daily activities when not being used for religious purposes. The morning before the ceremony, a priest places an idol in this clearing which is of carved wood and depicts an ancestor of the village. The chiefs sit on a series of rugs flanked by all the treasures of their rank. They wear tall caps of feathers and paint themselves entirely with jewelry and piercings […] I was informed by my guide that the chiefs had purified themselves during the early morning by ingesting the herb they call Kohoba[6]. It is a pungent plant, that when the seeds are dried and ground produces a furious sickness when taken through the nose. My guide had partaked in this substance himself many times and offered it to me along with a pipe for it, but I refused, seeing the deleterious effect it had on the natives, and wishing to keep my own senses.

    […]After the entire party had taken this substance, the women among them offer bread as worship. They walk in a row with wooden platters, upon which is heaped a coarse bread made of a kind of white yam which is very thick and good. They offer this bread to the village in groups, first to the idol, which they heap the bread on the ground before it, and then to the chiefs, and then to the village entire-of which I was considered.

    After the village is finished with their meals, the recitation of epic songs of their people begins. Musicians accompanied by rattles and log drums in negro style create a discordant rhythm, to which the priests sing long epics recounting the history of this village and especially the stories of the gods who oversee it. Speaking very little of their tongue, I understood little of significance, and my guide was unwilling to describe to me much of it; seeing it as of especial purity and unfitting for a foreigner to hear.

    […]

    During my time in Buhuq, I had inquired as to the conversion of these natives, who worship many idols and know little of proper Muslim conduct. The governor told me that sufi’s had attempted to move into the countryside to instruct the natives in Islam, but that they did not understand it, nor could they appreciate the Quran; for they have no books nor writing of their own and see no need for it. There are some among the Arabs of the town that wish to treat the natives more harshly, and force their conversion, for they are considered to be the worst of infidels. (may God deliver these pagans to Islam)

    My guide told me of a river in the interior of one of the islands of this country, where gold flows from the interior of the mountains, and it is customary among the native women of these regions to pick it out of the river and sprinkle it on their bodies like Arab women do with perfumes. This region, which was once extremely dense in settlements and difficult for Arabs to enter is now quite open, for disease has killed most of the people there and rendered the land empty…
    [1] Tenerife in the Canary Islands
    [2]The Canaries
    [3]A city on the western coast of Puerto Rico
    [4]Puerto Rico
    [5]A term for a Taino chief
    [6]A psychoactive plant used in Taino religious ceremonies

    1372

    Abu Ali’s news of an inhabited island chain far to the west excites Yaqub but does little to ease the anxieties of some of the nobility, who are frustrated with the massive expenses sunk into expeditions with apparently meager returns in trade. The primitive Wanj, who provide little but furs and simple produce, are the epitome of what these nobles see as excessive waste.

    Despite this, Yaqub funds a second expedition, though with the added warning that more significant returns are required to assuage this faction. Abu Ali returns to the New World in July and sails north from Boriken, discovering two large islands which he names Jazirat al-Muluk [Hispaniola] and Jazirat al-Sayadin [Cuba], the Island of Kings and the Island of Fishermen respectively. The second is named for the crowds of natives fishing in canoes that he encountered while sailing the southern coast. Abu Ali makes landfall at Ghwantanumat [Guantanamo]. He then returns to Andalusia. More importantly, he returns with gold collected from the natives there and a number of slaves.

    Alfonso I successfully puts down a Banu Ghaniya revolt in Ifriqya, though he is unable to pursue them to the deep desert.

    1373-76

    Haroun Ibn Tamim al-Shawiya of the Emirate of Sijilmasa dies. The council of sheikhs appoints Musa Ismail Al-Ghani to succeed him.

    Henry II dies unexpectedly following a severe bout of illness. He is succeeded by his son, the infante Santiago, who is supervised by the regent Juan de Burgos.

    Fernando of Portugal spars with his nephew Henry over the throne. Henry, who marries Catherine of Pisa, hopes to sway the Italian trade city to his cause on the promise of restoring Christian control over the straits of Gibraltar and the Atlantic. This irritates the much more powerful Alfonso I, who is still rivals with Pisa, though he sees Henry as too small a threat to move against for the time being.

    Karbi raiders attack the Arab settlement at Alhucowa in Laymuqa and almost completely destroy it. The survivors retreat to Bohiyya.

    Yaqub, tantalized by reports of the vast amounts of gold in the newly discovered islands, orders Abu Ali to sail again west and establish ports to secure these new trade networks. More Arab traders begin to attempt private ventures west, though the length of the journey and the rough Atlantic seas make the voyage hazardous.

    1377-80

    Al-Fadl I purges the remaining supporters of Abu Yusuf in his eastern territories. The Yassanid legacy, as short-lived as it was, is finally put out.

    Ibn Fath dies, succeeded by his nephew Abdullah (approved by the Mamluk Sultan)

    Jews in Seville write a petition to Yaqub for relieve from persecution from the qadi there. Yaqub grants a reprieve and punishes the qadi, though increasing tensions between muslims and jews forces him to consider a more drastic solution to the spate of violence.

    Asturian Normans are able to install one of their own into the government of Castille, the noble Hilbert de Vymont who becomes the mayor of Asturias by royal appointment. Hilbert was eager to develop the Norman community in northern Spain and worked with gusto to ingratiate them into the upper crust of regional society. These Normanos will over time become a significant ethnic minority in Asturias.

    Abu Ali returns for his last voyage to the New World, this time sailing farther north past Sayadin Island [Cuba], reaching a massive muggy landmass ringed by small islands in September of 1378. He makes some expeditions inland and probes the coast, trading with local peoples [the Calusa] who sail out to meet the fleet. He dubs the land Al-Niblu [Florida], combining a native word for ‘forest’, with the Arabic root for wetness. Abu Ali records that the waters are extremely dense with fish, and that the natives in that region also wore gold jewelry. On his return to Boriken, he founds a long string of small trading settlements along the edge of the island chain.

    Disease ravages the native population of the islands, especially smallpox.

    1382

    Alfonso I pursues the former Aragonese claim in Sicily, opening up relations with the Sicilian monarch, Victor II to counteract resurgent French influence in the Mediterranean.

    Resentment about the restructuring of traditional Islamic clans leads several noble families to openly criticize the ruling government. The most outspoken critics are imprisoned, but this does little to stem the tide of resentment.

    News of the discovery of an island chain in the western Atlantic does not excite much royal interest outside of the Islamic world. The Mamluks do take especial notice of these discoveries, as they wisely recognize it means a potential source of new revenue for the Ayshunids to begin to be able to challenge them directly.

    1385-89

    Arab traders scout the southern end of the Riysh [The Antilles], reaching the island dubbed Tall al-Karbiyy [Grenada] in 1386, and Lerweh [Trinidad] several months later.

    Yaqub appoints the commander Umar Ibn Mu'awiya as the wali of the new wilayat [region] of Al-Maghrib al-Bahr, the “Oceanic West”, his new territories in the New World, a nod to the conquest of North Africa (the Maghreb) under the Caliph Omar. Umar, ruling from his capital at Bohiyya orders the conquest of the islands proper to extend the dominion of Islam.

    Umar begins by solidifying control over the Riysh, negotiating with local chiefs and encouraging conversion. The Ayshunids, who had moderated significantly since the Almohad period, were unwilling to put in the effort to establish direct control over the rugged and dense jungle interiors of the islands as long as those natives stuck to themselves, paying tribute and not warring with the settlements on the coast. In a form of the jizya, native Tayni of Boriken, and the other islands with significant Arab presence (Damea, Riysh Island and Moluk) were required to give produce like exotic birds, gold and timber to local authorities in exchange for surviving relatively unmolested in the Wilayat. Those tribes that did not acknowledge Muslim authority were defeated and enslaved.

    Umar was not nearly as friendly to the other main population of natives in the area however, viewing the Karbi as violent pagans as opposed to amicable, and productive ones like the Tayni. Karbi bands were set upon by Arab slave traders with abandon and then sold to fill the estates of nobles on the burgeoning coastal ports. Few were shipped to Iberia though, on account of the general lack of high demand for slaves in the Ayshunid homeland, and the strong local market for African slaves from Mauretania. Many of these captured Karbi are sold to the military to be used much like ‘abid (black) slaves were in Iberia.
    1390

    An epidemic of disease drives the native populations of the Riysh to near-extinction, prompting a concerned Umar to request that large numbers of settlers be sent from Iberia to repopulate the islands. Yaqub sends thousands of Canarien and Azorian Arabs to settle the land, with the added effect of also Islamizing the rugged island interiors. Among these migrants are nobles from rebellious families in Al-Andalus, sent to the far west to distance them from the centers of Ayshunid power.

    1392-94

    Yaqub, suffering from ill health, retires the throne, leaving it to his eldest son Yusuf, now Yusuf II of the Ayshunids.

    A Aragonese navy sails to Sicily to combat the French outposts established in the west of the island. Backed by England, Alfonso I receive considerable added support to carry out organized piratical actions against the French and their allies in both Sicily and Italy. The Portuguese, eager to bolster relations with Pisa, become involved in the coalition to counteract Aragonese power in the western Mediterranean. This sparks the War of the Three Sicilies, a long-lasting period of naval attrition in the Tyrrhenian sea between Aragon and England against Pisa, Portugal and France.

    Reports from merchants and fishermen of further lands to the south and west prompt Umar to send an expedition under the commander Abu Bakr al-Nasr to investigate. Abu Bakr sets sail from Ghwantanumat and heads south, sailing past the island of Shaymukh [Jamaica] and making landfall on a jungled coast of an unknown landmass in October 1393. They encounter a native population, who inform them the land is named Zama [Tulum], and that they are called the Maya. The Arabs from this point forward label the native peoples Maya, or the Ahl al-Zami (those from Zama).

    The expeditionary force encounters the retinue of the lord of Zama, Ah Batam Pot. Ah Batam commands his warriors to capture the strangers and drive of the rest back to the sea, ambushing the Muslims at their camp on the coast. After brutal fighting, Abu Bakr rallied his forces and drove the Maya off, taking the citadel of Zama and executing Ah Batam. Abu Bakr then destroyed the temples of the city and had the priests either executed or forcibly converted. He established himself in the city and sent out embassies to the outlying villages to accept their own surrenders in exchange for lenient governing. The local Maya, assuming that the foreigner had usurped Ah Batam and had become the new Batabob¸or lord, accepted this deal with little opposition. The jizya was levied on the communities in the immediate area, and Abu Bakr set off for the interior where he believed the main capital of the local territory was. He left his son Mohammad to supervise the newly conquered territory.

    Abu Bakr is unable to effectively penetrate the immensely dense jungle of the Yucatan, and after suffering high casualties due to disease, was forced to withdraw to the coast without making much progress. His tiny straggler force returns to Zama.

    The current lord of Mayapan, the halach uinic (overlord) Chac Chuy Xob of Cocom, alternatively curious about these foreigners and angered that they usurped his authority, sends emissaries to Zama to discover more about the strangers. Abu Bakr receives them and gives them terms, using some of the local nobles of Zama to interpret. The emissaries return, where Chac Chuy Xob immediately begins to prepare a counterattack to recapture the territory of Zama. Abu Bakrs frustration at the aggression of the local Maya lord does little to encourage a gentler approach towards Chac Chuy Xob.

    As the reigning head of the league of Mayapan, he musters a considerable force of Maya from across the entirety of the Yucatan.

    1395

    Henry succeeds in usurping Fernando, taking the Portuguese throne but at the cost of destroying the Portuguese court.

    Al-Fadl dies, succeeded by his eldest son Al-Kebira.

    Maya warriors attack Zama and slaughter Abu Bakrs expedition, sacrificing most of the Muslims captured and ransoming the rest off to various Maya kingdoms. Abu Bakr escapes on a canoe with his son and several crewmates, though they are lost at sea for several days before being picked up by Arab sailors of the coast of Shaymukh [Jamaica].

    1397-99

    Reports of a highly organized society in the new lands intrigue Andalusians further, many of whom press for a systematic conquest of the region like had been done to Christian Spain by the Umayyads. Other reports of barbaric religious practices among other things, rampant idolatry and human sacrifice, convince some that jihad needs to be declared to purge the new territories of such heathens.

    The destruction of Abu Bakrs fleet arises outrage in Bohiyya. Umar calls for a jihad to the mainland to punish the natives.

    Word about a significant new land to the west begins to excite Christian aristocrats, who worry, among other concerns, that this new territory will provide a source of new found wealth for Islamic states at their own expense. At the moment however, intercine conflict between European states prevents significant investment into exploratory voyages west.

    1400

    Santiago fully assumes the throne of Castile. As king he reinstigates the policy of general hostility towards Portugal, siding with Aragon and England against France. Curiosity about new explorations to the west also leads him to want to squash Portuguese ambition in the Atlantic, lest they exploit such information to rebuild their own powerbase.

    The city of Buhuq is founded on the isle of Boriken. It will eventually become the capital of the region.

    Mass immigration of Andalusians, primarily from the Canaries and the Algarve begins towards the Riysh. Encouraged by the hospitable native climate and the plentiful opportunities for trade and personal enrichment, large numbers of primarily middle-class Arabs migrate west. Numbers of Syrians, Egyptians and Yemenites also join. The depopulation of large parts of the Riysh from disease and slave trading also encourages settlement from the old world.

    Commanded by Abu Bakr, An army of several thousand Andalusians and Islamized Tayni sails for the Yucatan, the Bilad as-Maya, or the al-‘Akhdir, lit. “the green”. They retake Zama relatively easily, and then march inland with captured scouts towards the Maya heartland. Large numbers of accompanying ghazi, or religious warriors, wreak havoc on the countryside, freely taking slaves from among local Maya communities and destroying religious sites with abandon. They take much of the territory of Koshwah [Cochuah], relying on native guides and mercenaries to scout much of the jungle terrain that had confounded Abu Bakrs previous, all-Arab expedition. Repeated Maya ambushes wear the force down however, and multiple pitched battles with the lords of Mayapan begin to break the army’s spirit. The intense jungle terrain and heat batter down the Andalusian forces, who are unaccustomed to the local environment.

    Abu Bakr sieges Kuba [Coba], taking the citadel after a fierce siege. The brutality of the campaign encourages abuses, and the Muslims waste little time in massacring the local priesthood and desecrating the religious sites. Abu Bakr then leaves a garrison in the city and returns to Zama. He claims the newly conquered territories as part of the wilayat of Al-Maghrib al-Bahr. Still, the larger campaign to conquer the Maya results in failure.

    1402

    Santiago, ostensibly to intervene in a rebellion within Portugal on the side of Fernando invades from the east. He sweeps through northern Portugal, taking most of the territory north of the Douro without significant resistance, leaving only Porto unconquered after a failed siege. Portuguese rebels, loyal to Fernando through Santiago’s marriage to the dispossessed princess Isabella of Braga (a member of a noble family deeply associated with Fernando’s bloc of support), join the Castilian army and march on Coimbra.

    Abu Bakr strengthens the borders of the conquered territories, repurposing several Maya outposts into Arab fortresses, and working to quell rebellion by the urbanized natives in the territory. He establishes alliances with conquered lords and recruits large numbers of Maya warriors into the Ayshunid army. After the initial rampages of the campaign, a more tolerant attitude re-emerges. Human sacrifice and bloodletting are curbed among other Maya religious and cultural practices deemed to be extremely barbaric, but the impracticality of mass conversion means most of the local people are allowed to retain most beliefs.

    Resentful Azorian Arabs, instigated by dissatisfied nobles, rise up in revolt against the Sultanate, forcing a fleet to sail to the islands to suppress the revolt. The Ayshunid army successfully defeats the rebels, but slaughters so many of them that new colonists are required from Iberia proper to recolonize the islands. The brutality of this repression will remain a stain on Yusuf’s legacy, and will encourage further criticism among noble circles.

    The lord of Jutusuk [Tihosuco], Ah Hunab, becomes the first Maya lord to convert to Islam. He is given the Arabic name Ali al-Hunab.

    Yusuf II entertains the idea of expanding south into the Maghreb but abandons his plans after a massive fire destroys much of his planned fleet at Gibraltar. It will take years to repair the damage.

    1405

    Al-Kebira chaffs at the Aragonese influence in Ifriqya, paying Berber sheikhs to instigate rebellion south of the Aragonese colony. Continued Aragonese involvement in the wars with France and Pisa sap their ability to quickly fight back. Local Aragonese commanders put up a strong resistance against these incursions, pushing them back into the desert. Suspicion of Qaranid involvement harms relations between the two powers, otherwise in a state of détente.

    Henry I is crushed at the battle of the Rio Alva when a flash flood inundates the battlefield, swamping the Portuguese army and allowing a counter-attack by the Portuguese rebels and the Castilians to rout the royal line. Henry I is dragged from his horse and killed in the melee while the Portuguese nobility still loyal to him are slaughtered. The Cortes Portugal convenes and elects Santiago’s nephew Sancho over Fernando after Santiago’s secret pressuring of many among the nobility. This event, seen as a cruel betrayal by Fernando’s supporters, is known as the Incident of 1405, or simply, a traição, “the betrayal”. Sancho becomes Sancho I of the house of Valadares, the Portuguese branch of the House of Ivrea (the Castilian royal family).

    Alfonso I dies in a hunting accident. He is succeeded by his second eldest son Fernando. Fernando takes control of the Aragonese navy, pressing to strike a decisive blow in the Tyrrhenian sea after years of stalemate. At the battle of Capo di Pulla a Aragonese fleet routs a combined French and Pisan fleet. After this, Aragon reasserts its control in Sicily, though it still ostensibly has to respect the autonomy of the Sicilian monarchy, and goes as far as to claim territories in southern Italy like the fortress at Scalea in Calabria. Rampant Aragonese expansion grates on Pisa and frightens the Vatican (Alfonso and Fernando both being notoriously cold towards Papal authority).

    Arab Merchants explore the coast beyond the Riysh, naming the territory the al-Sahil as-Thaealib Alma the Otter Coast [Orinoco Delta], after the giant riverine otters encountered swimming in the coastal swamps. They attempt to establish trading posts on the coast but are driven off by hostile tribes.

    1407-9

    A sailor, blown off by high winds of the coast of Sayadin [Cuba] shipwrecks on the coast of Niblu to the northwest. He is killed shortly after landing, but introduces smallpox to the native population, which soon crashes due to a wave of epidemics in the next several decades.

    Disease causes a population collapse across the Yucatan, hollowing out Abu Bakr’s Maya forces as well as greatly weakening his opposition. Taking advantage of the weakness of his enemy, Abu Bakr marches westwards, taking the ruins at Tayshenitza [Chichen Itza] before defeating the Maya outside Kalikni [Calkini]. Pressured and embattled by internal rivals as well, Chac Chuy Xob capitulates, surrendering his authority over Mayapan and the northern Yucatan to the foreign invaders. While some Maya remain in the city, most flee to the surrounding jungle and to the south towards the Peten. Abu Bakr enters Mayapan on May 13th, 1408. It is shortly thereafter declared the new capital of the Wilayat al-Maya.

    1410

    Musa Ismail Al-Ghani is driven out of Sijilmasa after an internal conflict within the Berber tribes. He is replaced by his opponent Muhammad Ibn Maseed al-Halaby.

    A massive revolt of unconverted Tayni destroys most Arab settlements on Sayadin. Led by the Kashiq Al-Tubukuwa they rampage through the island, slaughtering Arabs and burning their settlements. Islamized Tayni are forced to flee the island to Moluk and Boriken. Umar, strapped for resources after the annexation of the Wilayat al-Maya, is unable to mount an effective immediate response to retake the island.

    The Mamluks, tired by the incompetency of the Fathid government, invade it, toppling Abdullah and replacing him with the Turkish noble Gunaydin to rule as a military regent.

    Abu Bakr is rewarded with the governership of the Wilayat al-Maya. He begins redistricting the region along Arab norms, renaming the extant Maya Batab, (lordships) into Arab districts, and appointing local leaders to act as mayors of these districts. The jizya is unilaterally imposed on the Maya except for those few who have already converted.

    The dispossessed Arab nobility, formerly critics of the Ayshunid regime, begin to accumulate power in the Riysh. The head of the Bilal family, prominent Sevillians who were driven out after attempting to subvert the Sultans authority, Bilal al-Sa’id Ibn Qurrah, the owner of the largest estate on Damea and his eldest son 'Asim becomes the qadi of Moluk.

    1413

    Arab slave-traders raid the coast south of Al-‘Akhdir [Yucatan]. A trader by the name of Mahmoud ibn Rashid explores the interior of the Otter Coast, discovering a vast lake the locals call the Marayiwah [Maracaibo Lake]. To differentiate this territory from the eastern extent of the coastline, the entire region between the Orinoco Delta and the Al-Mustanqae As-Maya [Panama i.e. The Maya Swamp] becomes known as Marayiwah.

    1415

    Abu Bakr promotes sufism in the Wilayat al-Maya as a potential way of converting the Maya and easing the constant underbelly of rebellion that defines the restive territory.

    Yusuf II is assassinated by his brother Mohammad. Mohammad takes power as Mohammad I and immediately purges the Andalusian nobility, deporting many of them to the New World or Kinariu.

    1418-22

    Under Umars tacit approval, an army of ghazi’s under the general Faysal Al-Kinaru launches a expedition south of Al-‘Akhdir to gather slaves and raid the populous Maya territory farther south. The army lands at Baqhala [Bacalar] and marches inland towards the Belish river valley [Belize river valley]. They raid widely through the densely populated and flat area as far as Hushwiha in the south[Caracol, Oxwitza’] and claiming it for Islam. In one incident 27 local Maya nobles are beheaded publicly after participating in a ‘heretical’ dancing ceremony. The violence of the attack causes thousands of Maya to flee west and south. Large amounts of slaves are shipped back to the Riysh.

    A row begins over whom administrates the newly conquered region, with Faysal asking that he be given command of the new area while Abu Bakr entreates Umar to curb the influence of the ghazi and reject Faysal. Before Umar can make a decision one way or another, he suffers an intense bout of disease (likely Tuberculosis) and dies.

    The ensuing crisis almost leads to outright civil war in the Riysh, with the powerful ghazi bloc, backed by the exiled Andalusian nobles like the Bilal clan openly opposing the loyalists led by Abu Bakr and Umar’s relatives. The sheer distance between the New World and Iberia makes effective Ayshunid support nonexistent for much of the conflict, as well as the effects of the recent coup in Andalusia paralyzing the government.

    Open rebellion is only staved by Umar’s erstwhile successor, Salah Ibn Umar promising title, estates and wealth to the ghazi commanders in exchange for their withdrawal from the mainland. Large portions of Sayadin and Moluc are set aside for these concessions. The rebelliousness of the ghazi leads Salah to rely more on Islamized natives and slave-soldiers, increasingly unwilling he is to trust Andalusian soldiers.

    1425

    The conquered territories in southern Al-‘Akhir are incorporated as the Wilayat al-Belish, and given to Idris al-Qurtuba, a member of the Bilal family (a tacit agreement to buy the families temporary loyalty).

    Summary 1370 - 1425 CE


    Political unrest in Andalusia weakens the Ayshunid government. Rebellious Andalusians are exiled to the New World, sowing the seeds for future separatism in the new territories.

    Castile finally defeats Portugal, ending effective Portuguese independence in favor of a client-state under a Castilian puppet king, though with lingering Portuguese resentment against the Castilian takeover threatening the stability of the new territory.

    The Qaranids remain as the last of the post-Almohad successor states while the Yassanids and Fathids are both subsumed by more powerful neighbors. The Emirate of Sijilmasa retains its grip on the Sahara but Berber revolts undermine its stability.

    Too divided and inward-looking to concern themselves with the news of new lands being discovered in the West, the European powers in the western Mediterranean fight for naval superiority. Aragon retains its position as the most powerful of the Iberian states, defeating the French near Sardinia and expanding onto the Italian peninsula itself.

    Forces of ghazi quickly become a powerful political force in the New World, causing the governors of the territory to have to take drastic measures to buy their influence. Conquests continue in the south where Muslim forces have marked success against local powers after initial failures. New ethnic and social groups begin to develop as migrants from Iberia and Macaronesia intermingle extensively with the remaining native populations in the Caribbean.

    Fig 1: The Western Maghreb and Al-Andalus in the early 15th century
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    Fig 2: The New World in the early 15th century
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    A House of Lamps | Part 4
  • A House of Lamps; Part 4

    "The whole world is like a house filled with lamps, rays, and lights through whom the things of the house are elucidated…"

    Ibn Barrajan, 12th century CE


    The Western Traders and the Bilali Revolt,

    The world of the Mishikidun


    An excerpt from the Travels of Al-Kindi, a rihla published in 1462

    In the interior of Mishikah [1], their king resides in a capital which is called Tenushilanj [2] which is among the most splendorous cities in the world, and full of many treasures. The Mishiki are pagans (may God deliver Islam to their hearts) who worship many Gods, among which the foremost is Wezubushili. [3]This is their God of warfare, for the Mishiki are a warlike people and delight in it.

    I was at Tenushilanj during their national festivals, which are called Banketizaliziti.[4] On these days their sultan, whom they call Wughi Tawtani [5](which means the foremost of speakers in their language and is like a judge) resides in his palace and receives guests of note. During these times it is ordered that each house erect paper flags, and make effigies, and carry out races throughout the town. There are sporting events for each day over the festivals, which last for several weeks, and end with the most horrifying of ceremonies in the entire world.

    The priests of that nation, which during the first day of the festival erect a statue of their god out of sweet-smelling fruits, slice at him with knives and give each piece to the crowd, so that each may consume the flesh of the God. This is in similar manner to the Christian masses. Once the crowd has finished their consumption, a throng of prisoners is led to the temple in the center of the city. The Mishiki have as many temples as houses, built in the manner of great mountains. I was forbidden from entering these temples, being a Muslim, but was told by those who had that they house the images of their gods within. At the largest temple is the most horrible stench, so vile that I could nary step nearby without feeling sickness. Their priests, the most horrid creatures in the world, are ordained to murder prisoners on festive occasions, and remove their hearts, and carry out every sort of evil act known to man. That is their idea of worship.

    These prisoners, (may God spare their souls) are led by the neck up the steps of this temple, and at the top are slain in order. The elder priest speaks a few words to the captive, and four other attendants take the prisoner and stretch him over a stone, which is for all the world appears like a loaf of pastry in shape. The prisoner stretched thusly, his chest is open to the sky and each limb is secured by a priest. The foremost priest then takes his blade, which is made out of black steel [6], and makes a cut into the prisoner’s chest. Through his he reaches a hand inside, and with a single motion withdraws the heart, and offers it upwards before retiring. They might do this for hundreds in a day, or just one or two depending on occasion. The prisoner is flung down the steps and makes the most sickening sound before reaching the bottom. The steps of every temple in Mishikah are reddened with blood, and for all the perfumes of their markets their cities stink of death.
    [1] Aztec Empire / All lands north of the Yucatan
    [2] Tenochtitlan
    [3] Huitzilopochtli, Aztec central diety and god of war
    [4] The Aztec month of Panquetzaliztli
    [5] Huey Tlaotani, Aztec Emperor
    [6] Obsidian


    1426

    A small number of sailors stumble out of the southern jungles near Marawiyah speaking of vast lands to the south populated with great numbers of peoples and cultures. They are taken aboard ships and returned to Iberia where their leader will meet with the sultan, being awarded an estate in the Algarve for his trials.

    1427-29

    Muslim traders scout the entire coast of the Al-Mustanqae As-Maya, establishing trade settlements along the shore, though many tribes are outwardly hostile and resist contact

    A Maya uprising from the south provokes Abu Bakr to attack the Kuchkabal of Can Pech, believing its king K’an Itzammaj to be responsible. He defeats the Maya, forcing them to concede large areas of territory south of the Wilayat al-Maya, linking Belish and Al-Maya together for the first time.

    Bilal al-Sa’id Ibn Qurrah dies under suspicious circumstances, leading the chiefs of the Bilali clan to hold Salah Ibn Umar responsible. Asim reforges ties with the Ghazi clans in Muluk, especially the Al-Shabibs, whose patriarch Walid was responsible for many of the most severe atrocities in the wars in Belish. More importantly, it was a blatant violation of the informal truce established in the Riysh following the aftershocks of that invasion.

    1430

    Carlo Barbani of Genoa becomes the first non-Muslim sailor to visit the Riysh, delivering a shipment of grain in exchange for a quantity of native furs and some Karbi slaves, which are named in Italian (as are all of the peoples of the New World) le persone d'oro, “the golden peoples”, after both their skin tone and the gold that had already become associated with the New World. They are also sometimes referred to by the blanket term Caraibi.

    A hurricane destroys Boriken and the south Riysh but leaving Muluka [Hispaniola] unscathed. Rightly frightened by a rebellion from the Mulukan sheikhs, Salah Ibn Umar buys the loyalty of the Islamized Tayni warlord Al-Suruk of central Sayadin. In exchange for being a buffer against Bilali influence in the west Salah Ibn Umar agrees to support Al-Suruk’s kingdom in his wars against pagan tribes to the west of Sayadin.

    1432

    Growing tensions in the Riysh deeply trouble the ailing Yusuf II, who considers having the entire Bilali clan imprisoned and executed but decides against it at the council of his regent Hassan, who worries overt military intervention in the territory would simply provoke open rebellion.

    Muhammad Ibn Maseed al-Halaby of Sijilmasa signs an agreement with the Qaranid prince Muhammad Ibn Husni that in the event of Husni’s accession he would pursue war against Aragon, ceding a portion of the Tunisian coast to Sijilmasa after victory in exchange for Sijilmasan military support. This violated Al-Kebiris détente, which is why it was kept secret.

    Increasing Ottoman power in the eastern Mediterranean worries European monarchs about becoming trapped between Islamic powers, the Ottomans in the east and the Ayshunids in the Atlantic. The Pope writes a letter to Santiago of Castile, imploring him to curb the Ayshunids for the sake of Christendom.

    In a noticeable ramping up of tensions, the Pope is rumored to have also drafted a letter accusing the Aragonese of working with the Ayshunids to threaten the Papal dominions in Italy. The letter is never sent but rumor of it nevertheless rockets through the European noble families. Fernando of Aragon responds by flirting with founding a separate state church, independent of the Papacy.

    1434

    Yusuf II dies. He is succeeded by his son Muhammad I.

    A series of epidemics moves through the Riysh, wiping out almost the entire native population of the South Riysh. Among the victims are Salah Bin Umars sons, all but one of whom die over the span of several months.

    The Menkay (king) of Al-Jinit, Guanareji marries into an Arab trade family and converts to Islam. He invades the neighboring islands and establishes the Sultanate of Kinariu. He establishes amicable relations with Muhammad I.

    Desperate for new colonists Salah Ibn Umar orders sweeping slave raids in Al-‘Akhdir against the pagan K’iche and Lowland kingdoms. Large numbers of unconverted Maya are shipped to the Riysh as a result.

    1436-40

    The king of Chakan Putum, Ox K’awil converts to Islam after several years of having a nativized Iman, Ibn Yusuf (known as Mitnal to his captors) in his court. He takes the Arabic name Salim and encourages the conversion of his populace, though many rebel against it. By this point however, many northern lords had converted, putting additional pressure on the lowland Maya, many of whom had originally fled the Arab conquest.

    French weakness during the midst of the Hundred Years War leads Fernando of Aragon to consider invading the French mainland through Toulouse to pull all remaining French influence out of Italy and Sicily. Before his fleet departs their docks at Cagliari a Florentine fleet burns the harbor in a daring night raid. Mercenaries, known as the Florinni set the fleet alight under the orders of Cosimo de' Medici, who saw in the operation an opportunity to curry favor with both the Pope and the other Italian city-states (who universally hated Aragon).

    1441

    Al-Kebira of the Qaranids dies, succeeded by his son Ibn Husni. Ibn Husni’s first moves at Sultan are to invade the Aragonese holdings in Ifriqya. An embryonic alliance with Sijilmasa comes to fruition, as 20,000 Berber cavalry move northeast from their bases in the Sahara to ransack the Aragonese fort of San Cristobal while Ibn Husni sieges Algiers.

    A crew of Arabs shipwrecks on the coast far to the northwest of Niblu [Florida]. They are captured and murdered by local peoples shortly thereafter.

    1444

    On a pretense of corruption, Salah Ibn Umar orders the arrest of the principle ghazi commanders, and the seizure of their estates. Asim takes this as a declaration of war, and gathers his families personal forces at Muluk, driving out loyalist tax collectors. Asim attempts to align the interior Tayni Keshiqs to his cause, but the consistent abuses inflicted upon them by the ghazi families causes them to rebuke his offer.

    Salah Ibn Umar calls in his favors with Al-Suruk. In a series of midnight raids Bilali holdings in Sayadin are sacked by Tayni forces marching out of the jungle. Asim responds by unleashing his private army on the Tayni villages in Muluk and Sayadin. In the span of two months, thousands of Islamized natives are massacred, along with any Arabs living among them. Under the command of Mustafa Ibn Muhammad Al-Franj a ghazi army raids Boriken.

    Fernando of Aragon fights, and loses the battle of El Chebouf with Ibn Husni and retreats to Tunis, leaving much of Aragonese North Africa undefended. The decline of French, Pisan and Portuguese military power (the complete elimination of the latter actually) leaves Aragon in an odd position. Its European rivals devastated but its Islamic rivals ascendant, the unsteady Aragonese empire survived relatively unscathed in Europe but was effectively destroyed in Africa.

    Santiago of Castile dies of a mysterious illness, rumored to be an early wave of syphilis. He is succeeded by his son Henry III “The Cripple”, after his malformed right leg which left him unable to walk without assistance.

    The Islamized lord of Halatun Jen [Hultunchen] known as Muhammad Juljan Juljab I sails to Iberia, the first Maya lord to do so. He is received by Muhammad I with honor and is given lands in the Algarve.

    The last unconverted native Keshiq of Sayadin, Jumubana, is deposed by his neighbor Al-Suruk. The western shore of Sayadin is thence force dominated by Islamized client-kingdoms of the Ayshunids.

    The Muslim trader Sahr Al-Abbas sails north, reaching the shoreline of Kembuwali [Cempoalli] and contacted the local official there, Azcalxochimac, who had recently become calpixque (governor) of the territory after the Mexica conquest of the region only two years prior. The region is dubbed Kutashtah [Cuetlaxtlan], or more shortly Al-Kutash, after its native name. The native population is labelled Meshikiyy after the endonym of the ruling class.

    Using a translator recruited from the Wilayat al-Maya, Al-Abbas was able to negotiate the establishment of a trading settlement near the town and the hosting of a number of merchants from within his party. He himself toured the region for several weeks before returning to Bohiyya, where he informed Salah ibn Umar of the discovery.

    News of a large, organized and militaristic power to the north caused great consternation to some in the Riysh. Salah decided against any potential invasion, believing the power of this new nation to be beyond the capabilities of his small provincial army to deal with. Muslim traders soon began to make yearly trips with the north after Al-Abbas’s expedition.

    1445-7

    Henry III recognizes what previous monarchs did not, that the Islamic territories to the west were of much greater significance beyond what had been previously thought. Fascinated by the wealth flowing to Seville from the Ayshunid colonies to the west, he begins to seek explorers to sail west themselves and find territories in the Tierra de Oro, “Land of Gold” outside the grip of the Muslims.

    Salim Ash K’awilah [Ox K’awil] attacks the pagan Juntali [Chontal] Maya at Tishjal [Tixchel]. He takes the city and destroys many of its native monuments (in a odd mix of traditional Maya practices upon the conquest of a city and Islamic iconoclasm) .

    Salah Ibn Umar defeats the ghazis at the battle of Dhufalah. Mustafa Ibn Muhammad is castrated and beheaded in Buhuq. His testicles are sent to Asim in a box.

    Moctezuma I, curious about these outsiders but apprehensive after several negative omens, has Pochteca (merchants) spies infiltrate the Muslim camp outside Kembuwali. One of them even boards a Muslim ship and travels through the Riysh before returning, treated as a merchant by the local Islamic authorities.

    Islamized Maya rise up and rebel against the traditionalist lord of Bakahal [Bakhalal], deposing him and petitioning for a Muslim replacement. Abu Bakr appoints the leader of the rebels Mahmud Ash Al-Ushuk as the new mayor of the town.

    Disease ravages Al-Kutash. The local populace, believing the foreigners responsible attack the Muslims at Kembuwali, sacking their outpost and driving off the merchants there. The Arabs approach Azcalxochimac, who punishes the native townsfolk severely. This inflames tensions between the local populace and the Arabs, though it strengthens the relationship between the Arabs and the Mexica, who value the commerce.

    A New World strain of Tuberculosis enters Iberia in force, sweeping across the peninsula and nearly killing Muhammad I. Granada and Valencia are the hardest hit, losing up to a fourth of the regional population over the next several years. Fernando of Aragon is among the many victims, as well as his then-wife Maria of Ibiza. He is succeeded by his son James.

    1449

    Sancho of Portugal dies, immediately instigating a revolt in northern Portugal (the machinations of 1405 not easily forgotten). Henry III defeats the rebels and institutes a policy of repressing Portuguese culture, going so far as to ban the speaking of Portuguese entirely, though that sweeping ban doesn’t last long, and has little effect outside major cities.

    News of open rebellion in the Riysh prompts Muhammad I to send a fleet to restore order. Combining with forces sent from the Wilayats to the south, the navy lands at Muluk under the command of the general Faris Ibn Mirtimi (whose family were converted Portuguese nobility). Asim rallies his forces and fights at the Hills of Mawanaq. Bilali soldiers fight off waves of Ayshunid infantry from mountaintop ramparts, using primitive firearms and booby traps to inflict heinous casualties.

    Ibn Husni completes his conquest of Aragonese Ifriqya, easily taking Aragonese territory that was left undefended without either a king or a fleet to protect it. He enters Tunis and receives the surrender of the city commander on July 12th, ending a century of Aragonese rule in North Africa. As a reward for their services in the war, he fulfills his contract with Sijilmasa, giving the Emirate exclusive trade contracts to deal out of Oran, Algiers and Tunis, as well as a substantial chunk of the territory in the south (territories largely conquered by the Sijilmasan army).

    Azorian Arabs stage a retaliatory invasion of Tall al-Karbiyy, massacring Karbi tribespeople and driving them from the eastern shores of the island.

    1452

    The decisive Bilali victory at Mawanaq does not save the rebellion, as a prolonged blockade of Muluki ports alongside raids from vengeful Tayni forces Asim to surrender to Muhammad I. He is imprisoned in Iberia while the leaders of the ghazi families are executed. Walid of the Al-Shabibs is exiled to Marawiyah, where he is presumably killed by natives shortly thereafter. Muluk is occupied and the former ghazi holdings are divided among loyalist families. The Wilayat al-Maghrib al-Bahr is divided into three sections, the Wilayat al-Riysh, the Wilayat al-Muluk and the Wilayat al-Sayadin

    As a reward for his loyalty, Al-Suruk is given the governorship of the Wilayat al-Sayadin, while Salah Ibn Umar is given the Riysh and Faris Ibn Mirtimi is given Muluk.

    The king of Achi, Tekum K’o’yil converts to Islam as a bid to secure aid from the Muslims to support his wars against the K'iche'-Kaqchikel alliance to the south. Abu Bakr, not wishing to become involved in inter-kingdom wars so far beyond the borders of his own territories, can do little more besides sending a small number of Sufi’s to attempt to capitalize on the king’s conversion.

    While sailing south towards the Riysh, the Azorian Arab Yusuf Abu Salah is thrown off-course, making landfall many miles north of known territory. He reaches a vast fertile coast populated by alien peoples, though vaguely similar to those natives of the Riysh. The natives receive him graciously, and tell him the land is called Al-Walayat [Guale / Sea Islands]. After residing with the Walayi for a time Yusuf follows the coast south, reaching Muluk in January of 1464.

    1453

    Constantinople falls to the Ottomans after a lengthy siege, sending shockwaves throughout Christian Europe. Pius II calls for crusade, both in the west and the east to reclaim lost Christian territories. For his part, Muhammad I sends a cordial congratulations to Mehmed II, though the Ottoman state cares or thinks little about Al-Andalus.

    More importantly, it represents the isolation fully of Christendom, trapped between Islamic powers. Growing concerns about how to alleviate this situation will lead many Christian leaders to press for expeditions to discover new trade routes outside Muslim control in the future. Some Castilian leaders associate the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople with the Ayshunid conquest of Toledo.

    Henry III’s expeditions to the New World, postponed significantly due to the epidemics of earlier years, begin anew. With royal funding, the Normano sailor Alfons Drapero begins to organize an expedition to sail northwest, past the Riysh towards suspected lands further to the north.

    1456

    James IV of Aragon tries to retake Ifriqya but fails miserably when a storm destroys much of his fleet and Berber tribesmen rout what few forces were able to establish themselves on land. Behind his back, many nobles label him James “The Unfortunate”.

    Moctezuma I meets with the Arab Omar Al-Kindi, (who spoke Nahuatl and several Maya languages), attempting to elucidate the nature of the larger Ayshunid state. The meeting ends amicably, and Arabs are granted permission to reside in many cities in the empire, though they are specifically forbidden from exerting any political authority in, or near the empire. On his return to the coast, Omar witnesses mass sacrifices coinciding with the Panquetzaliztli festivals to Huitzilopochtli. Reports of these events ripples through the Riysh, horrifying Salah Ibn Umar as well as Muhammad I, who mulls declaring a jihad specifically to curb such practices. Omar will later return to Al-Kutash on several more visits, publishing his extensive findings in a rihla after his return to Iberia.

    Muslim slavers sail the coast east of the Riysh named the Khabaqiyah [Guyana], (after the name of a tribe the slavers encountered, applied to the entire region), but conclude it is an endless swamp, unfit for any substantial colonization.

    Abdullah Al-Humyukah is the first Tayni Keshiq (of the Munukiyy in Sayadin) to carry out the hajj.

    Alfons Drapero sets sail from Porto for the New World with 5 ships of Castillian design, called Caravelos, after the Moorish name.

    1457-60

    Muhammad I decides to tacitly tolerate the flagrantly heathen religious practices of the Mexica, unwilling to commit to a land war in the new world, especially after the comparatively minor campaigns in Belish had unleashed so much chaos afterwards (the gargantuan trade network that was developing along the coast was also a compelling argument for peace). This decision provokes a firestorm of criticism in Iberia, as firebrand imams accuse Muhammad I of shedding his responsibility as a Muslim of opposing pagan practices and spreading the realm of Islam.

    Muhammad I, intent on avoiding the sort of noble infighting that often crippled the kingdom, developed a form of collective council inspired by the Cortes Portugal, called the Talub, “the assembly”. Representatives from the noble families convene to discuss issues of the state and are gifted a level of collective authority to deal with certain issues. Unlike a Maghrebi council of sheikhs, they are not associated directly to individual Arab or Berber clans and they have no power over the election of the king (which is centralized to the royal family).

    The Drapero expedition makes landfall on the shore of Al-Walayat, though significantly farther north than where Yusuf had landed. They name the shore they make camp at La Mella Castillanei, “The Castillian Coast”, in Normano-Spanish (the native tongue of much of the crew and the captain himself).

    1462

    Castilian explorers scout the interior, discovering a tribe that call themselves Chowanoc. These local peoples, who were faintly aware of the presence of other foreigners to the south (including tale of Yusufs presence in the area earlier), meet with them under relative friendliness. Drapero returns to Iberia to deliver news to Henry III.

    The qadi of Lisbon, Ibn Darras begins to loudly criticize Muhammad I, gathering significant popular support for his proposal of rooting out heretical Islamic sects in the Riysh as well as declaring jihad against the Mishiki. After a fiery khutbah [sermon] comparing the Sultan to Abd-Allah ibn Ubayy (a chief during Muhammads lifetime who allied with the Jews and was an enemy of Muhammad), Ibn Darras is arrested and imprisoned.

    Abu Bakr dies while in Iberia. He is succeeded as governor by Yazid Al-Rundi.

    Arab traders establish enclaves along the Kutashtan coast, founding trading posts at Shalabiyy [Xalapan], Tushiyy [Tuxpan] and as far south as Kuluk [Culua].

    Attempts by Sufi orders to convert local peoples in Al-Kutash run into stiff opposition from local rulers. They find more sympathy from the Tanakiyy [Totonacs], who are attracted to Islam as an alternative to Mexica state-sponsored religion. The merchant Eloxochitl is the first among them of note to convert to Islam, his name being rendered as Abu Ali Alushushih Al-Kutashti.

    1463-64

    Henry III is encouraged by the success of the expedition, and especially by the gold trinkets given to him by Drapero. He draws up plans both for the further expansion of Castilian territory in the New World and even the invasion of the Blessed Isles [Azores], to establish Castilian control over some of the new world trade routes. He construes his actions as a response to the Papal urging to expand Christendom, pledging himself to the cause of delivering the natives to God before the Muslims take them.

    Al-Rundi marries the daughter of the lord of Hushmal [Uxmal], Lady Sak Kan as a way to reinforce connections with the local aristocracy. By this point, almost every Maya lord north of Can Pech is Islamized (though decidedly not Arabized).

    Tariq Ibn Salah Al-Fariq becomes the first Arab to reach the Pacific Ocean through Al-Misiktu [Mosquito Coast / Nicaragua].

    Al-Suruk raids Al-Niblu, though he is unable to gather many slaves. He dies as part of an internal coup shortly thereafter. His victorious rival, known as Tibankiyu is given the governership of Wilayat al-Sayadin

    1465-67

    Supporters of Ibn Darras, known as the Al-Mudatahadin (the persecuted) sway several prominent nobles in the Ayshunid court to their side, especially the eldest son of the Farisi family, Abdullah Abu Sa’id Al-Farisi. Abu Sa’id becomes the leader of this noble faction, and a prime candidate for the throne, despite Muhammad I elimination of the formal influence nobles had over the throne. Rumblings about a potential succession crisis begin to stir in Seville.

    1469-72

    Henry III cracks down on Islamic conversion in Castile, forbidding open signs of Islam and going so far as to offer cash bonuses to those who converted to Christianity. In many areas in northern Iberia, Muslims are driven out by mobs.

    Drapero is lavishly rewarded for his endeavors, though he soon falls out of favor with the crown due to personal controversies. Henry III appoints Christopher Lorenzo de Toro to head the colonial activities in his stead.

    Muhammad I has many Mudatahads executed and/or imprisoned in a series of purges, but it only inflames the movement. Abu Sa’id, unbeknownst to the state government, begins to shelter many rebels at his personal estates near Toledo.

    Muhammad I, in what he believes to be a stroke of genius, orders the exile of the Mudatahads to the Riysh, giving Abu Sa’id control of a army and command to declare war against the Mishiki. He refuses to release Ibn Darras however.

    Abu Sa’id however, while stationed in Kinariu decides instead to take the Ayshunid throne himself rather than pursuing the ostensible goal of the Mudatahads i.e. to root out paganism in the New World and restore Islam there. This disappoints many of the conservative members of the movement, some of whom elect to stay in Kinariu or travel to the Riysh to preach there.

    Abu Sa’id sails his fleet back to Iberia, landing at Cadiz and declaring himself in open rebellion against the Sultan and calling on the people to join him. Some do, but his miscalculation was in overestimating support for a popular coup during a time of great prosperity (delivered by the very state he wanted to overthrow).

    1472

    While marching from Cadiz to Seville, Abu Sa’id is intercepted by Muhammad I. Most of his soldiers, being unloyal to the Mudatahad cause, desert rather than fight, leaving Abu Sa’id with a small force of supporters to flee into the Sierra Morena. Several months later he is captured by villagers and delivered to Muhammad I, who has him (in a sort of cruel irony) exiled to Al-Mustanqae As-Maya, where he is given over to the natives as a slave. Ibn Darras will remain in prison for the rest of his life.

    1474

    Muhammad I dies, leaving the throne to his son Ahmed. Ahmed is far more puritanical than his father, and had the Mudatahads not risen in such open revolt to his office earlier, he might have been a convert himself. Regardless, he called for religious reform in both Iberia and the Riysh to root out deviant sects and unify the kingdom. He appoints Farouk Al-Tawili as the potential commander of an invasion of Al-Kutash, to deal with the pagans there.

    Henry III organizes his fleet for an invasion of the Blessed Islands [Azores]. He also dispatches more ships to expand his foothold in the New World.

    Summary 1425 - 1474 CE

    The seeds sown by the earlier Ayshunids come to fruition with both the Bilali and Mudatahad revolts. While both are successfully put down, the effects of the Bilali revolt devastate the Riysh.

    Castile does little in the grand game of European politics, biding its time to see which of its rivals leave a opening. With the rise of Henry III, Europeans begin to realize the scope of the Islamic expansion to the west, and begin to crave their own piece of the pie.

    The Qaranids finally remove the hated Aragonese from African soil, but in doing so are forced to sign a deal with Sijilmasa, giving territory and trade concessions that will only embolden the secretive desert emirs.

    Aragon wobbles, but does not yet fall. While its territories in Africa are gone and its grand plans of a continental empire in tatters, the Aragonese empire in the Mediterranean survives mostly unscathed. At the helm of the incompetent James IV though, that likely will not last much longer.

    Fig 1. Iberia and the Maghreb in 1474
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    Fig 2. The New World in 1474
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    15th century Culture and Society in the New World; Part 1
  • 15th century Culture and Society in the New World; Part 1:

    Islam among the Yucatec Maya of the 15th century

    A Brief History

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    The first Maya converts to Islam were local nobility at Tulum, willing to shed the authority of the batab for the new conquerors of the territory. These first Maya converts were treated very similarly to converted Taino: being given the offer of conversion and taught the shahada through which they repeated it and became Muslim. Also like the Taino, these first conversions took place in private between influential locals with imams and Muslim dignitaries, and were accompanied by the shedding of pre-Islamic religious artifacts. These Maya lords would remove their customary blood-letting belts and sheaths as well as their jewelry and would take in its place a Muslim name to mark their new identity in the ummah. These symbols of status were later used to convince other members of the aristocracy to convert, or even to simply engage Arabs in negotiation over secular matters. Abu Bakr, who personally encouraged many of these conversions as a way to gain control over the local nobility, took great pains to educate himself on the customs of the Yucatecan nobility, and how to wield the symbols of that complex social system to his advantage.

    Unlike the Mishiki, the Islamization of the Yucatan was top-down, from the nobility towards the peasantry. Even by the late 15th century most peasants as far north as Mayapan were still pagan or practicing highly syncretic versions of Islam. In contrast, by the same time every lord in the north was fully Islamized. Maya lords were attracted to Islam as a way of gaining favor with the invaders. Unconverted lords often found themselves attacked by combined forces of converted lords and Arabs, and the considerable prestige Abu Bakr acquired after defeated Mayapan in battle repeatedly was a significant factor persuading the aristocracy of the invaders power. Abu Bakrs skill in playing within the established rules of Maya dynastic warfare also ensured that they did not feel significantly alienated by the Arabs.

    For example, during the fall of the city of Tecoh, north of Mayapan and the center of one of the smaller kuchkabal client kingdoms, Abu Bakr did everything a Maya lord would have done in taking a captured city. He destroyed the cities stele, burnt the dynastic shrine, captured the local lords and assumed the vacant position at the head of the regional web of authority, demanding the client lords of Tecoh to aknowledge his authority, and that the captured lords forcibly pay tribute. Instead of demanding fealty, like might be done in Iberia, he demanded only tribute at the same time pressing upon them Islam. Abu Bakr betted that if he could culturally and religiously conquer the lords, when given the chance to rebel (as was their right in Maya politics) they would not but redirect themselves to pagan lords nearby. This act of voluntary fealty would be far more convincing than the forced fealty the Maya were accustomed to seeing. This strategy encouraged rapid conversion of the aristocracy within a conquered area but did not require the conversion of the peasantry (who would not notice any real change in their political situation whatsoever). It paid off extremely well, allowing Abu Bakr to quickly conquer the Yucatan and yet face few significant rebellions once he had built up an initial base of converted allies. He recruited an army of sufi clerics to fulfill this task, who themselves developed a robust knowledge of both the Maya language and Maya culture, compacting Islamic theology into a doctrine that was easily understood by the aristocrats they would encounter. Many Sufis could even read and write some Maya glyphs, though only as a medium through which to explain Islamic concepts. By the end of the 15th century, there was a significant Islamized Maya community in the Yucatan, and all the northern nobles were Muslim, if some by name only.

    The Islam of the Aristocracy
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    This form of Mayanized Islam, designed to convert quickly, and then create a divide between the convert and their pagan neighbors (and often former allies) and heal one between them and the Arabs, modified Islamic tenets in many ways. Firstly, the theoretical egalitarianism of Islam was minimized, since it was inconsistent with the rigid ponderous hierarchy of Maya society. Second, the tawhid, the oneness of God, was reinterpreted to be about the centrality of God, not necessarily His separation from anthropomorphic characteristics, as the Almohads had seen it as. Third, the first Caliphs and Muhammad were explained as analogues to Maya cultural heroes, paralleling the birth of the Maya in their own cosmogony with the rise of Islam. A sufi cleric, in explaining Muhammad, would describe him as jun camzahob¸ One Teacher, who acted as the messenger between God Ch’an Chaak (some would simply teach the word Alah, in Yucatecan to represent the Arabic name) and taught the people the proper rules of society. To attempt to break the Maya conception of a divided pantheon, many would use the term Chak Na, Great House, or Ch’an Chak Na, Great Sky House to describe the idea of a unified, One (aḥad ) God that exceeded the material world. This allowed God to carry the sort of anthropomorphic traits the Maya could easily comprehend, while still avoiding giving God human or animal form. The Sky was chosen deliberately to represent God as it was formless, omnipresent, and was already a central part of Maya mythology. In some areas, God was associated primarily with the Maize God, or a conflation of the Maize God and Sky.

    Old Maya gods were demonized alongside this. Caves, seen as sources of creation in Mesoamerica but as dark, fearful places in Old World cultures, were weaponized as part of this transition. The Maya idea of a temple as a Ch’an Ch’en na , Sky Cave, was turned negative, as a passageway to the underworld, though in the Arabic sense of hell instead of Xibalba. Priests stepping forth from the maw of the earth monster that framed the entrance of these temples were framed as agents of Shaytan, moving from hell to the world to capture man. In contrast, going alongside the Islamization of the Maya conception of the sky, a mosque was described as a Ch’an b’i “Sky Road”, that could ferry believers to Gods side towards paradise (simply Ch’an, “heavens”). The Maya had a far more detailed conception of a ‘hell’ than a heaven, with many groups believing in reincarnation that, through the cycle of corn growing from the earth, so shall humanity rejuvenate. Sufi clerics took this concept and described paradise often in agricultural terms, as a great garden with maize and the crops of the Maya world. Hell was left largely similar to the Maya underworld, though the Gods of Death were conflated with Shaytan (who was labeled jun cichin, First Evil).

    The Five Pillars were all given Maya equivalents. The Shahada was an exception, taught only phonetically in Arabic (or often using crude existing Maya syllables to approximate it). Salat was easy for the lords to grasp, being similar enough to the bloodletting rituals that defined royal religious ceremonies with similar acts of purification and prostration (though bloodletting itself was quickly and vehemently stamped out.) Sawn was equally simple to grasp, being comparable to existing Maya beliefs about self-discipline and self-torture as a form of religious devotion. Hajj was equated to travel to sites of spiritual power, an existing and popular activity in the Yucatan. Zakat was more difficult, as the Maya aristocracy was unaccustomed to any sort of all-encompassing social equity like Zakat represented. Many lords would equate this with the existing system of feudal lordship (giving alms through being a good ruler), though that was officially frowned upon.

    Certain aspects of Maya religion were stamped out. Human sacrifice, while much rarer compared to the Mishiki, was prohibited in all circumstances, and those priests who administered the ceremonies were often harshly punished. Bloodletting and self-mutilation were equally forbidden, being replaced with purely spiritual renewal. Salat was offered as an alternative to the ritual, through prayer alone the universe would be renewed – ones faith being described in similar terms to blood in pre-contact Maya mythology. Bloodletting needles were often burned in large fires along with ritual regalia and garb after the Islamization of a town.

    Maya glyphs were either suppressed, or heavily modified. Glyphic texts served several key functions: to describe dynastic history or ritual history, religious events, or to mark significant calendrical dates (and often all three). Many glyphs were loaded with pre-contact religious symbolism that made the writing system inexorably associated with pre-contact religion. Some early Sufis went through great pains to learn the language, and some even attempted to promulgate an Islamized version that relied on syllabic glyphs primarily, but the easier and quicker Arabic abjad rocketed past it in popularity once there was no religious need to write in glyphs. Glyphic texts survived in the north until the mid 16th century, but even 50 years past contact they were in steep decline.

    Once a ruler was no longer beholden to pre-contact routines of ritual that demanded such elaborate, labor-intensive specific texts, they had no use for them in any significant fashion. Arabic was also much easier for non-aristocrats to learn and write, so even those who retained the old system of scribes found themselves drowning in a sea of newly literature Maya middle-class who wrote only in Arabic letters. Despite this, even when Maya did write in Arabic, they would write with many of the same political themes, but from an Islamized point of view. Key events in Islamic history would be associated with mathematically significant Maya dates, and rulers would them tie themselves to these dates, as was custom pre-contact. The Maya obsession with calendars continued, creating a labyrinthian network of Maya calendars paired with the Islamic lunar calendar, which were used for folk-medicine and divination among the peasantry. Many logographic glyphs survived only in this sense, their actual use as a full writing system superseded by Arabic. It would not be uncommon to find divinatory texts that paired archaic Maya day signs with Yucatecan annotations written in Arabic.

    The Islam of the Peasantry
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    Aristocratic Maya Islam was radically different from the popular Islam that came to the countryside more gradually. This Islam was vastly more syncretized and more Mayanized, in many ways radical heresy in the eyes of strict theologians but far more compatible with Maya cultural beliefs. Crucially, this syncretic Islam allowed for both greater anthropomorphism of God, and doctrinally acceptable companion Gods. For Instance, alongside Alah or Alaj, there was also Itzammaj, Hun Ixim (the prime aspect of the Maize God), Ixchel, and others. These gods were described as separate names of Alah, just as each of them in pre-contact religion had a wide variety of separate titles to describe them. These kunabob would over time, be reduced to the category of spirits, local dieties that suited the local environment of the Yucatan. A Maya peasant for instance, might leave a sheaf of maize and few black stones in the corner of his new field as an offering to Hun Ah Mun Alaj, One Tender-Shoot God, before planting the field, or a midwife would give an offering of beans and squash to Ix Batimaah [Lady Fatimah] before delivering a child. Rural Maya preserved many customs that fell out of favor in urban areas, with many even offering sacrifices to these kunabob, though human sacrifice was quickly relegated to the domain of sorcery. Maya villages would have a central mosque overseen by an Ah Iman, also called an Ah B’i who managed the mosque grounds, kept the town records and administered the khutbah. He also oversaw the ritual calendar of the town and was expected to act as an herbalist as well. Maya folk magic, called K’intz’ib’, lit. “Sun Writing” blended Islam into existing beliefs about bodily and spiritual health (ones ch'ulel or soul), and the Iman was expected to be well-versed in the practices of the area he was serving. These countryside Imanob were seen as little more than rustic shamans by those Arabs and upper-class Maya in the cities. This stereotype hides the complexity of the new religious systems derived in the post-contact period. K’intz’ib’ was a vital component of rural life, and promoted social cohesion.

    To speak briefly on the topic, it being vital to understanding how rural Maya adapted Islam to their beliefs, K’intz’ib’ was broadly, a collection of folk-spirits and folk-remedies to bodily and spiritual harms.​
    The goal of K’intz’ib’ was to promote spiritual goodness (chul’el) through acts of faith (iman), self discipline (chokij), and the observance of ritual cycles (xahaab). The Maya practitioner of it recognized a similar universe to that of his ancestors, with a great world ceiba tree that spanned the underworld through to paradise. This tree was divided into five cardinal realms (north, south, west, east and center), associated with a color, ritual numbers, spirits and revered Islamic saints. For example, North, xaman was white, it was the direction of the moon, Ixchel and Ix Batimaah (conflated into the same diety), the sky above and paradise, the seat of Alaj, and the domain of the angel Kabiral [Gabriel]. North could also be read as the sky-turtle shell through which Ixim Alaj emerges to give food to man, the milky way, and the number 7. A Imanob might prepare a remedy with a turtle and corn to give to a sufferer with a migraine and recite the surahs that deal with Muhammad’s revelations from Gabriel.

    There was also evil in K’intz’ib’. Iblis was associated with One Death as mentioned before, being called Jun Cichin. Other names include Chaytan, Ik’ Cichin, Sak Yibaj, and Ox Jol. He was seen as a triad of demons, each that went through the land to catch souls for the underworld. He was associated with the south, the color yellow, the bowls of the earth, and the earths heat. The dualism of Iblis’s nature in Islam is reflected here, as without the heat of the earth the crops could not grow, nor could life flourish. In K’intz’ib’, it is believed that Iblis is only useful when relegated to the underworld. When he is on the mortal plain is when he must be fought against. Iblis had a host of minor demons, called the Shayateen. In K’intz’ib’, these are called Babacob, a demonization of a former term for creator earth dieties in pre-contact mythology. There was one for each cardinal direction, though in many cases the line between Iblis himself and an associate demon is hard to define. Particularly religious Maya often buried a bundle of quranic quotations under the southern corner of their house to ward off Iblis and his demons and would leave a similar offering under the northern corner to court Alaj’s goodwill.

    Followers of Iblis were called Kiharob, sing. Kihar, a portmanteau of the Arabic sihr, “magic” and the Yucatec ah kinob, “priest”. They were believed to hex villagers with charms and practice human sacrifice, dumping bodies into cenotes to worship the Babacob and gain their powers. Suspicion of being a Kiharob was often cause for imprisonment and torture in rural Maya areas. A host of other demons existed, drawn from both Arabic and Maya mythology. Minor demons include Sak Ik Jin, the Resplendent Wind Demon, who blew diseases with his breath, Ajaw Xujim, Lord Bloodletter, who pierced peoples bellies as they slept, or Ox K’an, Three Yellow, who caused miscarriages.​
     
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    15th century Culture and Society in the New World; Part 2
  • 15th century Culture and Society in the New World; Part 1:

    Islam among the peoples of Mexico in the 15th century

    A Brief History

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    Islam among the natives of Al-Mishik was a social movement of wild, and destructive power. While a much more recent entrant into the native social scene compared to among the Maya, it was far more destructive to the native order than anything seen in the Yucatan. This was for a simple reason. Compared to the engineered, top-down and carefully strategized conversion of the Maya elite, Islam in Mishikah was at best, an unintended, viral sort of conversion that spread among the peasantry first, wreaking havoc on the local aristocracy.

    Arabs first appeared in Mishikah along the western coast, Al-Kutash. Establishing trade settlements outside port cities, they moved quickly to appease local lords and arrange trade agreements favorable to exporting raw materials out of Mishikah and towards the Riysh and further to Iberia. The Aztec empire, itself a recent entrant to the region, was easily swayed by the placations of silver-tongued Arab merchants like Al-Kindi, one of the first Arabs to learn nahuatl fluently. Its rigid, imperialistic, and mercantilist governmental structure was much more suited to apolitical trade arrangements than the loose and volatile League of Mayapan. The Aztecs were also fiercely attached to their native religion, and rightfully saw attempts at Islamization as direct assaults on the empires political structure. Those Arabs interested in conversion then, concentrated on local, non-Mexica elites that were themselves under the heel of imperial occupation.

    The vast majority of early converts to Islam in Mishikah were Totonacs, recently made unwilling subjects of the empire and facing many of its draconian demands for tribute. Soon after the arrival of the Arabs was also the first series of Aztec purges, instituted by the Tlacochcalcatl (General) Tlacaelel, intent on culturally subjugating conquered peoples. Totonac books were destroyed, as were their priests and indigenous nobility persecuted. Crops of captives were sent to Tenochtitlan for sacrifice, despite the Totonacs total capitulation several years earlier. At the same time, the outbreak of smallpox (another Old World migrant) ravaged Al-Kutash, causing local peoples to vent their rage at the Arabs (who they perceived as foreign allies of the Mexica), with violent riots in several occasions. Despite this, because of general proximity and the social appeal of Islam as a social leveler caused many down beaten Totonac middle-class to flirt with Islam quite soon after the establishment of Arabs in an area. Totonac merchants, interested in gaining better access to the flourishing trade network in the Riysh were willing to convert quickly to endear themselves to Arab traders, and this rippled downwards to townspeople eager to gain favor with a foreign party that appeared powerful and with the respect of the Mexica, but without their totalitarian attitude. The very alliances the Arabs negotiated with Aztec governors resulted in their common enemy converting to Islam with much more fervor than the elite Nahua themselves ever did. The Arabs for their part, were entirely happy to encourage conversion among the Totonacs while still playing innocent to the Mexica authorities, willing to play both ends of the equation to maximize their own returns. This was helped by the fact that the Arabs were more tolerant to Totonac culture than the Mexica were at the time (though the Totonacan reverence to worshipping fire led some to draw negative comparisons to Zoroastrianism, the longtime scapegoat of Islam).

    Islam among the Totonacs
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    Totonacan Islam was centered around ritual purification and social cohesion. Indigenous Totonac religion held ritual cleanliness in high regard, used to encourage the fertility of the land and purify the worshipper. Purification could be as distinct as cleansing an infant over a matate to ward off evil spirits to washing corn kernels to aid the growth of the field. Arabs associated this concept with tahara, and proselytized accordingly. The Abrahamic God was linked with the indigenous sun and maize God Chichini, though the Arabs misinterpreted the Totonacan god as a true ‘high’ God, rather than a quasi culture-hero, closer to Quetzalcoatl than Itzamaaj or the various Chaaks of the Maya. This led to a conflation of Muhammad and God both within the figure of Chinini, though Muhammad eventually became seen as Xolotl, the traditional accompaniment of the central creator culture-hero in Mexican mythology. This Xolotl-Muhammad and Chichini-Allah pairing set a precedence for a unique motif that would become pervasive in Mishikah, defining both God (or sometimes Gabriel) and Muhammad as equalized culture-hero / creator Gods.

    The origin of Totonacan Islam as a tool of social advancement resulted in it becoming a distinctly socially organized, and anti-Mexica religion. Zakat was especially emphasized, merging with the giving of corn from the community harvests that became common during the famines that struck the empire in the mid-15th century. Communities of Islamized Totonacs would turn the pillars of Zakat and Sawm into powerful social forces, both to spread the harvest of the community around and to encourage modesty in times of hardship. The reverence surrounding corn and the traditional gods of maize, sun, thunder, earth and water continued unabated. The anti-idolatrous attitude of Islam landed with a decisive thud in the north, and the Arabs were unwilling to force further retribution by local peoples by doing what they felt was doctrinally proper. Those few who did, saw themselves cut out of the wildly profitable northern trade routes and ostracized by other Arabs, should local Totonacan middlemen frown on them for it. The place of Arabs both as a third-party dependent on the leniency of the Aztec government and as a middle-partner reliant on native trade partners for goods from the interior severely undercut their ability to control the religious conversation like they could in the Yucatan. The sultans themselves, at least for the majority of the 15th century, were equally unwilling to shatter this delicate trade network purely to enforce doctrinal purity among the natives, happy enough that Islam was appearing in any form at all in the region. Punishing heresy was far more expensive than was tolerating it. Even sacrifice, quickly stamped out among all but the most remote territories of the Yucatan, carried on the north. Islamized Totonacs commonly sacrificed a fowl before breaking ground on a new field, and the industrial-scale human sacrificial rituals of the Mexica carried on unabated for the majority of the 15th century. The willingness of the Arabs to remain entirely separate from attempts to control native strains of the Islam aided its spread, as communities were free to accept as much of the religion as they felt useful and ignore anything incompatible with local beliefs.

    This same human sacrifice carried a heavy toll on the Totonacs, who hated the Mexica and used Islam to unify against them. Those captured Totonacs offered up in sacrificial ceremonies throughout the empire were immortalized as martyrs, but this rebelliousness carried a heavy toll later on. It was not lost on Aztec officials that regions with influential figures who fraternized with the Arabs were more likely to resist paying tribute than those deeper inland. Over the course of the 15th century, their patience started to wear thin. Mexica who flirted with Islam could face serious punishment and the loss of their office. Moctezuma I, who had almost allowed Al-Kindi (the only Arab to visit Tenochtitlan for the first 30 years of Arab presence in the north) to send a retinue of Arab scholars to his court, hardened his opinion towards Islam quickly after it became clear that the religion posed a political threat to the empires stability. The spread of the religion among the Totonacs and their subsequent rebelliousness was taken as a violation of the informal arrangement brokered by him and Al-Kindi, agreeing that the Arabs would not interfere in the empires politics. Islam never would enjoy the sort of openness it could enjoy in the Yucatan. Any expansion of the religion past c. 1460 was entirely underground, and concentrated among the subject peoples of the empire, not the Mexica themselves. In this scenario, Islam did not travel from court to court, but from town to town, along trade routes through the endless warren of farming villages the characterized the interior of Mishikah. This also had the side-effect of greatly restricting sufism to coastal territories where Sufis actually were permitted to live, unlike the Yucatan which was entirely sufi after Islamization.

    Islam among the Nahua
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    Mishikan Islam, already syncretized with Totonacan beliefs close to Arab settlements, became wildly nativized the further inland it penetrated. Islam became little more than a name, a strategy to find an alternative religious and social system to the repressive Aztec state ideology. Islam even lost its own name, from Yixilam as it was known on the coast to Teoawat / Teuawatl, (plural Teteawah) lit. “the holiness of the Arabs”. It was also called teocihuatlacopotin, that is, lit. “the divine servants”, after the Nahuatl understanding of the meaning of muslim as being “one who submits”. This conception of Islam as the faith of the downtrodden gave it appeal to lower class tribute peoples in the empire but it also sunk the religions reputation among the upper classes. It was a rebellious religion that encouraged social cohesion against the Mexica elite. Eventually this rebelliousness would translate to a vibrant native warrior tradition, rooted both in traditional Mesoamerican warfare and the Islamic ghazi. These Nahua holy warriors, the Teteyaotiacahuan will play a pivotal role in the fall of the Aztec empire in the 16th century.

    Native Mishikian Islam can be conceived of along similar lines to native nahua religion. The Ometeotl duality of Ometecuhtli and Omecihuatl was supplemented by the Abrahamic God and Muhammad, called Tonacamotititlanini and Tonacatitlantli respectively. Tonacamotititlanini was a compound of the nahuatl Tonaca, meaning “lord” and Motititlanini, “servant / one who crawls”. This was a nahuatl interpretation of the transcendant nature of the Abrahamic God, the lord of those who crawl [prostrate] before Him, as the Arabs were observed to do. His title is thus read as The Lord of those who Crawl [before him]. Tonacatitlantli was similarly a portmanteau of Lord and titlantili, “messenger”, the concept of Muhammad as the great messenger being very widespread among converted Amerindians. His title was then, The Lord of the Messengers / Messenger Lord. Both were seen as transcendent figures, the one who received worship and then the other who allotted rewards for it.

    Other Gods were still recognized, though the warlike central deities of Aztec state religion like Huitzilopochtli fell quickly out of favor. Key to Mishiki Islam was duality. Angels, associated with the Centzonmimixcoa northern star gods, were paired against Demons, associated with the warlike star gods of the southern skies, the Centzonhuitznahua. Paradise, Miyaoaxocan, “the place of flowers / the place of youthful women” was the topmost of the 13 layers of reality (7 layers of heaven, 6 of hell to conform with both nahua, and Islamic teachings on the afterlife). Hell was directly linked to the nahua Mictlan, the Islamic Iblis associated with Mictlantecuhtli, though this was a significant departure from the true conception of hell in the Quran. Worship was carried out in the traditional ways, with outdoor ceremonies in front of a teocalli (temple), which was entirely indistinguishable from a pagan temple from the outside. Worshippers prayed five times a day, outdoors on woven mats. A post was commonly erected at the end of the temple courtyard that marked the qibla (direction towards Mecca) and wrapped with cloth bundles. This post became known as the Teoestaca, the “sacred post”, and a centerpiece for the conducting of Islamic prayer. The small size of traditional temples meant that all the traditional functions of the mosque were moved outside, with the pyramid of the teocalli reserved for the iman (teopixqui, the same word as for a pagan priest) to oversee prayer.

    Sacrifice was rare in official ceremonies, being replaced with ‘faux’ sacrifices to satisfy traditional beliefs as well as the Islamic restrictions against the consumption of creatures killed at altars (Al Ma’idah 5:3), usually made of clay or paper. Animal sacrifices still occurred in the most rural areas in a folk-medicine context. Another circumvention of Islamic restrictions was in alcohol. Pulque was a vital part of traditional life, and yet was forbidden by Islam (being an alcoholic drink). It continued to be drunk, but with impish cleverness after the period of pulque-drinking was over the imbiber would reverse his cup and sprinkle water on the clay base of it, thereby ‘inverting’ the pulque and reversing the ritual act of drinking the liquid. With no Arabs or literate Imans around to monitor such practices, there was no stopping such rampant syncretism.

    The five pillars were seen as aspects of ritually correct behavior that ensured spiritual and bodily health, and much like among the Totonacs the social aspect of Islam was its most desired feature. Unique to Islamized Mishiki was the concept of cacahuatech¸lit. “besides the cacao”. This was a borrowing from the Totonacs, a union of Sawm and Zakat, a form of universal welfare within the village where each member both lived modestly and shared what they saved through modesty with others. It came from choosing between chocolate, a valuable commodity in Mesoamerica, and a simpler corn tortilla or squash, to choose the food, “besides the cacao”. It is noticeable that the Arabic language did not supersede nahuatl as a method for understanding Islamic concepts. Most Islamized Mishiki did not know a single word of Arabic perhaps beyond a broken rendering of the shahada, if at that-nor would they have ever seen a Quran. Those Arabic terms that did travel along the trade routes were adopted to suit Nahuatl phonology rather than the other way around. Most of the proselytizing done in Mishikah was done by local believers, converted natives (usually Totonacs) who had been educated by Arabs and travelled within the empire, literate in their faith but facing far less scrutiny from Aztec authorities. They explained Islam in nahuatl, relying on the charity of local leaders. These traveling priests doubled as merchants, often the same middlemen Arabs relied on to facilitate trade from the interior. They were called by the Arabs Boshtekin, from the nahuatl Pochtecah. The strict anti-Muslim attitudes of the Aztec elite after the mid 15th century meant that these merchants were the only avenue for Islamic teachings to enter a region, since Arabs were closely monitored on any trips inland, and prevented from speaking of their religion. Despite these efforts, Islam spread rapidly through the Aztec empire, becoming a militant ideology as the 15th turned to the 16th century, though in a form almost entirely incomprehensible to the Arabs themselves.​
     
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    15th century Culture and Society in the New World; Part 3
  • 15th century Culture and Society in the New World; Part 1:

    Islam among the peoples of the Riysh in the 15th century

    A Brief History

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    The Taino were simultaneously the first natives of the New World to encounter Islam and some of its fiercest opponents. The gaping cultural divide between the tattooed, near-nude Taino and the affluent Andalusis they encountered cannot be truly described, only that both sides were bewildered by the other. The Arabs often described the Taino with the pejorative Wakhaki, which was a crude parroting of how the Taino language sounded to Arab ears, while the Taino called the Arabs (initially) Hikaques, which meant the coconut plum people, since the Taino thought the white bleached skullcaps of the Arabs they met looked like that particular fruit. These Andalusians were primarily drawn from the same stock of explorers that had experience dealing with the various peoples of West Africa, many of them pagan and so had some measure of experience dealing with foreign, non-muslim cultures. The first Taino encountered by the Arabs were traded with, peacefully met and treated as if they were Igbo merchants, floating along the shoreline of Benin to trade with Arab galleys. Early attempts at conversion went well enough, if only because the Arabs did not realize that the Taino they were able to convince to dutifully recite the Shahada did not truly understand the implications of it. Once the Arabs left they went immediately back to their old practices, feeling the entire scheme was an odd sort of welcome ceremony with the fruit-headed foreigners. The first Arabs to settle more permanently in the Riysh tried their hands at forcing a more permanent conversion, encouraging local peoples to visit the mosques in Arab settlements, offering gifts to entice them and attempting to lecture on the dangers of idolatry in their own language. The Taino were entirely happy to oblige, but quickly caught on to simply aping Arab rituals and returning to their interior villages with their gifts, offering them to their own idols far from Arab eyes. Any attempts on forcing conversion or punishing the locals for idolatry simply saw them flee into the jungle.

    In the end, it was disease that forced the natives to Islam. Smallpox appeared among the Taino very soon after the arrival of the Arabs. Close contact, trade and (clandestine) sexual relations with the natives unleashed disease on an apocalyptic scale. The first waves of smallpox, in 1380, 1392, and 1407 obliterated the native population in the Riysh, 70% of the entire native population of Boriken died, and the numbers were much higher on the smaller islands where slave raids and retaliatory attacks (Arabs often mistook the more peaceful Taino for the warlike Karbi [Carib], and would attack innocent tribes indiscriminately). Those few survivors who straggled out of the jungle either fled to deeper refuges or to the Arabs, who endured the mysterious plagues far better than the natives. This realignment of local demographics to rump populations, clustered around Arab settlements or buried, isolated, essentially nonexistent in the jungle, forced Islam among the Taino through simple geography. When before they could retreat to distant and large villages with a stable social structure, now they lived in what were basically slums directly adjacent to Arabs relying on the generosity of a foreign power that was as equally set on converting them concretely as continuing to trade with them. Islam became a matter of survival, as Arabs treated Islamized natives far better than those who remained pagan, going so far in some cases as to forbid pagans from settling near Arab settlements, nor protect them from foreign raids or slave traders. Some Arabs, in a move of perverse genius, would seize formerly abandoned native fields, populate them with imported slaves and laborers, then offer those goods to the natives upon their conversion to Islam, and agreement to work on the same fields they had once owned barely 30 years ago. It was clear to everyone that the power dynamic had shifted decisively, and the Arabs were intent on taking advantage of it.

    Those Taino who did convert began to look down on those who remained in the island interiors, and as Arab settlers moved in en masse to take the formerly settled lands for farms these groups came into conflict. Arabs would hire Islamized Taino as guides and mercenaries to fight their pagan cousins, continuing to call them Wakhaki while Islamized Taino were referred to simply as ‘Tainiyy’. The Taino chafed at the restrictions of Islam initially, but as they converted they began to ingratiate themselves into the developing colonial society, easing somewhat. Key to the maintenance of social stability was the preservation of the traditional Taino chiefs called the Keshiqs, who became intermediaries between the Arabs and the local people, their conversion to Islam coupled with their granting of status equivalent to the sort of power they had in their own communities. Key also to the preservation of Taino culture alongside Islam was the complex relationship between the subject Taino, Taino slaves and Arabs, with the independent Taino chiefdoms in Muluk and Sayadin. The constant existence of independent, and powerful, Taino statelets on the periphery of Arab settlements through the early and mid 15th century forced the Arabs to be conciliatory to the Taino, establishing the precedence for the future methods the Arabs would adapt to convert other powerful Amerindian peoples to Islam, conceding on doctrine to ingratiate Islam to the native social structures.

    The Western Keshiqs and Syncretic Islam
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    The crucible for the development of the first syncretic Islam in the New World was the interior jungles of Sayadin Island [Cuba]. After the disastrous Taino revolts that effectively obliterated Arab settlements on the interior of the island and much of the northern and western coast, the Arabs were forced to abandon the entire island for several years, and on their return had to negotiate with Taino leaders for permission to establish trading communities again. These Taino Keshiqs, who by virtue of the isolation of the island and the political instability caused by widespread plague, were able to centralize power as warlords, consolidating territories by promising social and political stability. As is inevitable however, these warlords lacked much of the traditional legitimacy awarded to the Keshiqs and allied with the Arabs for military support against their rivals. This inevitably led to the gradual conversion of the eastern Keshiqs to Islam, their conversion rewarded with Arab mercenaries accompanying their war parties against their rivals in the interior. These Keshiqs also disseminated Islam among their own people independently, separate from Arabs and acting within the Taino social structure, unlike the failed attempts at conversion during the first appearance of Islam among the Taino. The most infamous of these Taino warlords was certainly Al-Suruk, ‘The Cripple’. A frail native with a noticeable limp (club foot of his left leg), he nevertheless became the most powerful, and devout Taino Keshiq of the 15th century. Over the course of almost 40 years of warfare, he expanding his dominion over nearly the entire island of Sayadin, subjugating gradually the other Islamized Keshiqs and then waging jihad against the pagan chiefs of the western extent of the island. After this conquest, Islam was forced onto the Keshiqs, and after Al-Suruks position was officialized after the Bilali revolt into the wali of the Wilayat Al-Sayadin, Islam finally began to be adopted by the last remaining large independent Taino population of the Riysh, largely unmolested by Arabs to any great extent.

    The Taino spiritual world was one of regional spirits called the zemi, worshipped alongside ceremonies involving the imbibement of the drug Cohoba. Certain higher-ranking Gods ruled the larger world, like Yúcahu, the God of Cassava. The absolute destruction of Taino culture in Buriken and the Southern Riysh forced the true bastion of native Taino religion to be Sayadin, where actual syncretism-opposed to cultural annihilation-took place. Al-Suruk played a central role in spreading Islam among the Taino here, equating God with the supreme creator spirit force, Yaya. Muhammad became a culture hero, associated with Deminán, a native Taino cultural hero. Importantly, the Taino continued to worship their zemi freely, adding among their roster the totem of the Hikacubaba, the ‘Arab’, as an object of worship. In the native conception of a joyous paradise, the Coaybey, the Arabs saw their own Paradise, and in the Taino Guabancex, Goddess of Disaster, the Arabs saw Iblis. The worship of the zemi was a serious point of contention however, and among more thoroughly Islamized Taino there was a movement to purge their culture of such idolatry, though others fiercely defended them. Among drastic changes in Taino culture, like the wearing of long, cotton Arab-style robes called Jubey was the cessation also of Cohoba rituals, seen as barbarous. Tattooing, ceremonial dances and the ritualized ballgame fell before the spread of Islam, at least in their religious contexts – the playing of the ballgame would remain a popular secular activity and even spread among Arab communities within the Riysh. The recruitment of large numbers of Islamized Taino to fight their traditional enemy, the Carib, maintained a pipeline for Islam to constantly re-enter Taino communities, as these mercenaries returned to their villages after serving on a particular campaign. These recruits were often paid well, and rewarded loot after battles, but Arabs only tolerated Islamized Taino for this purpose, further promoting the purely economical value of Islam among the Taino.

    Over the 15th century, the Taino population of the Riysh continued to fall. Even the kingdom of Al-Suruk succumbed gradually over waves of disease and an influx of Canarian Arabs diluted the once formidable Taino populations of the Northern Riysh. Widespread intermarriage between Islamized Taino (among the backdrop of the last remaining pagan groups being obliterated by slave traders) and Arabs led to the creation of a new large mixed-race population, the majority of whom were still labeled “Tayniyy”, despite being born Muslims, who bore little resemblance to their long-haired, nude ancestors. These groups would become the demographic underpinning of the Riysh, following a moderate, flexible doctrine of Malikite, Sunni Islam that was centered far more around public festivals and communal living than the shuttered, private and scholarly Islam that had characterized Andalusian religious life in earlier years. The Taino cultural traits of open living, ceremony, dance and the duality of the cosmos lived on in Riyshian Islam, even if on paper Riysh Arabs were just as doctrinaire Muslims as their compatriots in Iberia. These same cultural traits would be carried by the descendants of these Riysh Arabs on their trading voyages and wars throughout mainland Mesoamerica and would equally reverberate back to Iberia itself in due time. The story of the Taino and Islam can be simply stated by a popular phrase in the Riysh, “Zamen Wekashukah” (itself a bastardization, neither fully Taino nor Arabic), roughly, “The more things change, the more they stay the same”.​
     
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    Some Notes on Europe, 1212 - 1475
  • Some Notes on Europe, 1212 - 1475

    Events in most of Europe carried on despite the events in Iberia. The fall of the English monarchy through the Oxford provisions and the Magna Carta carried on unabated, as did the Teutonic Crusades or the machinations surrounding the germinating Italian city-states. There are several areas where Iberian politics noticeably effected local events, which will here be examined in turn:

    Aragon

    The fortunes of Aragon in the 13th century changed entirely due to the actions of a man who did not ever invade Aragonese territory, nor even officially declare war with the Aragonese monarchy. The collapse of the Reconquista, the campaign to restore Iberia to Christianity, was the singular factor pushing Aragon to expand its interests outside Iberia, and the one man most responsible for that collapse was Yusuf Muhammad. The actions of a single Moorish noble would result in the largest empire in the history of medieval Christian Iberia, and lead to Iberian armies fighting wars in lands as far afield as Italy and Algeria.

    The rise of Yusuf Muhammad was something that was of equal shock to both Christians and Muslims, but in its aftermath, both drew surprisingly similar parallels. Many Muslims saw in him a Andalusi Saladin, and Christians saw the same (of course the opinion of Saladins conquests, was the main point of distinction). Pamphlets published in the latter decades of the 13th century labelled Yusuf Muhammad (Jusufus Rex or Jusufus Mahoun) as a “fanged demon who confounds with smoke and serpent”, in the words of one monk writing in England. His campaigns capitalized on, and eventually exacerbated indirectly a phenomenon within Christian Iberia that would eventually become a driving economic pressure pushing Aragon to expand east. This was the policy of rewarding mercenaries with lands in Iberia.

    During the campaigns of Muhammad al-Nasir and the vicious, but ultimately insignificant series of battles along the Sierra Morena like at Las Navas de Tolosa, the calls for further foreign aid by Christian Iberian kings multiplied exponentially. Inns catering to traveling bands of holy warriors doubled their expenses to keep with demand, writers published pamphlets on travel advice for ‘pilgrims’ traveling south. This policy was welcomed by Christian kings, who were acutely aware of the sort of manpower needed to stem (or hopefully reverse) the constant tide of Islamic armies that would come across Gibraltar each year. These nobles were often rewarded with estates in Spain, though this would eventually lead to conflict with local landlords. As the pace of the Reconquista ground to a halt against the willingness of the Almohad caliphs to massacre seemingly endless Andalusi levies in industrial quantities, this class of rapacious, foreign nobles grew more restless without further land payments to reward their efforts. Without new lands to administer and parcel out, but with a still present demand for experienced knights, the Iberian monarchs had a serious timebomb on their hands. This bomb burst in a serious of gargantuan chevauchees across the border into the Islamic Algarve, tacitly allowed by the king of Portugal to ease the pressure (and take advantage of the Caliphs absence in Morocco). It then promptly backfired when the apoplectic Caliph Yusuf II marched into Portugal at the head of another massive army and took Lisbon in 1229. The Andalusi coup thereafter expanded these conquests. The instability of the system of estates in the border throughout both Castile and Portugal also lent towards defection towards the Muslims (native landholders, seeing their estates carved up to pay French and Italian nobles held little love for the monarchy, and less willingness to endure torture and bankruptcy for that love). As a price for their inability to adequately reward their own armies, the kings of Iberia soon found two of their largest most prized cities in Muslim hands. A fact that was quickly seized upon by the Aragonese monarchy was that the remobilization of Andalusia under a vibrant native regime with a proven track record of military success was that this policy could not last in Iberia as it had. Therefore, the Aragonese looked to the ocean. The first objective was the easy picking of the Balearics.

    The conquest of the sultanate of the Balearics was inevitable after the fall of the Almohads. A nominally independent state under Maghrebi suzerainty, it put up an impressive fight when James I landed, but ultimately the entire sultanate succumbed in 1236. The conquest of the Balearics was noticeable for being the only significant, and lasting success for the Christians against the Moors that actually outlasted the life of a single ruler. Indeed, no Muslim armies would ever land on the Balearics again, not that any Muslim rulers cared that much in the first place. These islands were converted over time into a Aragonese staging ground, the modus operandi of expansionistic kings like James I and III being to expand Aragonese power in the Mediterranean while simultaneously pursuing peace with their immediate enemies to the west. The first step in this process was to carve up the newly conquered islands into working estates, ally with Muslim leaders in Iberia proper, and simultaneously deport Muslims from the islands to Iberia to minimize the chance of any rebellion in the east while they were placating the west. Aragon, by virtue of its position controlling essentially the entire Mediterranean coast of Iberia, could easily expand as much as it wanted without significant opposition from any other Christian powers (and the crumbling Andalusi fleet unable to do anything but pick at isolated merchant vessels and bandit fleets). It did much of this in the good graces of the other western European maritime states, who were concerned with internal affairs more than the loss of a rump sultanate to the southwest, but they wised up very quickly after James II intervened in Sardinia in 1275.

    Aragonese intervention in Sardinia was nominally an acceptable action by a ruler to gain greater control over his far-flung noble estates. James II, through his marriages into the Sardinian nobility had decided to expand his holdings in the area of Logudoro, but he did so with a decisiveness that belied his true intentions: empire-building. At the head of a great army he marched outwards from his holdings on the coast, forcibly conquering the landed nobility of the region who did not accept his claims of being the true ruler of Sardinia through marriage. This tactic quickly backfired, as the Aragonese grip over the Sardinian nobility fractured under rebellion. James II, having underestimated the fervor of the Sardinian independence streak, had to awkwardly grapple with constant rebellions even as his conquests on a map, appeared to be shining successes. After his final conquest in 1299, the brutality inflicted upon the Muslims in the Balearics was inflicted doubly in Sardinia, and the local nobility was roundly purged as a consequence for their insubordination. The massive casualties endured by the Sardinians did buy Aragon an empire, but the mistakes James II made would be repeated constantly from war to war and would in the end spell the doom of it.

    These mistakes amplified themselves in the single largest front of the empire, Sicily. Like Sardinia, Aragon clawed its first foothold in the territory through marriage. Like father, like son – James III through marriage to Margaret intervened in a local Sicilian rebellion ostensibly to restore Sicilian independence against the Capetian occupation there. The French fury at this was palpable, though their retaliation was hampered by succession struggles in the early decades of the 14th century.

    The battle of Luco exposed French weakness and instigated Aragonese arrogance. Key to the Aragonese victory in this battle were the native Sicilian rebels. After decades of cruel Capetian oppression and several previous uprisings, Sicily was a powder keg, and James III freely exploited the native hatred of the French to rally all the rebels of the island to his side. At Luco the French army found its supplies cut, wells poisoned, and its camps burned, and James III easily seized the day. Yet just as soon that James III had whipped the French from the island, his wife died, and with her any claims he had to be the rightful ruler in Sicily. James III had repeated the mistakes of his father in being unnecessarily cruel towards those local nobles who did not immediately fall in line, and the instance Margaret died the entire island rose up to push Aragon out with the French. In the end, the rebels succeeded in creating an independent monarchy, and both Aragon and France were left humiliated: France had lost a long-held colony and Aragon had only had one for a few days. Sicily would see little peace, for Aragon would relentlessly fight to continue expanding its foothold in the western Mediterranean even if it had been spurned on land.

    To test another option alongside naval imperialism, the Aragonese monarchy subsequently decided to attack another territory with dubious loyalties to the Aragonese crown: Tunisia. Capitalizing on previous European successes against the sheikhs there, Alfonso I landed on the Ifriqyan coast and quickly claimed a wide portion of the coast. Local political infighting meant that regional sheikhs were more than happy than to accept Aragonese authority in exchange for a measure of stability. Unfortunately, as in Sicily, as in Sardinia, Aragonese military victories were poisoned by a combination of bad luck and blunders in governance. Unlike his predecessors Alfonso I was more lenient towards local peoples, but his failure was being unable to control the Berber tribes, something not even other Berber rulers could do in previous years. Aragonese holdings in Sardinia were pacified, but their territory in north Africa was always on the edge of total collapse were it not for continued military pressure. Alfonso I, being the clever general he was, continued to put down local revolts successfully and earned the title Rex Africanus, laying the foundation for his successor Fernando to become the ruler with the largest Aragonese empire to his name as a result. Fernando, following successes in the old stomping ground of Sicily added to his name enclaves in Italy, territory anew in Sicily alongside his holdings in Sardinia, the Balearics, and in North Africa. By 1392 Aragon had a foothold in every theatre of the western Mediterranean except for France herself. Though there were even Aragonese ambitions to take that coast as well, which likely would have succeeded, had the Aragonese fleet not been destroyed in 1436 (a date which itself marks the beginning of a serious decline in Aragonese power). Alongside Aragonese military successes though, came the revulsion of every other power in Europe including the Pope himself. This universal hatred played a significant role in the stagnation of the empire in the mid-15th century.

    Aragonese power in the west, a direct extension of them being forced out of potential conquests in Iberia, forced as a subsequent consequence the unification of many disparate powers against them. These ‘odd bedfellows’, such as Pisa, the Papacy and France, eventually became a major power bloc that would dominate European politics in the 16th century. In the end the short-lived Aragonese empire provided the common foe that created much of the political state of Mediterranean Europe in the renaissance.

    The Papacy and Italy

    The Papacy became a serious political threat in the 13th and 14th century. Pioneered by Gregory IX, the papacy took a direct hand in many European affairs, attempting to secure its own power and spread Christian dominion. The Moorish victories in Iberia in the early years of this century would scar the conscious of many popes during this period and provide a catalyst for increasingly draconian religious persecution in mainland Europe as a result.

    The Papacy paid close attention to Iberia even before the situation there turned against Christian interests. Popes in previous years had alternated between attempting to woo Maghrebi leaders to be lenient towards long-oppressed Christian minorities and inciting Christian kings to intensify the Reconquista. After the fall of Toledo in 1263, whatever old policy there was vanished. The immediate aftermath was fury in Iberia, and despondency in Rome. Infighting had doomed the latter crusades, and the recapture of La Mancha by the moors only added to the palpable feeling of cataclysm. Pope Urban IV, his attention torn between politics in Denmark, Pagan warfare in the Baltics, renewed German campaigns in Italy and the recapture of Constantinople by Orthodox Byzantine forces had little mental energy to devote to yet another catastrophe for catholic hegemony. In an attempt to stem what he saw as the core responsible factor for the renewed Islamic successes in the west, cultural degradation, he released his Regnum Purifacto, which called for the purging of Jewish culture in mainland Europe, the strict crackdown of interfaith commerce, and ordered Muslims expelled from all port cities in Europe. These draconian, sweeping restrictions were implemented piecemeal, with many local rulers doing little more than holding back as local Christians did the persecution for them. In the worst incident, the entire Muslim community of Palermo, itself a tiny remnant of a once-flourishing population, was wiped out to a man by Christian mobs. Similar incidents occurred throughout Iberia and were met by persecutions likewise by Muslim rulers upon Christian subjects.

    Still, the Pope, who became deeply enmeshed in wars in Italy with Manfred, the heir of Frederick II, could do little more than make such gestures. There would be little other involvement with the Papacy in Iberia until the Aragonese invasion of Sicily in 1319. Aragon had long been on unsteady terms with the Pope and James I had quarreled over Navarrese succession early in the 13th century. The reign of this long-lived, and famously belligerent Aragonese monarch was indeed punctuated by constant bickering with Rome, and he passed that trait onto his sons, who each grew over their respective reigns to resent Papal authority more and more. The belief of a Aragonese empire and true Papal dominion over the west were seen as fundamentally incompatible by both parties.

    Such conflict was certainly on Pope John XXII mind when he attempted to flex his muscles in the Holy Roman Empire to have Imperial forces intervene in Sicily after his other ally, Philip V, was decisively defeated at Luco. Strong-arming the Guelph families to send soldiers to Sicily he resulted in little more than resentment and symbolic gestures, their willingness to commit soldiers towards Papal campaigns entirely sapped by the constant infighting in northern Italy in previous decades. His attempts at wielding papal authority as directly as an emperor would chafed the Italian noble families. Facing such stiffness, the Pope turned again to France to resolve the situation. Complicating his efforts was the rise of an independent Sicilian monarchy that recognized neither Aragonese, French or Papal authority. Unfortunately for the papacy, who would have preferred Capetian dominance remained in Sicily unchallenged, Pope John in 1332 was forced to recognize the independent Sicilian monarchy after they had successfully beaten off every challenger force. Later popes would attempt to heal the situation by making peace with the Sicilians, who would themselves become an important Papal ally against Aragonese aggression.

    In effect, the constant specter of Aragonese expansion towards Italy remained a thorn in the Papal side throughout the 14th and 15th century, even if the Pope was ostensibly focused on other matters. Papal interventions in Sicily slowed down drastically after the impotent flailing of John XXII did little but tarnish the papal reputation, frustrate the Italian noble families, irritate the French monarchy and perturb Papal ambitions in the Holy Roman Empire (quite the accomplishment). Later popes learned from the situation, using other sources of power to intervene more indirectly against Aragon.

    Affairs in the rest of Italy tended to follow Papal power, with the Italian city-states paying close attention on the constant wars to the west while playing an awkward dance between Islamic sultans, Papal authorities, and continental kings. For all the consternation the rise of the Ayshunids caused in Rome, it meant a simple readjustment of existing norms in the rest of Italy. In the 14th century Italy was dominated by two power blocs: the remaining Angevin territories in southern Italy (The so-called Kingdom of Naples), and the Papacy in central Italy. In the north, the various merchant republics jockeyed between them. This situation would remain largely unchanged through the 15th century, except that the Kingdom of Naples would constantly decline at the expense of its neighbors.

    The ascendency of Muslim states in Iberia frightened the Pope but did little but force a readjustment of existing norms among the Italian republics themselves, of these Genoa foremost. Of all the states of western Europe, only Genoa was as ingratiated with Muslim states as the powers in Iberia proper. Genoese ships had plied the trade routes along the Maghreb and Al-Andalus long before the Ayshunids appeared, and they continued to do so after they did. If anything, the rise of the Ayshunids improved Genoese fortunes as the more moderate, stable Ayshunid government was far more conducive to trade in all aspects than the volatile Almohads. Genoa would go on to use these revenues to bolster its position at home against Venice, which found itself consistently outspent and outmaneuvered throughout the 14th century.

    France

    The history of France in the medieval period is fundamentally a history of a bad situation turning worse. The early 13th century was defined by the monarchy attempting to assert its power in England and in Occitania. The French victory at Bouvines centralized the French monarchy and the Albigensian crusade solidified the monarchies control over the rebellious southern dukes, but the situation quickly went downhill afterwards. Louis IX had to deal with endless internal rebellions, only to die in Tunisia during an abortive crusading mission. Philip III then spent much of his own reign dealing with wars in Sicily. Despite successes in crushing a Sicilian rebellion in 1282 to aid his uncle Charles I of Naples, Sicily became little more than a cash sink soon after as a result of the brutality of the suppression. A constant stream of French military aid to Naples drained the kingdoms coffers, leaving his son Philip IV cash-strapped during further conflict with England and Flanders. By the final loss of Sicily in 1332, Philip VI had a kingdom that had been bankrupt for decades, drained of military and facing a serious military situation against the English, only through miraculous financial machinations did he preserve the kingdom. The English victories at Crecy, Sluys and then the Black Deaths arrival pushed France to the brink of literal anarchy by the mid-14th century. The low point was in 1356, when the English kidnapped the king of France, and a subsequent peasant revolt unseated the rump leadership, dividing France into a mass of devolved states. France was destroyed: the king captured, the military distilled into a rampaging mass of bandits roaming a countryside denuded by plague and warfare, English armies marching unstopped throughout the country and former French possessions abroad at the mercy of a militaristic Aragon and opportunistic Italian states.

    Were it not for Charles V, there might not have been a French kingdom by the year 1400. He first sought peace with England, dividing the realm and granting essentially all English land claims. By signing deals with the restless nobility, he slowly recentralized the powerbase of the monarchy, and worked equally to reform the military away from the seasonal roving bands of routiers that had plagued the countryside previously. He was able to avert a peasant uprising narrowly, and the aid of the Navarrese (who seeked a closer relationship with the French crown in competition with Castile) helped him immensely in propping up his own position among the nobility. Charles even negotiated the return of King John, but that very ruler who had caused the destruction of the French military did not last long in Charles good graces – he died mysteriously while in Paris soon after his release.

    Charles V then sealed his alliance with Navarre and negotiated Castilian neutrality while he re-pursued his war with England. Charles, a skilled diplomat, was able to balance alliances with both the Pope (who still wanted French aid in Italy), and Navarre – fighting all the while a war of attrition with England. His successes resulted in the nominal consolidation of the French crown and even the recapture of French territory lost by concessions early in his reign. The English, facing a serious revolt in Gascony, fought back furiously at the backing of the Black Prince, but could not effectively counteract French guerilla tactics.

    His successor, Charles VI squandered Charles V financial prudence, and promptly returned many conquered French territories to the English. Charles VII would have gone down in history as a minor lord were it not for Joan of Arc, whose emergence galvanized French rebels and led to the successful reversal of the English annexation of France. France returned from the dead, but not through the work of the king alone. Charles VII to his credit, created a standing army, maintained a powerful monarchy, and kept away Papal influence but his own achievements pale in comparison to the so-called “Maid of Orleans”. Without English forces destabilizing the country, his successor Louis XI was able to restore France to true prosperity for the first time since the early 13th century. French losses in the Mediterranean in earlier years did little to dampen French optimism, especially as the Aragonese empire, their largest rival there, seemed to self-destruct without external intervention. The French monarchy entered into the 16th century stable, secure and flush with recent military successes both internally and externally.

    * A note on England

    English affairs carry on mostly the same as in OTL with one major exception: England allies itself with Aragon instead of Portugal. Because of the Anglo-French rivalry England was searching for allies in Iberia but also in this timeline there is no House of Aviz (Portugal doesn't exist in this timeline past a certain point). Instead, England allies with Aragon, both of whom hate France and ironically both end up with rulers who dislike the Papacy as well.

    I thought about talking about the Holy Roman Empire but decided against it, internal affairs there are not different enough from OTL yet to merit it, in my mind.​
     
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    A House of Lamps | Part 5
  • A House of Lamps; Part 5

    "The whole world is like a house filled with lamps, rays, and lights through whom the things of the house are elucidated…"

    Ibn Barrajan, 12th century CE

    The Italian Wars and the Collapse of the Mishiki

    m801.113ra.jpg


    The Entourage of Charles VIII during his march to Urbino,
    from Storia d'Italia by Alessandro Guicciardini

    1475

    Ahmed proceeds rapidly to consolidate power in Iberia, rooting out divisive Islamic sects and establishing the Majlis As-Safah', a governmental body that manages all qadi in the Ayshunid state as a direct extension of the Sultans authority. He appoints his cousin Umar to head the body, bringing an unprecedented level of central authority to Iberian Islam.

    Farouk Al-Tawili arrives in the Riysh and organizes scouting expeditions of Al-Kutash to ascertain the situation there. He is treated coldly by the local Riyshi Arabs, who are wary of Iberian attempts to destabilize the lucrative trade networks of the area.

    The De Toro expedition, funded by Henry III reaches the location of the settlement left by Drapero in 1462. They find it battered, but relatively functional. De Toro expands on the previous claim, negotiating with the Chowanoc to allow a territory for Castilian settlement on the coast. He sails down the coast and establishes a second settlement at Castillo de San Pablo, taking some time while in the New World to attempt to grow cotton seeds in the native environment.

    1478

    Henry III sails at the Azores, landing on the island of Al-Baqarah on the southern end of the island chain in May. He defeats the local Ayshunid fleet and takes the fortress at Ghulud, fortifying the area. Attempts to dislodge him from the fortress are easily repulsed, and Henry III takes some time to loot the local area thoroughly.

    James IV of Aragon marries the 18-year-old (he is 63 by this point) Eleanor of Milan to extend Aragonese influence into northern Italy, a tried and true tactic of previous rulers. The other Italian statelets, seeing Aragonese influence reach northern Italy itself for the first time, begin to bicker on choosing sides, Aragon, or France and the Papacy.

    The Pope, at this time Pope Sixtus IV was embroiled in the Pazzi Conspiracy, eager to rid Italy of the Medici in Florence. It was said that James IV had sent forces to aid the Pazzi in their coup (the Medici hated by the Aragonese court since the debacle involving the Aragonese fleet in previous years), and that were they not impeded en route, the coup might have succeeded. As it happens, it did not – and the Medici never forgave Aragon for it.

    The same year, James IV ransoms a large number of Aragonese nobles left stranded in Ifriqya and imprisoned in the Qaranid court. Among these nobles is the Lord Miguel de Boix who among other things, is rumored to have secretly converted to Islam and learned Arabic fluently. His presence in the Aragonese court would be a point of major contention in later years.

    Farouk Al-Tawili decides on an invasion of Al-Kutash to aid what he believes to be sympathetic Muslim populations on the coast. He is granted authority by Ahmed I to subdue the coast of Al-Kutash and especially curb violent pagan practices on the mainland.

    1479-83

    De Toro makes another trip to the New World, expanding Castilian presence even further. The presence of the Castilian colony slowly becomes known to the Riyshi authorities, who find it deeply unsettling. However, convinced that the territory north of Niblu was inhospitable swamplands populated by violent savages, they deem the colony to be too little of a threat to be worth interfering with.

    Ahmed I responds to the unprovoked Castilian aggression in the Azores by dispatching a sizable fleet to sever the Castilian supply lines, calculating the lighter Ayshunid ships will manage a protracted guerilla campaign in the Atlantic better than the Castilian fleet.

    Henry III promptly retreats from the Azores before the bulk of the Ayshunid forces arrive but ensuring that before his departure the fortress of Ghulud itself is dismantled to its foundation stones, and a cross planted on the rubble. It becomes clear to Ahmed that the gesture was more of a probing of Ayshunid capabilities and a signal of renewed Castilian naval power than any serious attempts at conquest.

    Farouk, heading an army of 8000 Iberian soldiers with a large number of Riyshi Arabs and native allies (mostly Maya and Tayni from Sayadin), lands at Kembuwali. He enters the town with little resistance, since the local forces had no knowledge such an invasion was coming, but shortly thereafter word reaches Emperor Tizoc. Farouk offers aid to the Islamized Tanaki (Totonacs) in the area, who flock to his side to openly rebel against the Mexica.

    1485

    Ahmed I works to expand Ayshunid trade monopolies east, signing a trade agreement with the Ottoman empire, negotiating an informal trade détente between the two states that split around Italy. The détente, while preventing conflict between the two rising powers (the Ottomans focused on wars with Venice and in the Balkans and the Ayshunids more concerned with their Atlantic holdings), it irritated the Mamluks in Egypt, who still considered themselves the masters of African trade.

    Eleanor of Milan consolidates her own power in the Aragonese court, but rumors begin to swirl about an illicit affair with the same Lord Miguel rescued from Africa in 1478. Distrusting Aragonese nobles resent both her pride in her Italian heritage (she refuses to live in Aragon proper for much of the year), and her deep loyalty to the Papacy (which was ironically one of the reasons James IV had married her originally, as a ham-fisted attempt on healing the now gaping Aragonese / Papal divide).

    Farouk defeats the local Mexica forces at Kembuwali and takes the city, then marching his army inland to take the strategic city of Babakla [Papantla]. His army swells with a massive number of Tanaki rebels, and he soon directly marches to take Shululah [Cholula]. The sacred city, undefended except for a small number of priests, falls quickly. Farouk falls upon the sacred center of the city, destroying the temples and driving out the priests. Being a more fanatical monotheist than previous Arab conquerors (and less willing to use native politics than Abu Bakr) he orders the destruction of the temples in the city center and their replacement with a mosque to solidify the Islamization of the region. Unlike in other regions conquered by Islam (such as Iberia itself), Farouk does not offer the same sorts of client treaties expected by conquered settlements, viewing them as violent pagans that necessitated extermination or conversion. This act incensed the Mexica, who prepared for a defense of Tenochtitlan shortly thereafter.

    1486

    Henry III orders a significant expansion of Castilian possessions in the New World, dispatching a large expedition to found a permanent settlement there. This town, dubbed Corfea after a native name for the area, becomes the first capital of New Castile.

    The Mexica amass their army to attack the Arabs but are hampered when Tizoc dies of a short but intense fever. His successor Ahuitzotl wastes no time in rallying his forces and fortifying the area around lake Texcoco.

    Farouk deals with Aztec raids along his supply routes to the coast, relying heavily on sympathetic locals to supply his army from the countryside. His army’s presence ignites conflict throughout the central valley of Mexico as Islamized Nahua or those groups opposed to the Mexica ally with Farouk, coming into conflict with more loyal areas. He finally decides in spring to move on Tenochtitlan proper, rather than wait for local conflicts to slowly drain his military while the Mexica build their own forces up.

    At the head of a bloated army that approaches almost a hundred thousand warriors, Farouk begins his siege of Tenochtitlan from the east, slowly building up defenses around the lake itself and sending out generals to subdue nearby cities. Ahuitzotl, himself at the head of an equally vast army, actually leaves Tenochtitlan and marches to Tlacopan. Farouk receives word from informers that the Mexica had deserted the city but believing it to be a trap does not attempt to enter himself. Concerned that the Mexica will attempt to trap him within central Mexico he decides to send a force of Arabs to take the city center and hold it hostage (having discovered how highly the Mexica valued their own temples) while he waits farther outside the city to ascertain the enemies next move.

    At the head of a small force of several hundred Arabs, Farouks lieutenant Umar Musa Ibn Yusuf rides to the city center of Tenochtitlan, unmolested except by huge crowds of curious civilians. They enter the cities ritual center and kidnap the priests of the Huēyi Teōcalli (Templo Mayor), fortifying it against Mexica rebukes. To their, and Farouks, surprise the Mexica do not retaliate.

    1487-89

    Ibn Husni of the Qaranids dies, succeeded by Sadiq Ibn Sa’ad Al-Hubab. He decides to begin his rule by making peace with the remaining Christians of the Maghreb and the Mamluks, though by this point there are so few Christians left in north Africa it is more of a symbolic gesture, a sign of good faith to keep European monarchs from finding excuses to attack Ifriqya.

    Charles VIII becomes intrigued by possible wealth in the New World. He begins to vet potential candidates for an expedition west, eager to undercut the Castilians from any potential monopoly there. He is also concerned, as other European monarchs are beginning to be, about the seemingly unstoppable economic growth of the Ayshunids, apprehensive about where they will next set their imperial ambitions.

    Farouk grows restless, after cementing the conquest of the cities to the east of the lake, he tries with increasing urgency to retain his vast native army. After many months of waiting, he is pressured by his generals to take the city. He does so, marching his army in and claiming Tenochtitlan itself. As in Cholula, he moves to establish the loyalty of remaining Mexica nobles in the city and carries out an extensive idolatrous crusade in the city.

    At this point, the Mexica strike. Confirming Farouks suspicions Ahuitzotl remobilizes his army, which had been dispersed and hidden in the forested areas in the west and sweeps into Tenochtitlan. Mexica forces rampage through the city, cutting off all routes out of the city except for the southern causeway, which quickly becomes clogged with civilians and soldiers trying to flee. Farouk quickly finds himself in the middle of a gigantic ambush.

    Farouk gathers his Arab forces and fights his way towards the southern causeway, letting his native mercenaries do the bulk of the fighting to hold off the Mexica army. While making his retreat, Mexica warriors on canoes harass his force, and he is greeted on the other side by a Mexica army led by Ahuitzotl himself (they had crossed Lake Texcoco in the night ahead of the larger army). Farouk engages the Mexica in battle, but realizing he is seriously outnumbered attempts to make a push to break through the enemy lines and reach safe territory to the east.

    With a small number of Arab cavalry, he breaks the Mexica line and reaches Tlaxcala, where he expects safe harbor with Xicotencatl I, the elder warlord of Tlaxcala. The Tlaxcallans, no friends of the Mexica, decide to murder them for trespassing on Tlaxcala territory.

    In Tenochtitlan, an orgy of slaughter ensues as Farouks army is driven out of the city, but only stragglers survive the massacre. Tens of thousands of natives are captured and subsequently sacrificed, as well as any remaining Arabs. Ahuitzotl obliterates Farouks army, but he faces a larger problem. The Arabs were successfully driven out, but the gargantuan native revolt remains, many of the territories around Tenochtitlan itself are in the hands of rebellious forces who had driven out Mexica rulers. Tenochtitlan also suffered widespread destruction, and of course Cholula, the ritual heartland of central Mexico was destroyed as well.

    The widespread destruction surrounding the native allies of Farouk leaves a bad taste in the mouths of many Tanaki and Nahua leaders. However, the breakdown of Mexica authority allows them to reassert independence, which they do, and they do with force. Anarchy breaks out throughout the empire.

    1490

    Charles VIII commissions the Genoese trader Matteo Doria to explore west and discover new trade routes to Asia, as well as circumvent the Castilians. Doria sets out in April, landing in late May along a long wooded coast he dubs St. Johns land [The Delmarva Peninsula]. He sails further, discovering a large bay he calls le Golfe Charles, after his patron king Charles VIII. Encouraged by the abundance of natural resources in the area, he returned to France and asked for funding for further expeditions.

    Ahmed I is understandably furious with Farouks failure. Anger at the destabilization of the Mexica from the Riyshi merchant families turns into anger at Ahmed over condoning the expedition. Ahmed I had wasted a substantial amount of resources in funding the expedition and decides to redirect his spending to domestic affairs and stabilizing the Riysh. With Arab backing the Tanaki warlord A’hpixchi takes control of much of Al-Kutash, driving out remaining Mexica leaders.

    Ahuitzotl ends his celebrations, resolving to shore up revolts around Tenochtitlan before recapturing the lost territories to the east. First on his mind is retaking Cholula. Mexica forces clash with the Tlaxcalla, who had expanded out of their traditional realms to occupy the nearby area, driving them back. Ahuitzotl carts back a horde of Tlaxcala prisoners to be sacrificed, in a odd sense avenging Farouks murder (unbeknownst to Ahuitzotl, the noble who had originally captured Farouk was among the captives).

    James IV of Aragon dies, ending a long and impressively unproductive reign. General frustration at his rule boils over as nobles prop up his second eldest, and most capable son, Philip over his chosen successor James. Immediately upon his death Philip forces himself into the kingship, backed by the most powerful of the nobility while James flees to Sardinia while entreating the Pope, Pope Innocent VIII for aid.

    The Papacy, still at conflict with France and with Florence, strengthens its ties to the Kingdom of Naples and readily accepts the Crown Prince James, hoping to turn him into a papal arm to finally push Aragon out of Italy. Through the intricacies of European inheritance laws, Philip I of Aragon is able to further ingratiate himself into the politics of northern Italy, claiming himself to be the de-facto ruler of Milan and its holdings, closely intertwining the houses of Sforza and Barcelona. More importantly, Philip I begin to involve himself in the politics of the Holy Roman Empire, seeking control over Milan as an avenue towards the long-coveted goal of Aragonese ambitions, France (through a potential invasion through Burgundy).

    1494

    Mexica territory in the east begins to splinter into a series of fiefdoms, the largest of which are the Tanaki kingdom ruled by A’hpixchi, Tlaxcala ruled by Xicotencatl I, Metztitlán ruled by Sit’i Aneyachi and Tetzapotitlan ruled by Ihuicapan. They face immediate pressure from the Mexica, eager to recapture lost territories.

    The varying level of Islamization among the peoples of Mexico lends almost immediately to intercine strife alongside violence between Nahua peoples and the Taniki. Without Mexica forces on the northern borders Chichimec and Huastec armies also begin raiding southwards again. Another epidemic of smallpox also sweeps through the region, hollowing out the rival armies of the various rump kingdoms in the valley of Mexico.

    The entrance of Aragon into northern Italian politics further drives together the Medici, the Borgia, France, Kingdom of Naples and the Papacy as a collection of mutual enemies united against a common foe. The Pope seeks to mull over the conflicts with France in order to unite against Aragonese expansionism, conceding his own positions to secure French support.

    The king of Sicily, Lorenzo II, firmly rebukes a Neapolitan invasion, making a statement that Sicily will remain neutral in the coming conflicts between France and Aragon. Genoa allies itself with France against their traditional enemy Milan, but their ability to wage continental warfare is hampered by an internal rebellion in Corsica. Secondarily, Genoese closeness to the Ayshunids for the first time brings Aragon and the Andalusi Sultans into conflict since the end of the Reconquista.

    1495-1497

    A’hpixchi, known to the Arabs as Al-Bishi (an odd corruption of his name, which actually means ‘the snare’ in Taniki), marries into a Riyshi Arab family. Slowly trade relationships rebuild between Al-Kutash and the Riysh.

    Warfare inside Mexico increases, Ahuitzotl campaigning relentlessly against the Tlaxcala and then against the Otomi to the north. The Tlaxcala, themselves undergoing a mixed level of Islamization, fight furiously to hold back Mexica pressure. Facing little success in the north Ahuitzotl retreats and moves east through Tepeyacac instead, where he more easily subdues the Nahua peoples there.

    The Arab sailor Hassan Ibn Zafr sails farther down the African coast than any Muslim previously, reaching Dunja (Ndongo in Angola). He is followed by traders, eager to exploit new sources of wealth outside the monopoly of the Riyshi trade families.

    The first Italian War, also known as King Philips War, begins when Philip I marry Margaret of Austria and lays claim to Burgundy and the Low Countries, a direct assault on French sovereignty over Burgundy (just recently settled by the Battle of Nancy a decade ago). Charles VIII responds by attacking Milan immediately afterwards. He fights several indecisive skirmishes with the Milanese shortly thereafter.

    For his part, Maximillian I, finding a friendly ear in Philip I as mutual enemies of France, promises aid, though in reality he is more occupied by rebellions in Switzerland and dynastic conflicts in Bavaria. With the Holy Roman Empire left out of the picture, Philip I feels confident to pursue his war against France directly. Pope Alexander VI cements his alliance with France, founding a League of France, the Papal States, Naples, Genoa and Florence to counter Aragon, the Holy Roman Empire and Milan. Unlike previous conflicts in Italy, this war does not center around Sicily (which remains fiercely neutral throughout the conflict), but around control over northern Italy and Savoy.

    Philip I from his base at Sardinia sails to Italy, aiming to conquer the coast south of Genoa to deprive the Genoese of food supplies and establish a coastal line to his territories inland. He defeats a Genoese fleet at the battle of Deiva Marina. Pope Alexander VI attempts to sway Venice to his side but is rebuked (the Venetians preferring to wait the conflict out before making a move). He gathers papal troops for the march north.

    By mutual agreement with the Pope, King Charles II of Naples prepares an invasion of Sardinia to cut off Aragonese supply lines to Iberia while Pietro di Campofregoso, Doge of Genoa moves to attack Aragon directly on land.

    1498-99

    Islamized Yucatec Mayan lords intensify their prolonged conquest of the largely pagan western Petén, dividing conquered territory between Yucatecan-Arab client kingdoms and Juntala Maya. The main opposition to the Islamized Maya pacification of the region becomes the Itza, whose network of cities in the northern Petén form an important bulwark against the fierce Islamized Maya polities to the north and the Arab colonies in the east. The Arabs, deeply invested in subduing the pagan Maya to the south, who had long troubled Arab settlements in Belish, provide military aid to these Islamized Maya lords and take a blind eye to continued expansion south at the expense of pagan Maya.

    Ahuitzotl negotiates the surrender of the Tepeyacatl peoples, returning them to the Mexica fold. With the Nahua territories there firmly under Mexica control (albeit more lenient than before), Ahuitzotl is able to pursue his war at Al-Kutash (Cuetlaxtlan) directly. This puts the Arabs in a awkward position, since they on one hand want a return to strong central government in Mexico, of which the Mexica represent the best chance of, but on the other hand would prefer that their relationships with the Islamized Tanaki not be jeopardized by war with the Mexica. In effect, this limbo leaves the Tanaki on their own against the impending, vengeful Mexica juggernaut.

    Henry III strengthens his ties with Aragon. In this he disregards traditional rivalries, deciding that the combined force of Aragon and Castile might prove a match for the Andalusians (he harbors a well-known imperial fantasy of reigniting the Reconquista). In an ingenious move, he redirects Portuguese restlessness into colonial ventures, offering potential social advancement to middle and lower class Portuguese in reward for manning colonial expeditions. Unlike the Ayshunids, who had memorably tried similar tactics with disastrous results, he is providing these bargains to non-elites without deep ties to the old Portuguese noble houses. In a twofold process he begins to drain Portugal of its restless militarily experienced population and weakens the loyalties between the old Portuguese families and the lay people.

    Pietro feels unsure about confronting the large Aragonese army directly and withholds his forces. Philip I, confident in his military superiority over Genoa, leaves Pietro to stew in his city while he establishes direct contact with Milan, commandeering the coastal forts to begin ferrying supplies directly to his allied armies inland. The Milanese, bolstered by additional men and supplies, sally forth and engage the French to win a victory at the Battle of the Serpents, forcing Charles VIII to retreat west to Savoy.

    Philip I attempts to leverage his newfound claims in Burgundy and the Low Countries, trying to instigate forces there to reignite the old Burgundian conflicts with France. Lingering distrust of the Aragonese and the memory of the crushing French victories in earlier years prevent significant developments there for now. Discouraged, but not dissuaded, he gathers his army and sieges Genoa directly, aiming to take a major port out of French hands. The Genoese fight hard, but the city falls to Philip, who quickly commandeers the port. Pietro retreats, hoping to join the French in Savoy.

    Charles II lands in central Sardinia and moves to siege the major Aragonese stronghold at Nuoro, which he enters and occupies. Neapolitan forces set about raiding and looting in Sardinia to deprive Philip of a major supply area.

    Pope Alexander leverages his ally in James the former prince of Aragon to foment rebellion, propping him up as the legitimate ruler of the dynasty (which he was). There is little rebellion over the name of James, since his name is attached to that of his hated father, but the ensuing suppression does ignite a secondary rebellion, one that is far worse. A peasant army in northern Aragon wreaks havoc on the countryside and evades capture.

    1502

    Henry III reorganizes the Castilian state, undercutting the noble houses drastically and taking cues from the Andalusians in organizing the religious apparatus of the state underneath the monarchy. This, of course, ignites a noble rebellion which is swiftly defeated at the battle of Aljuborroto.

    Charles VIII mounts a second invasion of Lombardy after regathering his forces, this time achieving more success, the Milanese army suffering from a serious outbreak of disease during an unusually wet winter. He defeats Milan at the Ticino river and crosses into deep Milanese territory. Philip I marches north to relieve his weakened allies.

    The Aragonese peasant revolt, known as the Camperolos balloons drastically as decades of mismanaged agricultural policies under James IV finally dismantle Aragonese rural society (it is rumored that a major backer of the rebels was queen mother Eleanor of Milan, who deeply resented Philip for usurping her own chosen heir James) A lack of similar reforms by Philip I to undo his fathers work means that while he campaigns in Italy the farms of Iberia proper erupt into violence. Farmers, unable to pay exorbitant taxes and forced to redistrict their lands into large servile estates take up arms and throw out local tax collectors. Similar revolts break out in the Balearics, which suffered even more under the Aragonese regime policy of cultivating massive estates to maximize rural profits.

    Camperolo rebels under the leadership of Pol Martin ransack northern Aragon and even succeed in defeating a force of knights sent to put down the rebels.

    Philip I rendezvous with his Milanese allies while Charles does the same with the Genoese army, bloodied but mostly intact. Papal troops, withheld by logistical difficulties in central Italy finally march north to meet up with the French. Philip, confident in his numerical superiority (the Aragonese army was easily the largest single army in Italy) and bolstered by the Milanese, sets a date for a single battle where he intends to defeat the Papacy, France and Genoa all at once and cement his position in Italy. He is intent on dealing a decisive blow to end the war quickly, also concerned with the Neapolitan invasion of Sardinia (but refused to take their bait and withdraw from Italy), and with the revolts in Aragon.

    At the battle of Bereguardo the combined forces of Charles VIII, the Papacy, Genoa, along with reinforcements from Savoy, Turin and Florence faced the army of Philip I and the Sforza of Milan. After almost a day of fighting, a miraculous intervention by the Genoese cavalry managed to break the Aragonese left and rout the Iberians. In the ensuing rout Philip I is captured by the French. Aragonese power is broken.

    Charles VIII continues his march, taking Milan and forcing a peace treaty under Papal auspices. The Treaty of Como ends Kings Philips War, the most important terms of which were that Aragon withdraws its claims to the inheritances of Margaret of Austria, Aragon breaks its alliance with the Sforza and forfeits the inheritance of Eleanor’s name and holdings to any Aragonese prince. Genoa received significant territorial concessions in Lombardy while France was awarded total control over Savoy and control over Milan and Montferrat (to the chagrin of the Byzantines, who had technical claim to that duchy). It was a humiliating treaty, but Aragon did receive the important concession of having its control over Sardinia finally recognized, a longstanding demand of Aragonese monarchs. This was a Papal request to preemptively eliminate Aragon reinstigating war in Italy over Sardinia. Aragon was forced to relinquish almost all of its claims in northern Italy, and with it the Aragonese ambitions for a continental European empire.

    1504

    Henry III re-invades the Azores, this time amassing a significantly larger fleet for the task. He uses ship-mounted artillery to demolish a string of Ayshunid forts, the largest of which, Bakhr fortress, was a personal pet project of Yusuf II. He conquers the entire island chain shortly thereafter.

    Ahmed I responded by sending yet another fleet, but this time Henry did not flee. Instead, the Castilian forces repurposed the Ayshunid forts, wheeling artillery into makeshift positions on the walls and firing on the light Ayshunid galleys as they approached. In the battle of Almudic (a Latinization of the Arabic “The Strait”) the Castilian forces deal a crushing defeat to the Ayshunid fleet. The Castilian cannons punches through the small Ayshunid vessels like paper. Ahmed I has to call off the rest of his ships and return south.

    The Juntala (Chontal) Maya king Yakbu Aj Zotz is granted recognition by the wali of the Wilayat al-Maya, currently Salah Ibn Yazid, as the ruler of the state of Yixkabal, a Juntala territory that had been expanding over the late 15th century to control much of the Juntala territory and even the western Petén.

    Philip I returns to Aragon in disgrace, forced to contend with a peasant revolt that by this point, had destroyed multiple towns, burnt vast amounts of farmland and had even defeated multiple retaliatory forces. He dispatches his weary army to crush the peasant revolt, which he does, but not before reversing the estate system of his father and cutting taxes (which was deeply threatening to his own financial plans, making it a painful bargain for him). Philip I then contends with a revolt among the nobility, angered by his catastrophic losses in Italy. The Milanese faction in the Aragonese court is driven out, and Eleanor forced to retire to a nunnery.

    1505-1508

    Ahmed I retaliates for the Castilian conquest of the Azores using a old tactic of Andalusian sultans, take on land what you lose at sea. With a lavishly outfitted army Ahmed attacks Castiles heartland in La Mancha. Henry III, confident that the Andalusians had fallen for his trap, springs it. His waiting army camped outside Segovia meets the Andalusians at the Battle of Espirdo. Blocks of Castilian pikemen hold the lightly equipped Andalusi cavalry easily at bay, the richness of their equipment unable to prevent highly disciplined Christian troops from decisively repulsing them.

    When Ahmed reverts to the older tactic of free-roaming cavalry raids, intent on ravaging the Castilian countryside, Henry III employs Muslim-style cavalry of his own, jinetes to counter them. Ahmed I fails to gain significant wealth to recoup his losses at land and at sea and retreats south, massing his army at the border to ward off a Castilian counter-invasion.

    The Tarascans foment rebellion among the Matlatzinca peoples to the west of the Aztec empire. They recapture a string of Mexica border towns, taking advantage of the empires weakened state.

    Ahuitzotl remains acutely aware of the empires fragility in the west, despite his insistence on continuing to shore up the eastern frontier near Tlaxcala and the rising kingdom of Tetzapotitlan. He organizes a system of border outposts, the chicalotlatonti, lit. “the little thorny places” at regular intervals to warn of impending attack and send runners to alert nearby garrisons. Ahuitzotl continues to relentlessly assault the eastern rebel kingdoms, taking especially cruel measures to deal with Islamized Nahua. Seeing them as unworthy of the honor of traditional sacrifice, he has them strangled, flayed and/or beaten to death rather than being granted sacrifice atop the cuahxicalli on the temple.

    Arab traders, interested in finding new trade routes after the destabilization of Al-Kutash, explore the coast north of Al-Kutash, making contact with the peoples on the coast there (a region they label Al-Yikaq [Texas Gulf Coast], after native words for ‘person’). Disappointingly, they find few organized societies but yet more wandering tribes, whom they conclude are unfit for much more than slavery and some low-level trading. The Riyshi trading family of Mughrabah invests considerable money into broadening Arab trade westward into Yikaq.

    Venice, having waited out King Philips war, decides to move to curb Genoa now that it is clear that Genoa gained the upper hand in northern Italy after the Aragonese defeat. Venetian diplomats meet with the Pope, attempting to secure more favorable relations and undercut Genoese hegemony in Rome. Venice sets its sights on Genoese Corsica. After suffering defeats in Greece at the hands of the Ottoman fleet, Venice was eager to recoup its losses somewhere closer to home.

    Doge Pietro of Genoa, acutely aware of the severity of the Ottoman threat and the delicate situation in northern Italy, reaches out to the Ayshunids to establish closer relations. Ahmed I on the other hand, a stricter and harsher figure than his father, rejects such advances on the grounds that Genoa also has close ties with Castile, the Ayshunids prime enemy at the time.

    Tensions between the Papacy, now in the hands of Pope Julius II, and France raise their heads again. This time it is over the continued French sponsorship of the Kingdom of Naples, which the new Pope felt was an excessive overreach of French power in Italy. In his eyes, after Aragon had lost their positions in Italy and Sicily, it was unwise to allow France, as his predecessors seemed inclined to do, to take its place as another oppressive foreign monarchy.

    Julius II first wages his personal war against the Borgia family, which long held a death grip on Papal politics, forcing the remaining Borgia to flee to Naples.

    A military captain who had gained renown as a condotierri in the Italian wars, Benedetto di Ridolfi, enters the employ of the French as the appointed lord of Montferrat, a reward for his military service (and rumored extensive network of bribes in the French court). He soon sets about building up a base of power in Lombardy, using his associations in Florence (the Ridolfi are a Florentine family) to fund his project.

    1510

    Ahmed I attacks Castile again, this time fully flexing the absurd trade wealth the Ayshunids have been stockpiling in since the early 15th century. He buys an army of Berbers as well as levying a huge Andalusian army, easily dwarfing Henrys small, if well-trained, force.

    In Spring the Andalusian army crosses the border north, mounting a second assault at Segovia. Amassing almost a hundred cannons, most of them cast in Iberia using recruited Ottoman advisors, he batters Segovia into rubble. Henry III, instead of fighting this force, retreats towards the Castilian capital at Burgos, beginning a protracted guerilla campaign. At the memorable Battle of Barbaroja a small Castilian force holds off almost 2000 Maghrebi mercenaries from the castle at Rueda. Ahmed I sweeps over Castile, but is continuously unable to catch Henry III. At the same time, Henry uses his fleet to resupply his forces from the sea and cut off Andalusi ports. Henry III appeals to Aragon for assistance but king Philip, his forces deeply taxed due to his campaigns in Italy, can do little more than send a small contingent, far below what is needed to effectively repulse the Moors.

    Sit’i Aneyachi marries into an Arab family and converts to Islam, taking the name Mahamad Aneyachi, the first prominent Otomi to do so. Because of this, he faces an internal uprising by traditionalist Otomi fearful of the spread of foreign culture in the region.

    Riyshi Arabs mount an expedition deep into the interior of Marawiyah, encouraged by news of rich gold wealth in the mountainous jungles there. They meet a large number of rich native peoples but are assaulted by a native army for trespassing. Only through brutal fighting can they escape and return to friendly tribes on the coast.

    1511

    Ibn Sa’ad cultivates closer ties with the Ayshunid court, as revealed by the purchase of Berber soldiers to accompany the Ayshunid army in Iberia. He also begins to expand his own ties with Christian states, offering mercenaries and favorable trade contacts to try and draw the Maghreb out of its backwater position outside the reach of major empires.

    Genoa strengthens its ties to France through diplomacy and tutors, the noble Genoese families sending their sons to Paris for tutoring at the French court.

    Florence, feeling spited by its exclusion from the Treaty of Como, conducts secret negotiations with the Venetians to curb Genoese power and rearrange northern Italy more along a Florentine / Venetian split rather than a Genoese / French divide. Florence gains in this endeavor an unlikely ally in the new king of Sicily, the young and ambitious Lorenzo III. The Sicilians wish to push the French entirely out of southern Italy and see as their first step in doing this the weakening of the Kingdom of Naples.

    A Andalusi army sieges Burgos and takes the city after a short battle. Trouble soon ensues, as fierce Castilian resistance throughout the occupied territories combined with Andalusian over-extension soon begins to poke holes in the Andalusian strategy. Guerilla forces cut supply lines, burn fields and execute collaborative landlords.

    1513-16

    Lorenzo III invades Calabria with silent Italian consent. The Pope himself does not concern himself with retaliation, since he has long shifted to the position of restricting French power in Italy, not further fortifying it. The French dispatch a fleet to aid the Neapolitan forces, which lands at the hill at Tropea. Lorenzo III defeats the French with the aid of local turncoats (the Calabrians much more fond of Sicilian rule than continuing Neapolitan rule). He then marches on to Cosenza, and then surrounds Naples itself soon after.

    Lorenzo incubates a close alliance with the Papacy, casting himself as a Papal champion against foreign ambitions. Pope Julius II agrees to manage significant portions of the former kingdom, dividing it with Sicily – but he dies before any concrete actions can be taken. His successor, Leo X decides to deal with familial intrigues in northern Italy rather than attempt to govern rebellious territories in the south. Through this however, Lorenzo III gains defacto control of all southern Italy, instantly becoming a major peninsular power.

    Louis XII of France rightfully sees this act as a betrayal and pulls back from the Papally-organized league with Genoa, sending an army through Italy to reconquer the kingdom of Naples. While en route however, he faces unexpected opposition from the duchy of Urbino, a tempestuous state often caught between the separate factions within Italy. With Venetian and Papal backing, the Urbinese act as the outlet of Papal frustration at France, harassing the French army in a guerilla campaign on its march to the south. This marks the beginning of King Louis’s War, the second of the Italian wars.

    Philip I of Aragon returns to Italy with a vengeance. To avoid repeating the mistakes of his previous wars with France, he attacks central Italy first, aiming to forcefully separate the French from their Papal allies. He first allied with Siena, the old foe of Florence. He then moved his large army through central Italy, cutting behind the French advance and subjugating the client princes of the Papacy. Taking advantage of his significant military advantage over the small armies of the various principalities under the Papacy, he engaged in a protracted scorched earth campaign to deprive both the Papacy, and France of resources. Unsurprisingly, this gains him few friends among the Papal dukes. Indeed, he is soon given the infamous moniker “il Truce”, Philip the Grim, for the sheer scale of atrocities inflicted under his rule.

    Maximillian I sees French weakness in northern Italy and commits imperial forces to securing his own interests in the region. He seizes Milan from the French while Louis is campaigning in the south, and then waits in the north to strengthen his position.

    Ahmed I returns south under intense Castilian resistance. During his retreat the Castilians win a minor, but symbolically potent victory at the Battle of Fermoselle. Castilian musketeers ambushed and routed a large number of Andalusian infantry in the hills near Salamanca, capturing a significant amount of booty in the process. Ahmed I signs a peace agreement with Henry III, with a significant tribute meted out to Seville. Ahmed I gained though, a comparatively tiny amount of wealth for the extreme losses he suffered both on land and at sea. More importantly, Henry III reignited interest in Iberian affairs among the broader European nobility and proved he was a capable leader who could defeat the Moors in battle, even at a great numerical disadvantage. Unfortunately for Henry, the other powerful European monarchs were too deeply invested in power struggles farther east to be willing to sink wealth into wars with the Ayshunids. Given that they were far less expansionistic in Europe compared to the Ottomans (currently blazing across the Balkans and the Near East at the moment), meant that there was little real stomach for a serious war in Iberia, despite how much Henry proved it could be won.

    1517

    Ahuitzotl dies accidentally while falling, hitting his head on a doorway. He is succeeded by his nephew Moctezuma II, who carries out the Mexica tradition of performing a campaign immediately before his coronation ceremony, this time raiding into Tanaki and taking a significant number of slaves.

    Henry III, eager for added funds, presses hard for wealth to be found in his colonies in the New World. This translates to acts of wanton cruelty between the Castilian colonists and the native peoples as they ruthlessly search for gold with renewed intensity, now with official state backing. The embryonic cotton trade does begin to pay dividends, but instability at home prevents it from fully taking off as a serious avenue of profit for the crown.

    Ahmed I institutes a series of cultural reforms, the most unique of which is the introduction of several new letters to standardize the orthography used in the Riysh, tasking a group of scribes to standardize Andalusi Arabic and promote a unified language. They borrow multiple letters from Persian, including پ for ‘p’and چ for ‘ch’. The amount of new vocabulary and intense linguistic contact between Arabic and various native languages with radically different phonology had created many decades of headaches for writers unable to accurately transcribe new words or write the sounds of Andalusi Arabic, many of which were diverging rapidly from root forms in Classical Arabic. Riyshi Arabic in particular was quickly separating itself from any old world varieties.

    A German professor named Martin Luther nails a series of complaints to the door of a church in Wittenburg.

    France finally pushes through Papal territory to reach Naples, where Lorenzo III easily repulses the wearied, demoralized French troops. Louis XII returns north, but endures horrendous losses due to the destruction wrought by Philip throughout the countryside. He manages to break through to Florence, where he summons up the statelets of northern Italy by warning of the (likely accurate) threat of Aragonese oppression. Spending cash at a furious pace, Louis with the aid of the Medici among other families, drafts up a large mercenary army and begins mopping up the Aragonese forces scattered throughout the region.

    Venetian forces assail the French from the east, where under secret arrangement with Florence the two cities would play both ends of the war to mutual benefit, while Florentine forces aid Louis in defeating Aragon. At the Battle of Graffignano the Aragonese are forced to retreat after a successful attack by French cavalry. Louis XII happiness sours however, as the imperial army marches from Milan west to Genoa, forcing him to employ yet more condotierri to bolster an extremely worn out and tired French army.

    A second French force, led by the appointed lord of Montferrat Benedetto di Ridolfi is able to relieve pressure on Genoa by repulsing the imperial forces in a daring skirmishing campaign. At this point in the war, it seems Florence is winning on every side, with Florentine captains serving in leadership positions in every major army in the region.

    1518

    Arabic sailors get blown off course and travel farther south than ever before, reaching a verdant land called Baraniya (Pernambuco / more broadly Brazil). They are able to return to the Riysh and report their findings.

    After yet another pyrrhic victory, this time at the Battle of Giacomo’s Hat (after the hat of an Italian cavalry commander among the imperial army supposedly was blown away and landed near the feet of a French scout, alerting them to the imperial forces presence), Louis XII manages to defeat Maximillian I and save his dominions in northern Italy. The true cost of this battle though, was that he was left deeply in debt, and unable to fend off any further major assaults. The prospect of a renewed Venetian or Aragonese offensive in the north caused him to sue for peace. At the Treaty of Landeck the pope intervened, creating an independent Duchy of Lombardy to incorporate much of northern Italy as a separate state, removed from Imperial, Aragonese, or French control. It was given to the lord Alessandro de' Medici, effectively stating openly the extent to which Florence had successfully used the war to infiltrate every major power involved, including the Papacy. It should be stated, that Alessandro was only 8 years old, and ruled with the regent Giulio de’ Gonzaga, from a northern family. The logic was that this would create a relatively amicable split between Florentine, and Lombard interests, with both sides invested in the success of their own families enough to ensure the strength of the duchy. This did of course, alienate the French, Aragonese, and the Holy Roman Empire, and all three refused to provide anything more than tacit support of the idea. France was the one most amicable to it however, as it was left from the treaty, despite its own defeats in the war, control of Savoy which had been a major goal all along. Philip and Maximillian were both spurned by this, with Philip returning to Aragon in a huff while Maximillian returned to Germany to deal with growing tensions there (he would die shortly soon after).

    Fig 1. Iberia and the Maghreb in 1518
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    Fig 1. The New World in 1518

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    The History and Equipment of the Hezzi: Raiders and Explorers of the Islamic Ocean West: 1264 - 1480
  • The History and Equipment of the Hezzi: Raiders and Explorers of the Islamic Ocean West: 1264 - 1480

    Hezzi, as they were known in vernacular Riyshi Arabic (a dense patois of Taino, Maya, Andalusi and Macaronese Arabic that had already become a distinct language by 1500) were societies of border raiders that acted as a dynamic militarized aspect of the developing colonial Arab society in the new world.

    The Hezzi were directly related to the Old-World Ghazi, and indeed to period observers there was little difference between the two. The word Hezzi (or ‘Ezi, in some dialects) itself is simply a garbling of the term Ghazi in the first place. Many of them were descendants from those who claimed such status during the contentious border wars of the 11th – 13th centuries in Iberia, portraying themselves as heirs of a Berber warrior tradition that helped push back Christian armies under the auspices of the Almoravids and Almohads. These families had migrated west, mostly first to the Canaries (Kinaru) on the promise of being rewarded for their military services in protecting Arab settlements. Many also served guarding merchant vessels on the African coast, or leading expeditions into the interior itself. In expeditions in Macaronesia and Africa these ghazis were able to retool their military skills against Christian forces into skills more suited for colonial ventures on behalf of the Ayshunid state. Once significant migration to the Riysh was first encouraged in the early 15th century, the Ayshunids sent large quantities of these ghazi to that region to help pacify it after endemic banditry by native peoples (the oft-cited Karbi) began to strain the widely dispersed Arab population there. Here these ghazis began to develop into a new form, acting equally as border guards, raiders, mercenaries and lay foot soldiers. In a region where the demographic and political makeup was constantly, violently shifting due to warfare and above all else, disease this force of loyal, highly experienced and highly adaptable soldiers was indispensable in protecting Arab interests and ensuring the survival of Arab settlements.

    The Bilali Revolt of 1444:

    As the Riysh was gradually filled in by Arab settlers as the native population died out, much of these newly available lands were partitioned to rich landowners as rewards for their services to the state. These landowners were primarily of noble, Iberian stock and unlike the Ghazis, who had made their original fortunes through state-sponsored banditry, had old money and deep financial roots in Iberia. Quickly there became a divide between the old noble families who controlled much of the new lands, and the ghazi families, who were new money, but were treated entirely differently for it. This instigated growing conflict between the two factions. As these ghazi families began to branch out and diversify their financial holdings to supplement their incomes in times of relative peace, such as sponsoring merchant expeditions themselves, the visual divide between the two groups grew thinner – but the stark inequalities remained.

    This division almost sparked real conflict after the establishment of the Wilayat al-Belish in 1422. Essentially, after Arabs had conquered much of the native territory south of the Wilayat al-Maya, and having used a significant number of ghazis in the process, there was a row in the government of the Riysh over who to parcel the land among. Those loyal more to the sultanate argued that the power of the ghazis should be curbed, while the ghazis (and their allies among the fractious Bilali noble family) obviously disagreed. Feeling spurned after having fought a grueling campaign, and atop an already deep history of conflict over land and social privilege in the Riysh, the Ghazis plotted outright rebellion. This was only avoided after the new governor of the Riysh Salah Ibn Umar caved to the Ghazi’s demands, and granted them vast estates in the Riysh to placate them.

    In 1444, tensions flared up again after the Sultanate imprisoned the heads of the Bilali clan on false pretenses, and the Ghazis rose up again to aid their noble allies. This time though, their direct control over large profitable territories gave them power closer to a cabal of noble houses than bands of privateers, and they put up a spirited, if futile, resistance to the government in Seville. This revolt marked the high point of Ghazi power in the Riysh and was an example of how truly divergent they had become from their old-world ancestors.

    Equipment:

    The equipment of the first ghazis used in the New World was indistinguishable from those fighters who had troubled Christian rulers only decades before in La Mancha. They were lightly equipped cavalry raiders meant for long expeditions in contested territories. Most ghazi’s came from middle and lower class families in Andalusia, wearing traditional clothing of that region. Musa Hawr in his travelogue about late-13th century Iberia describes forces serving Yusuf Muhammad as “wearing robes in Granadine style. They are thickly hemmed, and trimmed to the knee, so that the leather of their boots is entirely visible. Their leader wears a white turban, but the rest go bareheaded […] they fight in the Maghrebi style of attack and retreat [la-karr wa’l-farr]…”

    It can be assumed that he is referring to the shaya, which was the long robe common among all Andalusian classes, originally a Christian invention. It does seem though that for their Granadine dress, they nevertheless fought as jinetes, skirmisher cavalry with hide shields and javelins. There is little evidence that this changed before the late 14th century, with a decorative fresco from ‘Andami Palace in Cordoba showing a Muslim escorting a Christian noble, wearing very similar dress to Hawrs description, wearing a sashed cap rather than a turban, indicating that the general shift of Andalusi clothing towards more European models was percolating into military dress as well.

    A Ghazi in the late 14th century, like the sort that would have accompanied the first expeditions to the Riysh, would have worn simple civilian dress, likely a shaya cut short for better mobility with high leather boots (this look was so ubiquitous that Ibn Farha often described it as the ‘soldiers dress’, fustan al‘askari” ). They would have worn a stiff short hat with raised embroidered edges and a sash, called the kebza, and sometimes a traveling cloak called a burnus (an element of Maghrebi dress that had become adopted in Al-Andalus). Their armaments were still largely unchanged from Almohad times, a few javelins and the simple Adarga hide shield. Many kept axes and daggers for melee combat, and their commanders would have carried a long cavalry straight-sword in jineta style. The Adarga had subsumed all other shield varieties in the Ayshunid army and after the reforming the Ayshunid military to become a large, light and self-sufficient skirmishing force there was little need anyways for heavier, bulkier kinds of shields. Later Ayshunid shields of this variety are distinguished by a growing preponderance of quasi-heraldic designs as Al-Andalus Latinized socially to an extent. A register of turncoat Moorish mercenaries serving in the army of Alfonso I describes the devices used by them, stating for example, “The Musmuto Lord Ali of Badajoz, whose device is of a bull surmounted by a crescent with a torch inset…”. The complexity of such heraldry, a cobbled mix of Christian heraldic design conventions and traditional Andalusi and Islamic iconography was perhaps the most visually significant change in Ayshunid military equipment during the 14th century. It is highly likely that 14th century Ghazis would have painted their shields with such devices, indicating their city, clan and/or family of origin.

    Some evidence exists to indicate that these 14th century Ghazi wore body armor. A late 14th century manuscript from Castile shows Christians fighting Moors who appear with chainmail coifs and some even wearing European-style cuirasses, but the extent to which this reflects actual equipment of most soldiers is unknown (since even in Christian kingdoms plate armor was still quite rare at this point). Despite the great quantities of iron in Al-Andalus, native plate armor manufacture does not appear in significant amounts until the mid-16th century, and the subsequent import of European armor on a mass scale also does not appear this early. It is possible some Ghazi commanders wore European armor. What is more likely is that those with the means to do so wore padded aketons as had been worn in previous centuries by Moorish soldiers, or chainmail layered with cloth as was common in Islamic states. Helmets were oddly enough, exceedingly rare. This is likely because the standard Andalusi kebza cap was already a thick and protective piece of headgear and could be more cheaply reinforced with a hidden skull-cap or coif rather than replaced by a conical metal helm.

    The demands of combat in the new world radically changed this style of dress. The first impression the Riysh made on these ghazis was its shocking humidity. Moisture slackened bow-strings, encouraged disease, and rotted both clothing – and with time, even flesh (trench foot was common on colonial expeditions). It became common practice for soldiers serving in the Riysh to carry rags on their person to soak up sweat that would accumulate in their boots after long marches, many of them even chose to walk barefoot or wear sandals traded from natives. Encounters with Karbi raiders in close quarters engagements in the dense island jungles caused many to wear body armor over their traditional tunics. These came in the form of tightly-fitted aketons made of padded cloth reinforced with metal plates. The increased wealth of the Ayshunid state allowed many to afford helmets as well, primarily of a native style based on the European bascinet. The ubiquitous sash remained, a mark of the wearers faith no matter how European their outward dress became. Swords became shorter and wider, doubling as machetes to clear vegetation. The sort of man who appeared in the expeditions to pacify Sayadin or Tall al-Karbi would have been a grizzled veteran compared to those who sailed with Abu Ali in 1370. Many of them carried crossbows, easier to manage in tight quarters, bulbous helmets and quilted coats. Shields fell out of favor except in the case where the wearer had it slung over one shoulder to ward against blows from behind. Many of them could speak some semblance of the native languages and had experience in jungle fighting. Short swords, axes and daggers could finish what a quick-triggered volley of bolts could not. Despite these adaptations, they were continually faced with foes who knew the native terrain far better and could exploit it more easily. In his History of the Riysh, Al-Bewdaq, in a brief aside, describes the sort of conflict these warriors found themselves in,

    “they [The Tayni] came on a number of canoes towards Ibn Jawar [ Mu’wahiya Ibn Jawar al-Bajhani, A ghazi commander] and fired a great number of arrows through which many Arabs suffered injury. Ibn Jawar formed his men along the spit and had them return fire. The bows of the Arabs, of Frankish style [crossbows], dealt great injury to the barbarians, who called upon their comrades in the trees behind them to commence their own assault. A great horde of them came from the forest and fell upon the Arabs with axes and darts. It is said that Ibn Jawar slew twelve of them, of which the last was their chief, and upon his death the natives fled, and left the Arabs in peace.”

    Further expeditions into the Yucatan forced yet more adaptations in dress among the ghazis, though this was not the greatest factor spurring their development. The increase in tensions and subsequent Ghazi revolt in the early 15th century was marked by a growing number of private arms purchases between the Ghazi families and European nobles. Genoese traders, already a common sight in the Riysh by 1420, became embroiled in a complex arms black market as various Riyshi factions sought to gain an advantage over their rivals by acquiring native mercenaries, and European weapons. Many ghazis with means traded padded armor for plate, less efficient in hot climates but displaying more wealth and status. Their men retained older styles, using skills learned in fighting natives to fight Arab forces instead. Commanded by Riyshi nobility wearing all the armor that marked an Italian knight, the revolting ghazis held off the Iberian government for several years before finally capitulating. In the aftermath of the surrender, such armor pieces were traded up among surviving soldiers in the Riysh, allowing Riyshi fighters to wear higher quality plate than Iberian commanders could have without significant personal investment.

    These suits became modified by their new owners. Riyshi Ghazis quickly became renowned not only for their skills in combat but also their skills as smiths. Many styles of armor and helmet invented in the Riysh became adopted by Iberian forces later on, such as the bulging basilah helmet, which took a simple bascinet form and flared it outwards, with a pointed crest and thick central ridge to ward off blows to the temple. This helmet appears in Riyshi contexts as early as the mid-1400s, and only appeared in Iberia after 1480, at which point it rapidly takes over as the dominant variety of cavalry helmet.

    Tactics:

    Initially, the Ghazis in Iberia fought in the same style as Jinetes, Attack and Retreat. This was the tactic of circular skirmishing, running up close to the enemy to fire off javelins before riding off before the enemy could retaliate. Yusuf Muhammad had expanded the scope of these tactics, developing a wide variety of guerilla warfare tactics during his roving campaigns across Iberia. Yusuf Muhammad used his ghazis in a similar manner to the Aragonese almugavars, rapacious raiders and ambush fighters. These tactics quickly lost power in the New World. In contrast to the plains of La Mancha and Estremadura, Arab forces found themselves fighting in jungle islands and the dense forests of the Yucatan, where cavalry skirmishing tactics simply could not succeed. The only major exception to this case was the expeditions into Belish, where dense Maya settlements had cleared enough of the native brush to allow cavalry warfare in Iberian style to be carried out effectively. The later expeditions into Mexico allowed cavalry warfare to rear its head again, but by this point the power of the Ghazi clans was thoroughly re-chained to the Sultanate, no longer the independent warriors that had defined previous centuries.

    The independence of the Ghazi families allowed a great deal of latitude in developing innovative military strategies. Quickly the Ghazis ditched cavalry for foot combat, leaving horses to be relegated to the supply train (which itself became filled with native porters, better suited to the rugged terrain). The large far-reaching armies of mounted raiders Yusuf Muhammad used turned into small, disciplined forces of fighters marching on foot through steaming jungles. The key organizational unit of the Riyshi ghazi army was the karif, a group of 50 men who could ideally support themselves in the field without a drawn-out supply train. This group was led by a single commander, often a noble of Iberian descent, who could command his small force much more quickly and personally than the general of a large army. This system saw great success in pacifying much of the south Riysh, since Arab forces could move from conflict to conflict quickly and easily, keeping pace with the highly mobile native forces they had to deal with. As time progressed these groups became supplemented with native mercenaries, acting as scouts, porters and additional manpower. These tight-knit groups fostered competition between each other, often leading to feats of bravery to outdo warriors from another band.

    Ghazi tactics reached the height of their sophistication during the Bilali Revolt. Ghazi commanders used their small-scale tactics against more traditional Iberian armies, memorably using the mountainous interior terrain of Muluka to inflict grievous casualties on the cumbersome loyalist forces. Experiments with larger armies had more mixed results however. On one hand, the famous expedition of Faysal Al-Kinaru, about 3000 men in total was extremely successful in pacifying the Belish territory, but the equally large attempt in 1452 to break the Sultanate blockade of Muluka ended in humiliating failure, and the end of the Bilali revolt (with the execution of the ghazi family patriarchs).

    One area the Ghazis always found themselves outclassed in was ambush warfare. There are constant references in the literature to experienced Ghazi bands finding themselves the targets of well-orchestrated native ambushes, only able to surprise their foes with luck (or if their foes were Arabs even less experienced in jungle fighting). One interesting anecdote from a trader in Al-Kutash (somewhat out of the way as a theatre of ghazi warfare), offers up an explanation for this, saying that the ghazis under his employ “are extremely cocky, and full of pride of their own kind, which lends to a glazing of the mind, such is the apparent impossibility of any other than their own defeating them in force of arms…”.

    As such, how to respond to ambushes dominated strategic conversations. Protocol often was to hold off the inevitable missile barrage that marked the start of a native attack, usually by using the vegetation and shields as cover, followed by a retaliatory volley once the enemy was visible. Ghazis would carry their crossbows on a sling, pre-loading their bows before entering a confined area (which wore out the strings quickly: Ghazi bands often purchased crossbow parts and strings at twice the rate of regular soldiers), firing them quickly as the enemy closed in before dropping their crossbows to their hips to pull their melee weapons. Tight formation was vital, since they were often outnumbered. Those fighting on the outermost edge of the group would hold off the foe while those on the inside would reload and fire their bows at individual enemy marksmen. Some Ghazi took to carrying small darts on their person, like Roman soldiers were wont to do during the waning years of the empire (the plumbata), which could be thrown quickly and without sacrificing the use of a shield. As gunpowder appeared in the Riysh, it became common for commanders to purchase a single gun for their band, as the shock of a gunshot, even one, was often enough to frighten an unwitting enemy into a rout.

    Image Gallery

    Fig. 1: A Ghazi in the Service of Yusuf Muhammad c. 1277

    This figure is largely unchanged from his Almohad predecessors but already important trends in costume are rendering him distinct from earlier soldiers. Most noticeably, his kebza cap, identified by its stiff rim and adjoining sash. He carries several javelins and a adarga shield to cover his off-hand.

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    Fig. 2: A Ghazi (Hezzi) serving in the Riysh c. 1400

    There are noticeable adaptations to New World life in this mans dress. He has abandoned a cap for a variation of a bascinet helm, and carries a small crossbow instead of several javelins. Otherwise his dress is relatively similar, with a short aketon covering a shaya tunic with high leather boots. He carries a pack and cloak for country travel. Warriors of similar appearance would carry out many of the most notorious acts of the Ghazis in the Riysh over the next century.

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    Fig. 3: A Ghazi commander acting as a mercenary for a Arab merchant in the Yucatan c. 1460

    The wealth of the Ghazi families is still apparent here, even after the defeat of the Bilali revolt. This man has managed to retain a suit of plate armor and carries a distinctively native style of steel helmet called the basilah. His head is otherwise covered with a padded coif for protection and comfort. He carries a long sword as a symbol of his status worn on a complex knotted belt that marks him as descended from Azorean migrants (who wore their swords in similar style). On his back is mounted a european-style heater shield, which would be emblazoned with his chosen heraldic design.

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    Fig. 4: A Islamized Tayni mercenary c. 1350

    This man, likely from a client-king on Sayadin, is identified by his long white cotton robe called a jubey, derived from Arab designs and meant to instill modesty (a Islamic principle that quickly set converted natives apart from their pagan, nude cousins). He otherwise wears entirely traditional garb, with a knotted headband, a wicker quiver and a long traditional bow he has primed with a reed arrow, itself likely slicked with poison. He wears native sandals, which found greater purchase in the humid climate of the Riysh rather than the tight boots Arab soldiers boasted.

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    Image Sources

    These images are manipulated to various degrees by me, based off originals by the author Ian Heath, originally published in various books. I cannot easily find the original source for the first three, but the last is from
    Armies of the Aztec and Inca Empires, by Ian Heath. If the Mods want further details I can find them if need be.
     
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    A House of Lamps | Part 6
  • A House of Lamps; Part 6

    "The whole world is like a house filled with lamps, rays, and lights through whom the things of the house are elucidated…"

    Ibn Barrajan, 12th century CE

    The Frenzy of the New World and the War of King Charles

    “We dine on Moorish plates, sweeten our food with Moorish sugar, and smoke the Moorish leaf. How can I extend the dominion of Christ when I have lost to the Muhummaden my very dinner table?”

    -A Quote attributed to Henry III of Castile

    1519-20

    The nascent Duchy of Lombardy immediately runs into troubles, as various factions within the region begin to splinter the government into pro-French and pro-Aragonese blocs. Key rising power players are the Venetians, who see an opportunity to extend Venetian influence in the unstable region. Crucially, they do this in continuing secret agreement with Florence and unusually the Pope, who prefers Italian machinations to French or Iberian ones. Both parties work to prop up the official regime of the Duchy while quietly partitioning the resources of the region between each-other. Rampant corruption and political infighting soon squander any prosperity peace might have created.

    Ottoman pirates begin to intensively raid the Ifriqyan coast, infuriating the Qaranids who close the land trade routes to Egypt in an attempt to force them to relent. This encourages only more piracy, the consensus among Ottoman strategists being that the Qaranid Sultanate was too conservative and isolationist to be able to mount any real threat, economically or militarily to the Empire.

    Moctezuma II succeeds in breeding and breaking horses natively, after many years of failed attempts. The Mexica awe and reverence for the creature does little to develop skilled horsemanship however, and those few who do ride the beasts do so as a novelty, unlike the well-trained disciplined Arab cavalry. More popular are donkeys, which Moctezuma II uses to lessen his army’s reliance on long strings of human porters.

    1522

    Moctezuma II dies in a battle with Huastec raiders while attempting to pacify Metztitlan. He is succeeded by son Chimalpopoca. Chimalpopoca achieves slightly more success than his father, grinding Metztitlan down to a surrender and reintegrating it into the empire. He then repulses the Tarascans from his western border, using his predecessors chicalotlatoni system to great effect. He cannot however, push further than that due to intense resistance.

    Philip II returns to Italy to suppress a pro-French coup among his clients in Central Italy. Senese nobles, feeling isolated between the Papacy and Lombardy decide to realign themselves with French interests, which naturally incurs Philips considerable wrath. He invades Tuscany, which them embroils Florence which feels threatened by the return of Aragonese forces. The Third Italian War begins.

    Ahmed I invades Castile again, but this time only to settle a internal dynastic dispute in Seville (wherein he dispatched one of his nephews to attack the north to keep him outside of Seville while Ahmed plotted to undermine his popularity). Knowing the fatigue of the army, he is able to practically guarantee that his nephew, Ashraf Sudur, loses to Henry III, and suffers a loss of prestige as a result. The humiliated Sudur returns south, and Henry III notches another victory in his increasingly prestigious reign.

    Ahmed I begins to jockey with Aragonese diplomats to ward off Castilian advances. Philip, desperate for manpower, signs a deal for a large force of Berber mercenaries, wards of the Ayshunid state as part of a separate agreement with the Qaranid sultan, to supplement the Aragonese army. This deal strains Castilian-Aragonese relations. Though Castile had long since been reduced to the minor party of the three Iberian states (despite holding the most territory in Iberia proper), it was still a formidable opponent with great influence in European courts. Henry III begins to look towards England for an ally.

    Ottoman pirates raid southern Italy and Sicily, even taking several coastal areas in Apulia. The Ottoman admiral Oktan Bey is dispatched to follow up on these conquests. This brings the Ottomans into direct conflict with Sicily, the recent conqueror of much of Southern Italy. At the battle of Policoro the Ottomans defeat the Sicilian navy and begin to move land troops onto the Italian peninsula.

    1523

    Castilian sailors sail the southern coast of the Moor Indies [North America], as far as La Sirenida [Florida]. As part of a larger mission they map out the coastline and extant Arab settlements, noting several ruins that appear to be former Arab sites left abandoned on the coast. Henry III officially declares his claim over all territory west of Portugal for Christendom. Since this included both vast amounts of unexplored ocean and the entirety of the Arab Riysh, in reality it meant little but it would become a flashpoint of contention with France, which also had begun settling the New World. Indeed, the French settlement of St. Johns land was extremely close to the Castilian colonies, and there was little indication either party would be willing to step back on their colonies.

    Francis I dispatches another expedition, commanded by the Breton Mathieu le Guen. It lands at a large island that the captain names for himself, Guensland [Newfoundland]. They establish a colony dubbed St. Johns and begin to settle. This is soon followed up by a French expedition into the Rivière du Lageyo [St. Lawrence River], named after an odd accident where French seamen asked native peoples what the name of, what they thought, was the river, but the natives actually pointed to a nearby dog and said ‘Aggayo’, their word for dog. The mistake was not noticed.

    Teteyaoticahuan (a form of nativized ghazi) mercenaries, along with a large Tanaki army under the command of Mahamad Aneyachi defeat a large pagan Tanaki force at the battle of Comalteco, effectively ending pagan Tanaki power in Al-Kutash. The leader of the pagan Tanakis, Xanatpuxhu, manages to survive and flees south to the Maya lands.

    Chimalpopoca attacks the Zapotec kingdoms to the south, annexing large areas of territory east of Teotitlan and as far as Yopitzinco.

    Intervening on behalf of the Muslim lord of Cuicatlan (one of the semi-independent statelets in Al-Kutash), Arab soldiers help topple the city of Teotitlan and install a Muslim native there. This otherwise minor instance is significant in that it marks the first significant use of native cavalry, as the Chinantecs aiding the Arabs help encircle the enemy force while mounted on Arab horses, given as a gift to the lord of the state. Similar Arab interventions in the region force the hand of the Mexica, who fear the unchecked spread of Arab power in the area. Chimalpopoca soon enters the region and conquers many of the remaining independent states, leaving some of the Chinantec valleys as buffer zones between him and the Islamized Zapotecan and Chinantec states.

    Arab sailors receive permission to settle the coast of Baraniya, choosing a relatively uninhabited area near a massive river they label Burukuruk [Amazon River], after a native term, this is soon shortened to the Burku. There are large native populations there, which soon make themselves known, though the Arabs at first are left mostly unmolested. The goal of this colony is to extract the valuable timbers of the region, which were becoming quite popular in the Riysh as useful shipbuilding and construction woods. It was also organized entirely by the Riyshi government, and the Sultanate had little involvement in it.

    Florence acquires Papal aid in repulsing the Aragonese invasion, and mobilizes armies both in Tuscany and the newly set-up army of the Duchy of Lombardy to squeeze Aragon in the middle. Philip meanwhile reconquers much of Tuscany, defeating a local force at Pontedera. On the possibility of Florence wresting control of Lombardy wholly for itself, both the French, and the Holy Roman Empire consider invading Italy themselves again. Venice remains allied with Florence for the time being, with the presupposition that should Florence not relinquish control over the army of Lombardy that alliance would be broken.

    1526-7

    The Le Guen expedition returns to the new world, this time reaching Nouvelle-Biron [Nova Scotia] and sailing as far south as Mouchiquois [Massachusetts]. French sailors and fishermen closely follow behind him, treating the royally-sponsored expedition as an endorsement of the safety of the North Atlantic (its erstwhile control by Arab powers long a force preventing commercial exploitation of the region). Indeed, the Le Guen expeditions were instrumental in opening up the north Atlantic to unopposed European fishing and exploration like never before.

    The governor of the Wilayat Al-Maya, Mansur Ibn Jabir Al-Tuluki intervenes in the dynastic politics of Yixkabal, the Chontal Maya buffer state to the southeast. The reigning lord of the state, Mahma Tub Tun was a notorious rabble-rouser, and had threatened to cut off supply lines throughout the interior multiple times over perceived slights against his authority. To undercut him, Al-Tuluki sponsored a coup by his nephew Mahma Yax, which was successful…in that it caused Yixkabal to descend into civil war. Al-Tuluki then dispatched an army to aid Mahma Yax, defeating Mahma Tub Tun at the Battle of Mucu. Al-Tuluki then annexed Yixkabal as a protectorate state, installing Mahma Yax as a client ruler.

    The Holy Roman Emperor, Philip (Maximillians eldest) decides against intervening in Italy, choosing to spend much of his time wrestling away Burgundy from French control. Burgundy was once claimed by Philip of Aragon for whom it had long ago lost effective claim after successive setbacks in Italy. The two Philips, aware of the potential diplomatic fallout of a conflict over Burgundy, should France be repulsed, sign the Treaty of Bergamo, agreeing to partition Burgundy into dual Iberian and German spheres were it effectively conquered. Needless to say, this irritates the French. Yet, with Emperor Philip I in the north contesting Burgundy and Philip II contesting Italy, France found itself again caught on two fronts. Francis I choose to commit himself to Italy, believing Burgundy to be the more stable frontier.

    Ahmed I dies from a cardiac episode. His death provokes a dynastic crisis between the Islamists in his government and the moderate factions, ostracized by Ahmed stacking the upper ranks of the state qadiships with his own hardline supporters. The hardline faction, led by Muhammad Ibn Ahmed Al-Undi, take control and thoroughly purge the moderates, forcing many to flee to the Riysh. Importantly some flee to the Ottomans, who, eager to extend their power over the Maghreb are more than happy to shelter them (and gain in the process a ready number of pliable client rulers). Muhammad II becomes Sultan in early 1527.

    1529

    Philip II falls off his horse, partially paralyzing himself. Unwilling to withdraw himself from the front, he remains in Italy but is strapped to his horse with a contraption designed by local engineers. Philip moves to forcibly conquer the Duchy of Lombardy, stating the overt Florentine control over its affairs as a violation of the treaty of Landeck. He sieges and conquers Modena in late 1529, using it as a staging ground to attack Lombardy and isolate Florence.

    Spiraling inflation due to a glut of Riyshi silver combines with a collapse of regional economies due to a famine, cratering the Andalusian economy. In the aftermath foreign investors, primarily from Italy and France, flood in to take power from weakened Muslim merchant families. Interestingly, it also leads to Riyshi families re-entering the Iberian economy as major players rather than relying on partnerships with Iberian groups. The intense mercantile, quasi-capitalistic competition of the Riysh begins to backwash into the old world.

    Muhammad II, unable to pay his army of Berber mercenaries, is forced to repatriate many of them to the Maghreb. Ibn Sa’ad meanwhile entertains plans to conquer Sijilmasa forcefully, gaining the tacit approval of the Ayshunid state to do so (Seville being on better terms with Ibn Sa’ad than they were with Sijilmasa). Flush with new manpower, he begins to negotiate with the various sheikhs of the western Sahara region to set up an easier conquest later on.

    1532-35

    Arab sailors attempt to settle Al-Yikaq and found more extensive settlements there. They are repulsed by native attacks soon after, provoking several counter-raids but dooming the prospect of permanent Arab settlement in the region for the time being. The main aftereffect of this, though it is hardly noticed by the Arabs themselves, is the loss of a number of horses that run out into the bush, turning feral.

    Muhammad II faces a merchant uprising in the Riysh, after his attempts to artificially set silver prices cause serious economic instability there. The merchants of the Qasharid family openly refuse to pay tariffs or acknowledge Iberian authority, forcing Muhammad to send an army to put them down. This rebellion reaches a head in summer of 1533 when a Iberian army besieges the Qasharid family fortress in central Sayadin, pounding it into rubble with cannons.

    Henry III develops fully an idea he had tested during the Aseytarra War (the brief Ayshunid conquest of Castile, a Latinization of the Arabic As-Saytara (the dominion)). That is, blocks of pikemen reinforced with a sweeping skirmisher force of musketeers with artillery batteries and light cavalry. He even writes a manual on gunpowder warfare, recognizing its power in the face of harrying forces of muslim skirmisher cavalry. One weapon developed during this period is a musket called the elpanel, a multi-barreled cannon that fired linked chains designed to knock out horses legs (its ingenuity was not matched by its battlefield success unfortunately).

    Castilian military innovations are not alone in Iberia, as the humiliating defeats inflicted on the Muslim armies by the Christians has forced a military reckoning in Seville, a new awareness that the strategies of the 13th century no longer held water. The most key innovation, and one endorsed by Muhammad II himself, was the establishment of a systematic system of military salaries, borrowed from Ottoman thought, to establish a professional standing army. Also, Muhammad II expanded the traditional tactic of buying foreign mercenaries to include Christians, Farfanes, a group neglected by his father (who distrusted Christians greatly). These new mercenaries were largely Genoese, selected in small numbers both as experienced soldiers and as military advisors. The bulk of non-Iberian soldiers in the army remained as Berber jinetes, whose usage remained consistent through this period. The most key, central component of Yusuf Muhammads ‘raider military’, they were not easily abandoned.

    Philip II finally succumbs to disease after several years of invalid living. On his death the remaining Aragonese commanders choose to withdraw from Italy after securing their conquests. His son, Charles I, an infante, is taken under the wing of a regent. Thus ends, rather unceremoniously, the Third Italian War. Weirdly enough, immediately after the Aragonese army leaves for Iberia, a company of Modenese soldiers accidentally intrude into towns held by Lombard forces (supposedly due to them chasing a rogue bunch of cows), triggering a counter-attack and starting the War of the Speckled Calf. It ends several months later when local leaders negotiate an independent accord to restore peace to the region.

    On a larger scale, Francis I, freed of an active threat in Italy, can turn his full attention to Burgundy. At the second battle of Nancy he thoroughly repulses the Imperial invasion force. Florence, as promised ‘relinquishes’ its control over the Lombard army and for a moment, returns the Duchy to a state of rough equilibrium.

    Henry III dies after a infection brought on by injury in combat. He is succeeded by his young son Henry IV.

    1538

    Chimalpopoca attacks Al-Kutash directly, besieging the region with a massive Aztec army. He has greater concerns however, Chichimec raids were intensifying in the northern periphery of the empire and there were internal rumblings as disease and a bloated military infrastructure were taking their toll on the Mexica state. Riyshi Arabs attempt to instigate a rebellion inside the empire, supporting a breakaway number of nobles to rise up in the newly conquered Zapotecan regions, but they fail miserably. Instead, at the battle of Chacatupan the Aztecs slaughter a Tanaki army, while suffering their own heavy losses, and drive all the way to the coast, sieging and razing a long string of local settlements. Panicking, the governor of the Wilayat al-Sayadin, Qasim Al-Nuhri, sends a large relief force to protect Arab settlements in the region. Buoyed by an Arab army with cannons, horses and armored infantry, the Mexica are beaten back. One native figure that comes out of this conflict is the native warrior Tahtzintli Tohtli (Father Falcon), an Islamized Tepanac warrior who gained great renown fighting the Mexica over the past decade.

    The Burkuan settlements reach a crisis point when a tropical storm destroys much of their infrastructure, followed by a number of devastating native attacks. Only direct intervention by a Riyshi fleet manages to repulse the natives and save the colonies. In the aftermath, a large mudbrick fortress is built on the coast near Sedegh [Marajó] to ward off native attacks.

    Henry IV, on the advise of his elder uncle Alfons (a prominent agent at the court) attempts to seal his alliance with England in marriage, but is rebuked by Henry VIII on the advice of anti-Catholic forces in his court. Indeed, the rapidly rising Protestantism in England quickly begins to strain the relationship with the fanatically catholic state of Castile. Henry III attempts to negotiate a similar alliance with France which goes more easily, as his daughter Isabella marries Henry, the eldest son of the French king Francis I. This terrifies Henry VIII, as a tripartite détente between Castile, France and the Holy Roman Empire makes an impression of a unified front that could easily repulse further English interventions in France. The pope also settles the conflicting Castilian / French claims over the New World, establishing the Treaty of Torrelavega, which divided the New World between the two, with Castile being according all territories south of the 36th parallel and France all lands north of it. The Azores were granted to Castile as a special exemption to this.

    The Sijilmassans catch wind of Ibn Sa’ads plans, and toss out the Qaranids from their territories, which Ibn Sa’ad seizes upon to attack them. From the north, he moves quickly to sweep around the bulk of the enemy territory and encircle the main population centers of the emirate. Among several battles fought this year is the battle of Ait Haddou, where Qaranid forces destroy a Sijilmassan army using serried ranks of musketeers.

    A large Berber rebellion embroils Tunisia as the Banu Ghaniya take advantage of Ibn Sa’ads absence. An Ottoman privateer, Hayreddin Barbarossa, notorious for ravaging the Mediterranean on behalf of the Sultan, is summoned by the emir of Tunis to help capture strongholds taken by Berber forces during the revolt. Barbarossa retakes these fortresses, and then promptly uses them as a staging ground for a long-held ambition of his, the Ottoman conquest of the Maghreb. Cut off by the Berber revolt in the interior, Tunis falls quickly to the Ottoman fleet in only a few months. By pre-arrangement he gives the city and surrounding area (though he in reality only controlled the city proper) to the Ottoman Empire, becoming the governor of the Sanjak (Province) of Tunisia.

    1540

    Instability in the Aztec Empire boils over, as Chimalpopoca is unable to maintain control over his newly conquered territories. Much of the eastern coast of Al-Mishik was Islamized by this point, and significant pockets throughout the interior. A native rebellion led by Tahtzintli Tohtli marches west, chasing the Aztec emperor before it. Acting as a charismatic mahdi-like figure, he rallies a large peasant army around him. Taking the name Ibn Tahaz, he soon gains the support of the Riyshi Arab government. Aided by Arab cannons and cavalry, he is able to crush Chimalpopoca at the cataclysmic Battle of Ixcacuitle. The Aztec Emperor is taken captive in the aftermath. Conflict arises because the native army attempts to publicly execute him, while the Arabs in tow wish to force him to sign trade agreements, eager to return the region to its historic equilibrium (one which favored the Arabs). Tensions rise between the two groups to the extent that on September 12th, the emperor, bound in chains, is secretly ferried out of the Tahazid camp by Arab soldiers and transported to the coast. Once there he acknowledges the sovereignty of the Sultanate in Seville and effectively signs over half the Aztec empires territory to either direct Arab control, or Arab-influenced clients, while he rules the remainder of the empire as an allied king of the Sultanate. This agreement, known as the Treaty of Mushuz, enraged the native army that had defeated the Mexica, who saw it rightfully so, as a betrayal. Attempts by Tahazid forces to continue their war against the Mexica ended in failure though, as Arab forces ruthlessly crushed such attempts. Qasim, intent on keeping the newfound peace, wasted no time in rounding up the commanders of the Tahazid army and imprisoning or executing them, as well as former Mexica generals. With Ibn Tahaz absent (he had long since fled to the remote interior with his core followers) his army melted back into the fields and villages.

    The Castilian explorer Pedro de Santo Domingo sails from the Azores, founding San Calbo’s Fort [Jacksonville]. In this he used the maps of the Quiroga Expedition (the 1523 survey of the Floridian coast) to develop a strategy in case the Arabs intervened in the Castilian colonies there. He claims the entirety of Serenida [Florida] for Castile.

    Muhammad II reacts to news of intense European expansion in the New World by attempting to annex en masse territories long known to Arabs, but never fully exploited. He dispatches the ghazi Mahmoud Ibn Ghalib to annex Al-Yikaq and Niblu, intent on establishing firm Andalusian control over the entirety of the ‘Alwanan Sea. [Caribbean Sea / Gulf of Mexico].

    Ibn Sa’ad has to cease his campaigns in the south to deal with the flagrant Ottoman incursion into his territory. Harried by Berber rebels (many of them turncoat former allies, opportunistically jumping in on the kill) the entire length of the retreat, he is forced to cede all gained territories. Unfortunately for the Emirate, the Qaranids loss is also their own, as a coalition of local rebels led by the Sanhaja firebrand warrior Mahmoud Al-Haj Ibn Basher quickly seized upon the volatile region and established a formidable stronghold in the Atlas foothills around Tingir.

    Charles I ascends fully to the throne of Aragon. He continues to pursue the traditional Aragonese ambitions in Italy, but this time plans to attack Savoy directly. Unwilling to directly violate the treaty of Landeck by assaulting Lombardy itself, a tactful decision that would be entirely lost on his father, he chooses to target France directly, outside of Italy proper to avoid incurring further Papal wrath. Indeed, as a sign of his willingness to comply with the Papacy he solidifies the Aragonese allegiance to Catholicism, throwing out those few small populations of Protestants in their empire (mostly Germans living in Corsica and Sardinia). As pretense for attacking the French coast, Charles I claims a obscure document proclaiming him rightful heir to the duchy of Savoy through his grandmother (erstwhile a relation to the duke Philibert II). He presents this to his council of war and forms an armada, thus beginning the Chambery War, also known as King Charles’s War (The Fourth Italian War).

    1541

    Ibn Ghalib lands on the coast of Al-Yikaq with an army of 7000 men, dispatching his lieutenants at the head of a second smaller fleet to scout the coastline ahead. He faces little resistance as he marches inland, the natives (devastated by disease and fearful of his army) fleeing rather than fighting. He establishes a fort at Tell al-Hanj [Houston, roughly] before turning east to march along the coast. Several weeks after he departs, a huge native force attacks Al-Hanj and ransacks it, forcing him to return and scatter the native army before continuing his expedition.

    The Aragonese navy sieges the Italian coast. Philip, the Holy Roman Emperor had become recently embroiled in the Brucken Scandal with England (wherein a close relative of the Emperor had seduced and impregnated a high-ranking English noblewoman), and decided against pursuing war in Italy. Charles then leaned more heavily on his alliance with Central Italian states, and reached out amicably to the Sicilian court to resolve territorial conflicts still left standing from the 13th century. The French fleet was defeated at the Battle of Sainte Maxime, opening up Savoy to a direct Aragonese invasion, which followed shortly thereafter.

    An Andalusian sailor, Muhammad Al-Isbili, circumnavigates the cape of Good Hope, reaching the Indian Ocean trade routes and the eastern shore of Africa before returning to Iberia in splendor. Muhammad II sees little added value in African trade, and decides against investing significantly more resources into exploiting the African coast, choosing instead to continue to build up the Ayshunid trade monopoly in the Riysh. This decision is aided by serious unrest in western Africa that strained the thin Ayshunid trade network along the coast.

    Ibn Basher is defeated by the Sijilmassans and has to withdraw to the Atlas foothills with his remaining supporters.

    Ibn Sa’ad successfully pushes the Ottomans, who had been rapidly sweeping through Tunisia, out of the region east of Algiers, their next target. His naval forces do not fare as well however, as the superior Ottoman navy crushes his own fleet near Bejaia. As a result, he can do little but cede coastal superiority to Barbarossa, who uses his fleet to launch lightning attacks along the entire Maghrebi coast. With the Ottomans unable to penetrate permanently into Algeria, and the Qaranids unable to prevent them from constantly trying, both sides quickly lock into a stalemate.

    1543

    Ibn Ghalib establishes a long string of forts along the Yikaqi coast, but soon runs into difficulties with the elements. The long strings of swamps and mosquito swarms began to grind down his army, as well as constant native ambushes. Ibn Ghalib is able to establish cordial relations with the chieftain Kashkutkot of the Al-Atbaki [Atakapa Indians], but otherwise he is unable to do anything to halt the endless native attacks on his column. He reaches the Nahr al-Farkhan [Mississippi River], lit. “The River of Bastards”, a telling sign of the sort of morale his army had by the point they reached its banks. Without effective tools to ford the river and with the local elements taking its toll, he is forced to wait for the Arab fleet to carry his army past the region. His army leaves a signpost at the river banks and retreats west to safer territory where his fleet picks up (what is left) of his army and carries them east towards Niblu. On Arab maps from that point forward, the region between the river and Niblu is marked simply, mahjur “desolate”. A inhospitable muggy coastline, impossible to navigate and full of disease.

    Charles I signs a alliance with Baldrick IV of Sicily, doing through diplomacy what no Aragonese king had done with force, truly and legitimately establishing Aragonese power in Sicily and Naples. This alliance did unleash deep-seated resentment in Sicily, wherein Anti-Iberian sentiment had never faded (if anything it had escalated due to rampant Aragonese imperialism since their retreat from Sicily proper). Baldrick, who was cash-strapped and needed outside funds to fill his treasury, was in a much weaker position than Charles had hoped. Nevertheless, with southern Italy apparently under Aragonese influence and the north isolated as part of the Duchy, Charles felt free to pursue war in Savoy unmolested on other fronts. He was able to defeat the French vanguard at Seyne, but decided to stall them out while he waited for reinforcements from Sardinia.

    An Ottoman army in Tunisia marches west to take Algeria. Ibn Sa’ad attacks the Ottomans, fighting multiple battles along the Algerian coast. This time however, he is unable to prevent the Ottoman conquest of Algiers, due to the severe imbalance between his own unsupplied (and even unpaid) levy army and the large professional Ottoman military. Coordinated naval actions along the coast also prevent the Qaranids from trading for superior weapons and men from either Iberia or their allies in Italy.

    Worried about a potential unilateral Ottoman conquest of the Maghreb (which would in effect, lock Europe out of the entire southern Mediterranean along with the Ayshunids), Pope Paul III calls for Christian monarchs to deal with the threat. He was however, overwhelmingly occupied by the rising threat of Protestantism, and indeed those same monarchs were themselves dealing with separate issues of similar color. Henry III did seize upon this opportunity though, and painting himself as the newfound guardian of Papal authority, he was able to facilitate strong papal backing for an invasion of Algeria. This achieved Papal ends, firmly placing a powerful Christian state well in catholic hands, and gave Henry III the sort of official papal blessing he had always craved.

    This did sow the seeds for future unrest, for even though Castile was a vehemently catholic state (having cast itself in that light increasingly as the Ayshunids had become more belligerent), its now highly politically powerful bloc of Normanos were much more aligned to Protestantism, which had been transmitted to them with great success over the past few decades. The close-knit relationship between the Papacy and the Castilian crown became a point of great contention within this bloc as Protestantism came into more direct conflict with Catholicism. Henry III’s decision also entirely alienated England and France to an extent, which viewed the granting of such an alliance a bit of crude, unbecoming, opportunism on the Popes part. Henry III paid little mind to these concerns, and prepared an armada to sail, with French blessing (as Aragon was understandably unwilling to give Castilian armies any sort of unnecessary aid) from Marseilles to Algeria.

    1544-47

    Ibn Ghalib makes several coastal forays into Niblu and finds better results there, with more amicable native peoples and a more tolerable climate. He does something similar to Yikaq, building forts at set points along the coastline and then a larger settlement at Ilaqalay [Spring Hill, Florida]. Many of his soldiers choose to stay behind and settle the region while Ibn Ghalib returns to the Riysh, his expedition having achieved mixed results. On the one hand, he had extensively mapped out and ‘subjugated’ large regions of the New World, opening them up for direct Arab colonization, but on the other hand he had lost large numbers of men and resources and failed to discover any significant economic resources worth exploiting in the entire area. In the eyes of Muhammad II, Yikaq and Niblu remained as they had been seen by the Arabs, vast overgrown wildernesses with hostile natives and disease, only worth conquering so that someone else doesn’t conquer them. In 1545 Arabs discovered evidence of Castilian presence in eastern Niblu, further, in Muhammads mind, justifying his policy.

    Henry IV sieges Oran, bombarding the city into submission. Landing his army, he quickly carves out a foothold in Ifriqya between the Qaranid retreat and the Ottoman advance. The entry of the Castilian fleet into the region also marks the entry of a powerful foreign navy into the power balance, threatening the Ottoman hegemony along the Barbary coast.

    The Hajids move out from their Atlas holdings, raiding and ransacking the Qaranid heartland. Ibn Sa’ad, cash strapped and pressed on three fronts, turns to Muhammad II for aid. Muhammad II soon begins to lavish funds upon Ibn Sa’ad, willing to prop up the Qaranids as a buffer against Ottoman imperialism. With new aid, Ibn Sa’ad is able to commit significant forces to deal with both the Hajids in the south and the Ottomans and Castilians to the east.

    The formidable Ayshunid navy soon flexes its power, curbing Ottoman piracy and restoring Qaranid control over the coast. However, Aragon, who maintains the largest Christian navy in the western Mediterranean, soon becomes involved. Charles I had a notoriously paranoid personality (the reason he kept a army in southern Sardinia despite having just signed a alliance with Sicily), and he became increasingly convinced that a Ottoman takeover of the Maghrebi coast would immediately open up Aragonese possessions in the Mediterranean to direct Ottoman invasion. Preferring greatly the company of the Ayshunids to the Ottomans, he decided to intercede on the favor of the Ayshunids (though not officially). This also drew the Ayshunids into larger European affairs directly, as they immediately attempted to parlay the Aragonese intervention in the Ottoman wars in Algeria into an anti-Castilian alliance in Iberia proper and the Atlantic. This war, a long chain of conflicts from Italy to the Moroccan coast, while erstwhile dubbed King Charles’s war, was really the first war in Europe to approach the scale of a global war, as it would eventually spill over to the colonies as well.

    Francis I dies, leaving the throne to his son Henry. He is crowned as Henry II of France. Henry had produced several children before he was crowned king, the eldest of whom, John, was groomed as the potential heir to the crowns of both Castile and France. Given Henry III’s lack of suitable male heirs as of 1547, it was seen as a definite possibility. His death slowed the French advance in Savoy, though Aragon was in little position to capitalize on it, as many of their forces were being shuttled south to aid Baldrick in suppressing a rebellion in Sicily.

    1550

    Burkuan colonists penetrate deep into the interior, rowing up the Burku many miles inland before establishing a monument at Tabakaya [Santarém (Pará)]. This marks the furthest inland any Arab has ever traveled into the New World up to this date. It also marked a new climax in the colonization of Baraniya, as Arab settlements soon began to crop up along the entire lower course of the river.

    The Castilian army marches from Oran east, taking Mostagnem and marching towards Algiers. Qaranid armies hold back, Ibn Sa’ad waiting for his two enemies to exhaust each-other. At the battle of Ain Djedi the Ottoman general Erman Pasha fought the Castilian army, using a sizable number of Berber mercenaries to supplement his forces. The battle was the first-time Iberian forces of any religion and the Ottomans had traded direct blows in battle. The battle was a narrow Castilian victory, causing Erman Pasha to retreat to Algiers. Henry IV gained considerable prestige for the battle, continuing his fathers reputation as Europe’s premier warrior kingdom.

    Hajid Berbers attack a long string of settlements throughout southern Morocco as far north as the Sus. Qaranid forces are able to easily repulse them from the Sus but not before they had burned large areas of farmland. Ibn Sa’ad dispatches his Andalusian forces (those loaned to him by Muhammad II) to guard the southern border. The Hajids also attacked Sijilmassan settlements, but were less successful. Sijilmassa had retreated inwards after the Castilian conquest of their loaned coastal holdings, and had ample garrisons to ward off raids from the north.

    Henry II attacked and routed the Aragonese force in Savoy, ending the Italian front of the war. He soon became embroiled in the Mediterranean front then, as his intent on driving Aragon firmly out of northern Italy caused his fleet to sail towards a retaliatory invasion of Corsica. It was at this point that the Holy Roman Emperor, sensing the shifting power balance, began to neglect his alliance of opportunity with Aragon, choosing neutrality and rebuffing Aragonese diplomats. He settles his disputes with the Holy Roman Empire with the Second treaty of Landeck, resolving the Burgundian question in the favor of France.

    Henry II, suspecting the Ayshunids of aiding the Aragonese army (which they were) with supplies and manpower, plans with Henry IV an attack on the Moorish territories in the New World. As part of this Castilian ships sail from the fort at Cruz de Plata [near Savannah, Georgia] south and attack in a lightning raid Arab trading outposts on the southern tip of Niblu. The governor of Sayadin, who unofficially manages the Niblan trade network, sends a fleet but cannot catch the Castilians. The prospect of direct Castilian attacks in the Riysh sends the local population into a hysteria, and prompts Muhammad II to order a significant mobilization in the region to prepare for a potential larger invasion.

    Fig 1. Iberia and the Maghreb in 1550
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    Fig 2. The New World in 1550

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    Fig 3. South America in 1550
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    The Two-Tier Economy: The Riyshi Market Economy in the 16th century
  • The Two-Tier Economy: The Riyshi Market Economy in the 16th century

    The Riysh was more than the economic engine of the Ayshunid state, it was the laboratory for the whole of Eurasia, a crucible for economic and political innovations that passed to the Old World as readily as tobacco or sugar did through the courts of Europe. This article will cover the economic state of the Riysh as of the mid-16th century, its immediate history and its characteristics. Also covered will be its exports and imports, the goods that gave it the primacy it had throughout this period, and piracy.

    History

    The economic history of the Riysh is at its base, the history of exploitation. That is, the arrival of Arabs to the New World and their immediate utilization of its native resources and peoples to enrich themselves. During the first incorporation of the Riysh into a recognizable centralized political structure under the hegemony of the Sultan, which is most conveniently stated as the years immediately after the Ghazi Revolt of the mid-1400s, when the Riysh was partitioned into more manageable regions, and all major territories were fully incorporated into the central Arab state, the economic system at this point very similar to that of Iberia and indeed, of the larger Islamic Medieval World.

    Much of the territory of the Riysh had, after its initial conquest by Arab forces, been subdivided much like Christian or Zoroastrian lands had been during the initial conquests of the Caliphate: native populations were forced to pay kharaj tax on the land they farmed in addition to a jizya, while notable Arabs were according the most prime real estate. Much of the Riysh was quickly parceled out into family estates and farms for Arab migrants, often those same soldiers who had conquered a region as a reward for their service. The outlying areas were held by indigenous tribes which worked and harvested the land, paying tax in the form of tribute goods, while the most remote interior lands were left largely un-administered, with Arabs trading at the periphery with the tribes or seizing goods by force in raids. Merchant families plied the sea routes between the islands, moving goods from the Riysh to Iberia and vice-versa. Over time, these merchants became wealthier as farms became more centralized and set on cash-crop production under larger and wealthier landlords. Also, as the native population quickly mixed into the Arab gene pool while those unincorporated peoples withered out of disease, a fresh wave of migrants came to consolidate the Riysh, turning the three-tier system that predominated from the discovery of the New World until the mid-1400s into a two-tier system. This two-tier system became defined by the mixed native-Arab and migrant Arab serf class that farmed individual plots, crewed factories and worked in the cottage economy, and the Iberian Arab upper-class that managed large family estates and conducted regional commerce. These family estates soon swelled to become larger collective holdings between associations of similar profession, much like communally owned guild properties. The most notable of these were the Ghazi estates in Mulukah, where disparate bands of mercenaries, through deals with the state and significant personal capital, accrued vast estates that farmed cotton, sugar and tobacco to sell at inordinate profits elsewhere in the Riysh and with Iberia. These estates were disbanded after the Ghazi revolts, and the lands returned to local farmers or given to Iberian loyalist commanders, but they marked the climax of a nascent sort of corporatist, industrial land exploitation that would blossom fully in the 1500s.

    The Riyshi Merchant Elite

    The Riysh economy at the dawn of the 16th century was fundamentally a two-tier system. While the cottage economy dominated much of the countryside, noble families had a stranglehold on regional commerce and managed vast estates, working the local population as serfs to provide cash crops to supply the furious demand in Europe for New World goods. These merchant families competed with each-other for control over both territories in the Riysh and favorable trade networks in the mainland, all the while skirting Iberian authority. The level of state control in the Riysh, never particularly strong to begin with, was severely sapped at the start of the 16th century, it having become an unspoken rule that so long as the sultanates tariffs were complied with, it was free reign for the merchant elites.

    It is important to speak briefly on the identity of these Riyshi merchant families, to help lay the background for their motivations and later competition with Iberian markets. Riyshi merchant families were, as a rule, of Iberian stock, and were by large majority founded by Iberian elites. As Ayshunid territory had ossified, and amid a population boom, there became a crisis wherein the share of land awarded to individual sons was rapidly shrinking, and consolidating among the eldest son of a family (a problem not unlike that faced perennially throughout European history). This led many of these younger sons to travel to the Riysh, where there was land much more readily available, and glory to be won in combat. Also factoring into this was the Sultanates practice of exiling restless nobles to the Riysh to separate them from their holdings in Iberia, as well as the class of warrior elites that rose in wealth purely through military exploits. These three groups blended to create an aristocracy in the Riysh quite distinct from that in Iberia. On one hand, they were almost entirely disassociated from Old World notions of Arab tribal affiliation, a powerful symbol of social rank in Iberia even after the deconstruction of the tribal clans in the early years of the Sultanate, and they were also restive, militarily capable, and with little love for Iberia. Many of the first of these Riyshi self-made men would marry the daughters of Iberian nobles, attempting to leverage their wealth in the New World to acquire prestige in the Old, but eventually these Riyshi nobles would instead marry local Arab women, further distancing them from their Iberian relatives. Unsurprisingly, this sort of separatist attitude was a major driving factor underneath the constant rebelliousness of the region, but it also leant a certain spontaneity to Riyshi enterprise, no sense of respect for traditional ways of going about things. They conducted business like merchants, spending much more time and energy managing their familial estates like quasi-corporations than noble holdings. In many ways, Riyshi aristocrats began to act almost to a tee like the famous noble families of the Italian Renaissance, the Sforza, Strozzi, and Medici, for example.

    These Riyshi nobles maintained their power through economic coercion, and force. The Sultanate rarely gave troops to the Riysh unless it was for major expeditions of suppression or conquest, leaving much of the daily business of preventing piracy, defending against native raids and suppressing smaller uprisings to mercenary ghazi bands. After the Ghazi revolts when the power of the autonomous Ghazi clans was severely curbed, this left a large seething mass of highly experienced warriors nominally under the authority of colonial officials, but who were in reality themselves under the control of Riyshi nobles. A general lack of care for legal process and an astonishing level of corruption meant that for all intents and purposes, after the Ghazi revolts all that changed on the ground was a shifting of ultimate command of the Ghazi armies from Ghazi commanders to Riyshi merchant headmen. These families began to use the Ghazis as private thugs, setting them on caravans of opposing clans and using them to protect their own assets. This was all done while both the Merchant lords and the Ghazis were ostensibly servants of the state. In addition, Riyshi nobles hired native mercenaries, spies, Iberian veterans and even European mercenaries (largely Genoese), in their constant battle for economic hegemony. It was only in the frontier zones of the Yucatan and Mexico where state control was truly measurable on the ground-level, as these regions were managed closely as conquered territories, supervised by Iberian commanders under the behest of the Sultan. Even in these territories much of the day to day economic management of the land was controlled by local merchants and lords.

    This is not to say that the Riysh was a lawless warzone however. In contrast, for all the conflict between the Merchant families, there was a constant flow of wealth through the region that made the Riysh easily one of the wealthiest, most prosperous regions in the world at the time, with vast economic and social opportunities for its inhabitants far beyond those that lay in the Old World. Many of the members of the Merchant families were themselves at first, dispossessed nobles or lay men who had acquired status through battlefield renown, and one key factor that set the Riysh apart from Iberia was a general willingness to look beyond existing social rank in business ventures. Indeed, it was the willingness of Riyshi merchant elites to accept into their ranks people from all social classes that would give them a crucial edge over Iberian families after the Riyshi merchants began to seriously make inroads into the Iberian regional economy.

    This social acceptance was built on a constantly changing economic situation on the ground. With so much wealth changing hands, a poor man one day could find himself a noble the next. It is then an excellent moment to transition from the makeup of these Riyshi elites, to where they derived their power, their sources of income.

    Cash Crops


    The Riyshi economy was built on Sugar and Gold. The first sugarcane cuttings had arrived in the Riysh not too long after its discovery by Arabs, and immediately sugar-farms sprouted up throughout the region, often occupying territories vacated as native peoples died off from disease and warfare. Many sugar-farms would maintain the majority of the land for sugarcane, with a portion for growing sustenance crops for the farms inhabitants. As the Riyshi economy shifted towards relying more on large plantations, these smaller farms were either subsumed entirely into these large estates, growing only sugar, while others became purely sustenance crops like rice to feed this population. Rice quickly came to dominate the Riyshi diet. Caloric, well-suited to the native climate and it held well over long voyages. Arab settlements would be ringed by rice paddies, with orchards, fields of squashes and beans and then on the periphery, the vast estates growing cotton, sugar, and tobacco. Yet it was Sugar that dominated above all, and simply for the fact that it surpassed all others in demand in Europe. Once it was discovered that Riyshi sugar was not only plentiful, but easily available from the amicable sultans unlike the Ottomans who guttered trade with India, European monarchs leaped to sign trade agreements to acquire “Moorish Sugar”, as it was known. Riyshi Sugar quickly rocketed through Europe, as well as Tobacco – its addictive properties having become popular in Iberia by the mid-1400s, and transmitted to Christian lands not long after. Other major Riyshi crops included coffee, which spread from seeds brought by Syrian merchants in the late 1400s, Cotton, which grew well in the tropical climate and was easier for Christians to acquire than cotton from Egypt, Spices, and fruits.

    It is estimated that in the year 1500, 95% of sugar consumed in Europe came from the Riysh, and of that number, over 2/3 was grown in eastern Muluka. The wealth from sugar alone made the Ayshunid sultan the richest man in Europe, nearly surpassing the Ottoman sultan in financial value. This money was concentrated, in the Riysh, among the merchant elites who actually controlled the sugar production process, but it often trickled out into the middle-class, who worked as contractors, merchants, scouts, and captains to fuel the Riyshi economy.

    Gold was the other main driver of the regional economy, and to a lesser extent silver. The first gold mines were built in the Riysh around the same time as the first sugar mills, and as it became clear that there was plentiful mineral wealth to be had in trade with the mainland, the metal trade exploded in size. Gold was different from sugar in that, past a certain point, the raw extraction of the research was not in the Riysh, but in Mexico, specifically native mines in the center of that land. Gold and silver shipments, offered as payment for Arab goods and/or aid, were melted down and pressed into bars and dinars, then sent to the Iberian markets. Along every step of the process Riyshi middlemen took a cut, with the government in Seville imposing a tax that varied from 10-30%. Reliance on native rulers to oversee the actual extraction of precious metals and then trade them to the Arabs meant that there was a constant pressure on Riyshi leaders to not unduly stress native regimes, lest they break down, and the Arabs lose access to the mines. Those mines in the Riysh, like the gold mines near Mawanaq in Mulukah that the Arabs did directly oversee, were closely monitored by the state, making the constant cutting that enriched the native economy more difficult. Gold was extracted by, at first native slaves, and then later Maghrebi and Azorean Arab workers, and then transported to Iberia as part of an official state monopoly on Riyshi gold. It was in fact this very monopoly, instituted in the very first years of the Riysh, that encouraged private merchants to exploit Mexican mines instead. There was such a glut of unregulated Riyshi coins, especially the silver dirham, that it caused rampant inflation in the Iberian economy in the 16th century.

    Both gold and silver were managed on the ground level by Riyshi merchants, but the actual fieldwork was done by serfs and slaves. The first decades of the Riysh were marked by rampant slave raiding on the pagan Karbi peoples, and the indentured servitude of the Tayni (who, while not officially slaves on account of being nominally muslim, often found themselves pressed into similar conditions regardless). Disease quickly destroyed this system, and the ensuing economic gulf led to a wave of migrants, first from Macaronesia and then the larger Islamic world. These workers, coming from islands that were themselves overcrowded, moved to the Riysh due to state incentives and the possibility of personal enrichment. Once arrived though, they became part of the vast underclass of workers, known collectively as ‘ayedi, which is a Riyshi Arab term meaning, literally, “hands”. These workers acted as feudal serfs, working in mines, on estates, or in lumberyards or docks in exchange for a dwelling and a nominal salary. In reality, these dwellings were shanties, and these salaries often withheld for imagined offenses, sometimes for years at a time. Riyshi economic codes, Hisbah, as known elsewhere in the Islamic world, allowed such power from the owner of a business, and gave little recourse. As a result, many workers fled to the periphery of Riyshi society or to the edge of the Arab world altogether to work as bandits, frontiersmen, or simple settlers, necessitating a constant supply of new migrants to take up the lost spaces. It was a common task of ghazi bands, hired by merchants, to seek out groups of migrants and return them to the authorities for punishment, and the repayment of the merchant’s losses. Often the punishment for abandoning one’s contract with their manager was the suspension of their salary, effectively reducing this worker to a state of slavery. At the same time, being Arabs and members of the ummah, they were still required to pay zakat (which was zealously observed in the Riysh), provided their wealth was above a certain point. Once their salary was reinstated, they were required to pay the accrued zakat debt they had built up while they were below that minimum level, trapping these workers in a cycle of debt they could never pull out of. The Riyshi economy was a society built on the coerced labor of debtors.

    Trade Routes

    The seas of the Riysh (for the Arabs came to think of the region as possessing three separate seas), were the superhighways of their day. Fleets of bulky trade galleys, built out and fitted to carry vast amounts of cargo, departed the ports on the mainland before stopping at Riyshi ports and then sailing to Iberia. Ships carrying supplies, migrants, and manufactured goods departed from Iberian ports and sailed to the Riysh.

    There were two major inbound routes into the New World, one that sailed from the ports in southern Iberia, primarily Seville and Cadiz, to the Emirate of Kinaru off the African coast (where the local rulers acted as nominal clients of the Arabs), and then to the Riysh. A typical transatlantic crossing on a Moorish albarmil galleon could take from 6 weeks to several months, with poor food, claustrophobic conditions and bad hygiene taking its gradual toll on the passengers. Many European ships came to Iberia, paying a fee to be able to work the transatlantic trade routes. Especially ships from Italy, which sailed first to Cadiz and then along the route to Kinaru (Canarie in Italian). The main stopping off point once in the Riysh was in Buhiyya along the eastern coast of Boriken. From here most ships either loaded goods directly in port or sailed to Muluka to load sugar and cotton. Many ships also sailed southwest to the Yucatan to load goods like lumber, pelts, and slaves. Ships sailing to Mexico were largely as part of the mineral trade, carrying gold and silver between the coast and the Riysh. The second, and younger route, was from the Iberian ports and Kinaru to the Brazilian coast. Many ships would often sail first to the southern Riysh and the ports on Ganaym before plying the coast southeast towards the Burkuan colonies, thus avoiding open ocean travel. This route was fraught with danger, the regions coast a dense mess of swamps populated by often hostile tribes. While still relatively underexploited as of the mid-16th century, it was in the midst of rapid economic development nonetheless. This route also saw some traffic pass through the isolated outpost of Zamaridia [Cape Verde], previously a stopping point for ships sailing down the African coast.

    Outbound trade towards Iberia was strictly supervised by colonial authorities, the transatlantic crossing hardly a venture to sniff at. Most ships departing from Mexico, the Yucatan, or the Guianan coast passed through the ports at Boriken, largely at Buhuq before curving sharply west to take the gulf stream currents back to Iberia. This was because up through the 16th century, the cities on Boriken were the largest with the best developed ports, and because Riyshi authorities required ship captains to pay off local tariffs there before departing to Iberia. Many captains plying the trade routes between the Riysh and the mainland used a multi-stop itinerary, wherein a ship would carry goods from Mexico to the Yucatan, trade them out, sail to the Riysh, exchange goods again, and then pick up Riyshi goods for the trip to Iberia, accruing a marginal profit at each leg of the journey. This made the trip more profitable overall to compensate for the travel time. Ships carrying goods like coins bound directly for Iberia sailed through the Yasfa strait [Windward Passage], though this was less common, as pirates often hid in among the southerly Guhanan Islands [Bahamas].

    Some ships, wishing to either cut their travel time or to avoid Riyshi tariffs, used the aptly named Strait of Al-Qirsan, the Strait of Pirates, along the coast of Al-Niblu to catch the gulf stream directly. This strait, nestled between two territories that saw little to no effective administration on the ground, was favorable to smugglers and pirates, hence the name. Ships sailing through this passage risked piracy, but also could shave significant time off their voyage, and avoid officials cutting a portion of their profits. The usage of this strait grew throughout the period, to the point where in the early 16th century a large fort was constructed at the city of Mahite to control the area, though illegal commerce continued largely unabated. Many slaveships working the western coast of Al-Niblu would cut across this passage to sell their human cargo on the western shore of Sayadin, Mahite the largest market. Mahite became such a center of slavery, theft, and general illegal business that it became the byword for Moorish moral decay in Europe, the “whore of Mahode” a common trope in morality plays dealing with Muslims.

    Piracy and Law

    Where there is trade, there is piracy. The first pirates in the Riysh were simple native raiders or Arab bandits, eking out an existence on the margins of the vulnerable Arab settlements. Native piracy, carried out by bands of Karbi and Tayni warriors, was a significant driving factor in the rise of the Ghazi families in the first place. Native warriors, sailing into Arab camps from the water or ambushing from the jungles, were infamous for rapacious looting and killing, and the kidnapping of settlers for admixture into their own tribes. Later pirates were Arab and mixed-Arab bandits, often drawn from the large pool of migrant workers that formed the underclass of Riyshi society. By the 16th century, piracy was a serious problem in the Riysh. Pirate fleets controlled large swathes of the smaller island chains in the region, and held monopolistic control over entire areas of Arab settlement, fleeing to coastal jungles and swamps if pressed by the authorities. They used small, swift ships, primarily retrofitted fishing boats of similar design to the Yemeni dhow, with lateen sails and light wood construction. Pirates also commonly used native log canoes, which could easily be concealed when not in use and were usable in almost any waterway. This tendency to use native tools and tactics earned Arab pirates the colloquial name Al-Karibi, a direct callback to the native raiders that had plagued early settlers.

    Individual pirate ships were unable to take on any large vessel without considerable luck, but it was not long before large groups of pirates began to work as organized fleets to maximize their successes. These pirate fleets operated like businesses, extracting goods from local populations and even had internal systems of law to distribute profits and settle disputes between individual captains. The largest of these in the 16th century was the fleet of the pirate Idris Ibn Mulai Al-Jufi, the son of a prominent Mulukan businessman who took to piracy after financial failings, and who eventually controlled a fleet of almost 100 ships, and controlled what was essentially a personal fiefdom along the southeastern Niblan coast. In his raids along the coast of Sayadin, Shaymukh, and Muluk he went so far as to siege multiple fortified settlements, march his army inland to take whole towns, and even extorted the regional governor of the island of Sayadin into granting him title as the “defender of the faith”. Idris Ibn Mulai built his fortune not purely out of piracy, but-like other pirate captains of this era-out of business ventures. He managed a large network of slave-traders and even ran cotton plantations in the Riysh under aliases. Men like him were a constant thorn in the side of the Riyshi elite, though both groups were likely more similar than they were different.

    Pirates were daring raiders, and men like Idris epitomized the swaggering bravado of the period. Pirate vessels would attack a merchant ship in a number of ways. Sometimes it was as simple as waiting for a ship to make port at a smaller settlement that the pirates could then corner the ship and ambush from the land, or they would attack at sea: circling it in their boats and boarding it to attack the crew in a general melee. Merchant vessels were often equipped with cannons, and the crew had access to a locker under the deck that carried emergency weapons such as crossbows, muskets, spears and daggers. Some larger vessels had contingents of marines hired out from the colonial government. In combat pirates would fight with any weapon at their disposal, though they favored smaller weapons that wouldn't be bulky in close combat, especially short stabbing spike daggers called mukyanat (sing. makyan). Pirates also carried bombs and even rockets at times, fashioned from bamboo and loaded with gunpowder to send frightening flares of smoke and fire at their target.

    Once a ship was captured the crews fate was up to the whim of the captain, though it was more common than not to drop the crew off at the nearest land (after thoroughly fleecing them for their goods of course), rather than executing them. Rich passengers would be held for ransom, and the cargo subdivided among the victors. The ship would be given to a subordinate and taken into the pirate fleet or sunk. Many pirates kept captured ships to sell their raw materials to natives, who would eagerly buy the metal in the ships nails to use as workable iron. Unlike colonial officials, pirates had largely no qualms about selling horses, weapons, and armor to natives in exchange for local goods (or often, local women), which became one major avenue for how old world technology gradually penetrated native trade networks far beyond the intent of Riyshi officials. It is highly likely that some of the horses that made their way to the hands of the Mexica in the late 15th and early 16th century arrived there from creatures originally traded by Arab pirates on the northern Mexican coast.

    Legal Penalties

    The punishments for piracy were severe. Piracy was defined early on in the Ayshunid state (as part of Yusuf Muhammads relentless, if largely futile efforts to root out pirates in the Mediterranean), as forcible theft at sea, inland waterways, or in port. Pirates were classified as bandits, with the only distinction the sort of environment they were carrying out their activities in. Piracy against Muslims in particular was considered haram, and carried especially hefty punishments. Piracy against non-Muslims, especially Christians and pagans was on the whole less common, since it was more difficult to legally frame those actions as piracy (many pirates defined themselves as ghazis in the traditional sense, and loot taken from non-Muslims as ‘spoils of war’ mughannam). There were two sorts of legally defined groups relating to piracy: pirates, and those who affiliated and profited from them.

    It was heavily discouraged to conduct business with known pirates or their affiliates. One Hisbah manual from late 15th century Muluka states: “those shops of those accused of piracy must be held up, and removed from the owners until the proper law courts have determined their innocence, or guilt thereof…”. Authorities often seized properties of those suspected to be aiding pirates, which in and of itself led to difficulties, as the authorities were rarely acting as an impartial third party between businesses. Still, those elites accused of piracy could expect a decently fair trial under the circumstances of the time, with the most common punishment for aiding a pirate the confiscation of their property and bodily mutilation (the loss of a hand as if the accused was a common thief).

    In the Riyshi legal system, which fundamentally was based on shariah law (more specifically a Malikite interpretation of it), the crime was prosecuted differently depending on whether or not the accused had been a pirate themselves or had profited from stolen goods or had aided pirates. In the latter case, it was considered different as in, that man who profited from stolen goods also accepted the business of unwitting partners unaware of their illegal dealings, therefore stealing those men’s wealth through stealth. The pirate himself though, was treated differently since he had taken his wealth by force in open sight and so was a bandit, not a thief. The punishment for pirates was most often imprisonment until repentance, exile (this primarily meant the notoriously dangerous Panamanian coast), and/or bodily mutilation, primarily the right arm at the elbow or the left leg at the knee. (If the pirate was successfully convicted of piracy against non-Muslims, they would be fined severely and/or imprisoned. Mutilation was only an applicable punishment against Muslims). Riyshi courts were even crueler to repeat offenders, who faced crucifixion if caught. It was common to see a row of emaciated corpses mounted on crosses atop a hill when sailing into the port of Buhuq, the infamous Tal al-Yarqa, the “hill of maggots”.

    1550 Map of the Riysh with Major Arab Settlements and Trade Routes Marked

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    this map has a lot of small captions on it, click the map to zoom in and see the best detail

    The next update will be of similar subject but will center on Mexico and the Yucatan
     
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    The Mishican Economy in the 16th century
  • The Mishican Economy in the 16th century

    Mesoamerica proper, as the Ayshunids thought of it was divided into three separate entities: The Yucatan, “Mexico”, and the lands of wild, untamable tribes bordering the edges of both. While the Yucatan was relatively stable and increasingly an island of peace and prosperity within the warlike New World, Mexico was a labyrinth of shifting polities, religions, and marching armies. Its vast economic wealth constantly outweighed its rebellious nature though, and Mexico quickly became the new frontier of economic exploitation as the 15th marched into the 16th century.

    History

    Unlike the Riysh, where first contact produced a rapidly shifting society built on the edge of pandemic and the shattering of native social cohesion, Mexico was (at first), more stable. Here the first Arab settlements existed on the periphery of vast native cities, guests at the behest of local rulers, much like Arabs were accustomed to in various old-world polities. Arab outposts managed trade with the Riysh, acting as intermediaries between the already well-established state-controlled trade networks within Mexico and the Riyshi markets.

    This scenario was profitable, but did little to satisfy either party – native nor Arab. For the natives, the long claws of disease soon sunk deeply into Mexico like they had in the Riysh, and though the external pressure of Arabization that had truly shattered the Taino was absent in the vast majority of affected lands, such was the scale of the pandemic that a breakdown of relations was in retrospect, inevitable. Native lords turned on the Arabs, blaming them for the disease (rightfully so, though it was not an intentional effect of the Arabs presence there), while angry mobs ransacked Arab outposts. Only the nascent Islamization of the Totonacs prevented wholesale war against the Arabs, that-and the unusual tolerance the Aztecs emperors showed towards Arab traders, perhaps due to an urge to capture some of the unusual technology and creatures the Arabs had brought to the region. As waves of disease crippled native society, Arabs spread more easily, and like in the Riysh-Islam spread with them. Despite the catastrophic death tolls however, the native population of Mexico was still far larger, and vastly more sophisticated than any society in the Riysh, a fact that meant the Arabs, even after exploiting the demographic crisis in Mexico, still acted as side-players to the eastern Mexican market economy rather than monopolizing it. The Arabs truly learned this lesson after an abortive invasion of the heart of the Aztec empire ended in disaster, the Arab army routed and its commander gutted by a native turncoat leader.

    In the wake of this disaster, the economic policy in Mexico shifted drastically. Impressively willing to adapt their tactics in lands where they did not have to directly bear the consequences, the Riyshi merchant patriarchs collectively moved towards a softer touch, working through native intermediaries and limiting Arab travel into the interior to those who lived in Mexico, who were better versed in native society. Arab military forces shifted from leading armies, to aiding those forces of native lords in their own regional wars, intensified by the breakdown of the Aztec empire and the outbreak of general anarchy alongside it. Through this policy, it was more difficult for natives to unify against the Arabs, and it made native lords begin to actively vie for Arab forces, willing to convert to Islam, promise trade concessions and land for a few hundred crack troops. Inexorably, one by one, the native statelets that had risen up in the east out of the wreckage of the Aztec empire were either reabsorbed by the Aztecs, or Islamized and brought into the fold of the larger Arab new world order. The Mexica, pressed on the west by the ascendant Tarascan state, and on the east by an overextended military and constant insurrections, shrunk to a stump of their former glory, finally fully crippled by the wars with the followers of Ibn Tahaz. In the wake of this, the Arabs leapt at the opportunity, and without any major native force east of Tzintzuntzan to resist, they soon did what they were unable to do in their first invasion, take direct control over large swathes of Mexico – and its wealth alongside it. Many native states fell into the hands of Arab advisors and their native clients in a complex web of protectorate states ringing independent native Sultanates like barrier reefs. Arabs now controlled every significant trade route in eastern Mexico, and they soon ruthlessly exploited this. Native lords were pressed hard to deliver tributes in silver, wood, gold, cotton, and a plethora of other goods, alongside slaves from still-pagan, enemy states (unconverted Chontal Maya especially became the predominant source for slaves in the new world). By the mid-16th century, the only major part of the once mighty native market economy not somehow in Arab control were the great silver deposits in western and northern Mexico, though the bulk of goods extracted from these mines ended in Arab hands eventually.

    The Mexican Economy: A State Built on Silver

    The Riyshi economy in the 16th century was dominated by large plantations ruled by noble merchant families worked by a perpetually shifting force of migrant servants, knawed on the fringes by bandits, pirates, and tribes. Mexico was similar only in the sense that the Arab elite endlessly strove to maximize their personal wealth and minimize cost and danger. The 16th century Mexican economy was still a village economy, with 90+ percent of the population a class of native peasants working the land with a small merchant class and an even smaller native elite class. Arab taxes imposed on native clients demanded both goods and labor, goods in the form of metals and agricultural goods delivered by the native farmers and labor in the form of workers for the mines, crews for ships, and laborers for coastal, Arab ruled estates. Islamized natives were deliberately given far better treatment, though the Arabs consistently biased towards Totonacs, their first, and oldest allies in the region, over Nahuan peoples (this bias momentarily changed in the aftermath of the rebellion of Ibn Tahaz, though not permanently). Islamized native leaders reaped great wealth, and many had begun to marry into Arab families by the early 16th century. Islamized natives aided the Arabs especially in slave-raiding, as they were more than happy to sell their pagan enemies to the Arabs as a reward for Arab aid in local conflicts. To prevent desertion and insurrection, these pagan slaves were largely sent to the Yucatan and the Riysh to supplement local labor shortages. Mexican women especially became very popular as domestic servants. The ‘ayedi underclass that powered the Riyshi economy was also present in Mexico, to a lesser degree due to the larger native workforce however.

    One advantage Arabs had in Mexico they did not have in the Riysh, and one that limited the need to export Arab workers to the region, was that the pre-existing native economy was one that was of much similar shade to the Arab economy than the Taino, hunter-gatherer, almost idyllic society had been. There was a pre-existing large peasant class, with a merchant and business middle class, and a native elite deeply entrenched in their status who had already used a system of conscripted labor and tribute to exact wealth from the villages. All these traits were only slightly modified to suit Arab needs, reminiscent of similar tactics the Arabs had used in the Yucatan to great effect.

    The backbone of this entire system was silver. The Arabs hungered for both it and gold in equal measure. Large native-run silver mines were leveraged to feed into the Arab economy, those local leaders who actually controlled the mines labor force thoroughly bought and seduced by Arab emissaries into trade agreements, highly profitable for both parties. The violence of the Chichimec tribes who ruled much of the interior separating these northern silver mines from Arab ports not only prevented direct Arab expansion into the region but also led to the ghazi armies of the Riysh being exported to Mexico, and all their supplemental problems with them. Though the ghazis never attained the same level of power they did in the Riysh (at least, not in the 16th century), their presence led to several unintended consequences for the Mexican economy, the least of which was the slow, unintentional leeching of Arab technology and beasts into the indigenous northern desert economy.

    Maps

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    The Horse in Mexican Societies
  • The Horse in Mexican Societies

    No other creature proved more enigmatic to the indigenous peoples of the new world than the horse. Its prowess in combat and its fearsome appearance quickly went into local legend and transformed the lifestyles of every people who could master its cocksure nature.

    The Arab Horse

    Andalusians brought several breeds of horse with them on their new world expeditions. The most famous was the Andalusian War Horse, of the jenet breed as it was known to the Christians, “Hisan Al-Andalusiya”, as well as breeds from North Africa, prized for their hardiness (The “Barbary” horse, “Hisan Al- Murrākush” after the horse markets in Marrakesh). They were large horses, renowned throughout Europe as prime war horses, the same sort of stature and appearance that struck such fear into Taino Indians when they first encountered Arab horses in the late 1300s.

    By the 1500s, Arab horses were bred primarily in the fertile valleys around Granada by professional horse-masters recruited from North Africa, dubbed kabllarah after the Castilian caballero. Well aware of the prestige of their native horse breeds the Ayshunid sultans were in the grips of a full-blown arms race with Castile for the rearing of prestige horse breeds, causing such large stables to fall entirely into the hands of the state as governmental enterprises. The value of an Andalusian prime stud was such that the punishment for stealing one was execution. Both the Castilians and Ayshunids engaged in regular espionage and propaganda campaigns to promote the value of their horses over their competitors.

    These state-ran stables, the al-zarba, were responsible for fielding the war horses used by the Andalusian expeditions west, using pioneering methods of horse breeding and rearing to ensure prime mounts. It was a stud from the zarba of Seville that carried Abu Ali ibn Mahmud al-Mursiyah during his first march through the new world in 1370.

    Native Names for Equines

    The first new world peoples to encounter horses were the Antilles Taino in the late 1300s, who nativized the Arabic term in lieu of any native word to describe the beast, “hísan”. The Taino quickly grew to fear horses, which were far larger than any other native land animal in their environment. Oftentimes a single Arab could rout a force of rowdy Taino by simply charging at them, astride his horse and bellowing while swinging a flashing saber. It was observed by the writer Ibn Nuh that “it is the fury of the horse that conquered the Tayni, for such was their fear of the Arab breed that they would weep and bare their heads for execution rather than face it against them…”

    This term became nativized and spread throughout the Riysh and even to the mainland in the earliest years of Arab conquest, to the extent that the “great deer”, as they became known, were known about well before mainland peoples met Arabs face to face. Before Arab contact these creatures were dubbed variously hitzan to the Yucatec, witznah to the Chontal, or wiska’ to the Totonacs. Native understanding of them was understandable vague and fraught with folklore, such as one Yucatecan belief that they could be repulsed akin to demons by ritual (a belief that proved disastrous against Arabs in the field for obvious reasons). While the Maya and Gulf Coast peoples came to view equines broadly as deer, to the nahuan peoples of Mexico they were perceived closer to dogs, more specifically, the “long dog” of Aztec writings, the chichime ixhueyac. This could possibly be explained by the growing distance between the native peoples and the creatures themselves or the association of dogs with death, and the association of the appearance of horses and therefore Arabs with the spread of disease, cocoliztli, “the pest”. Literally, to witness the “long dog” was to witness the messengers of the underworld. This only served to compound the native fear of the beasts, which continuously worked in the Arabs advantage, and greatly increased the amount of time until such native peoples began to experiment with equestrianism themselves, out of superstition (for the Maya and coastal peoples it took much less time). After prolonged contact with Arabs, this awkwardly compounded term was quickly superseded by Arabic, as well as a bevy of other vocabulary related to equestrianism – all thoroughly nativized. Yet the older attitudes surrounding horses persisted beyond the initial period of incipid contact between nahuan peoples and horses.

    The First Native Cavalrymen

    For all the Arab terms taken to describe the various aspects of equestrianism, one that was not borrowed was the Arabic al-faris, “horseman”. Instead, in a telling sign of who the Mexica credited, or perhaps better blamed, for the introduction of old world creatures into their world, the nahuatl term for a horse rider became papantlacah, referring to Papantla, a major Totonacan cultural center. It was indeed the Totonacs who pioneered horse riding among Amerinidian peoples, both being the closest to the Arabs and the most willing to adopt their technology. This was even above the earlier-contacted Maya (likely due to their conservative attitudes and their jungle environment which prohibited the effective use of horses in daily life).

    The first Totonacan horsemen were likely this who lived near early Arab merchant camps, attempting to ride horses to the great amusement of their own masters. Initially, Arabs were hesitant about selling horses to local rulers and risk losing the aura of fear that made horses so effective in the Riysh. Eventually, after longer contact horses started to be exchanged as gifts with prominent local leaders as the relationship between Arabs and Gulf Coast peoples become more egalitarian and friendly. It was at this point, around the mid-1400s that native horse-riding began to truly develop as an art. While early attempts by natives to tame horses ended in clumsy failure, or as one early Arab writer jokingly stated, “It is painful to watch the Kutashti [Totonac] debase the furusiyya to ape the true horseman.” this clumsiness did not last long. Under the tutelage of Arab horse-masters invited into local estates by eager lords and a fervor to master the enigmatic and powerful creature, Totonacan riders soon developed great skill as equestrians. Observing customs in Mexico, the Genoan merchant Alberto di Ponente noted in his 1467 memoirs that “in every estate of this land, it is customary to set a series of posts affixed with muslin pads, and the rider will ring them and pierce the pads with his lance as a show for his patrons. It is a sight to see, the deftness and grace by which they carry out their pageantry in this manner, and it delights those moors who are invited to visit, for whom the entire spectacle seems designed to impress…”

    Totonacan riders never truly were the masters of their own horses, for despite all the willingness of Arabs to groom a cadre of skilled riders they maintained strict control over the true ownership of the steeds themselves, including loaning out fertile mares only to those native lords of supreme loyalty to the Arabs, and only to Muslims. Exceptions were made to the most powerful of native rulers, such as the Aztec emperor, who received multiple stallions over the course of several Arab diplomatic visits. Just as the Sultan in Seville was willing to sell prime studs to Christian kings, the wali’s in the Riysh were just as open to doing the same with pagan rulers of particular renown.


    Soon prime studs were scattered throughout the noble courts of Mexico, but still only was it on the Gulf Coast that horsemanship developed into an actual caste of society. Arab leaders came to recruit the best among native horsemen, often the younger sons of local elites, for their own retinues, the al-faris al-kutashti. These natives would eventually ride into combat incorporated into Arab armies, lightly equipped with oftentimes only a lance, relying more on the psychological impact of a cavalry charge than any skill at prolonged combat. These cavalry rode in separate units under Arab commanders, and often returned to their own territories to fight in the armies of their own lords after the campaigns were over.

    Seeing natives ride alongside Arabs in combat only intensified Mexica interest in developing their own mounted units, superstition be damned. After the failed attack on Tenochtitlan in the late 15th century, a large amount of Arab prisoners and equipment fell into Aztec hands. The prisoners were sacrificed to a man, a mistake which would prove to haunt the Mexica later on, but the captured horses and equipment were stockpiled and soon became the target of intensive experimentation by Mexica leaders. Without any sort of foreign aid, certainly no further help from Arabs would be coming after the breakdown in relations, these attempts continually ended in failure. Further mistakes, including a fire breaking out in the impromptu stables in Tenochtitlan and causing half the captured horses to burn to death or flee, only hindered these efforts. Eventually, by the early 16th century the Mexica succeeded in developing a rudimentary cadre of cavalry, dubbed the totonomeh, though they were restricted to parades, a sign that the Mexica were painfully aware still of their own limitations in equestrianism. It is possible that the first usage of the totonomeh warrior society in combat was at the campaigns in Teotitlan against the Chinantecs, who were themselves increasingly adept horsemen, but it is unclear. A history describing the battle later on only writes that, “they [the Arabs] bade that the Shintaniyyah [Chinantecs] charge forward, which they did to bugles and drums. They met the Mishikah at the base of the valley, and there was a great commotion where the horses met, though it was difficult to see for the dust that was produced…”

    These totonomeh wore strikingly similar costume to the Arabized horsemen they fought, riding light and fighting with lances. The Mexica later codified this warrior society with official costume and prisoner counts, with codices depicting inductees into the order as wearing white and black bodysuits. This costume was likely modeled off the dress of Arabs and their native allies. A warrior could be inducted into the order for taking 6 prisoners, the same level as being a Cuachicqueh. However, as the Mexica state withered under constant outside pressure and internal demographic crashes, the quality of equipment withered as well, so that the totonomeh spent much of their history as an order fighting for dwindling resources in a strained military. Some Arab writers noted that by the period of the Tahazid revolt the Mexica had taken to stripping the dead of their clothing and equipment after combat, regardless of faction, and even fashioning war costumes out of the robes of dead Arabs.

    The rise of the Mexica horseman societies served only to barely shake up what was truly a long period of military decline in central Mexico, though they did mark the beginning of an equally long period of military reform by native powers in response to changing rules of warfare. Though they started as a young and often scrappy cadre of warriors, the totonomeh soon came to supersede other, more prestigious orders in the Mexica state as the 16th century went on. Similarly, the adoption of cavalry to any extent by the pagan Mexica opened up the floodgates for other native Mexican states to do the same, the decoupling of horses and Islam giving a sense of security to native rulers eager to exploit the power of cavalry for themselves without inviting Arabs into their courts. This included the Tarascan state, who developed a force called the “hiuatsi quangariecha” lit. “Valiant Coyote Warriors” with captured Aztec horsemen and Arab studs. Except for the Huastecs, almost every Mexican ethnostate had adopted some sort of cavalry by the mid-late 16th century.

    ZEaziFj.png

    Here the apparent Arab influence on the aztec warrior societies is clearly evident, with his headgear a faux-turban shape and his saddle itself a Arab import. The distinctive black and white coloring of their bodysuits and raccoon-like facepaint left a impression on Arab writers, who mentioned it in nearly every text describing Aztec military structure.

    Here the rider carries a hardwood lance in his offhand with a corresponding shield, and in his main hand readies a heavy wooden club, both strikingly traditional weapons even by Mexican standards.
     
    French and Spanish Colonization between 1370 - 1550, a Brief Contextual Guide
  • French and Spanish Colonization between 1370 - 1550, a Brief Contextual Guide
    While it was the Moors who first discovered the Americas, it was the kings of both France, and Castile who first exploited these new lands in an organized and systematic way, instead of the vaguely directed chaos that characterized the Ayshunid attempts. The organization of these Christian colonies quickly far outstripped that of the Ayshunids, but at the same time such expeditions were far more organized and controlled, they never produced the same sort of vibrant native culture that the Arab ones did. Indeed, the Christian colonies acted as near-complete parallels of their home countries for many decades after initial contact, well after the point where Riyshi civilization was fully developed. It would take serious stress at home to cause similar changes in the European colonies, stress that did not reach a breaking point until well into the 17th century.

    As soon as word reached the Sultanate of new lands in the west, the news quickly reached the kings of western Europe through their lines of communication with the Islamic world. The lethargy of Christian rulers to fund large expeditions to the new world was not because of a lack of information but because of purely strategic choices. Over the same 150 years that southern Spain was experiencing a golden age of peace and prosperity, brought about by a series of successful military rulers, a capable bureaucracy and strong economy, northern Spain and Mediterranean Europe were deep in a series of long, brutal wars and internal political upheavals. The wars across Europe from the Italian Wars, the 100 years war to instability in the HRE meant that the discovery of the new world remained a faint curiosity to most European monarchs. Those few who recognized the sheer scale of the discovery were largely Italian merchant elites. The Genoese, and to some minor extent the Pisans, were the first Christians to reach the new world, though they never established their own colonies – finding business within the Arab spheres in the Caribbean far safer and more profitable.

    As the 15th century began to draw to a close, the wars in Europe did not abate (far from it in-fact, given the scale of the Italian Wars), but what did change was the rise of more centralized monarchies, and a fortuitous series of capable kings spread across Atlantic Europe who were able to devote new energies towards expanding their dominions at the expense of the moor, rather than at the expense of their Christian neighbors. The first real impetus towards westward colonization by the Christian states was not to secure new trade routes, as it had been for the Arabs, but to ‘reclaim’ the Atlantic from an over-extended Andalusia. Also, as the wealth of the Riysh had begun to drastically boost the Iberian economy with new, exotic goods like chocolate, the economic benefits of the Americas became more palpable than simple curiosities. Many Christian kings suddenly felt that the Americas were worth their while and might even aid them in their conflicts at home. These feelings were intensified by the growing power of the Ottoman empire to the east. Europe felt itself surrounded by Muslim empires, increasingly at the losing end of global trade networks – it was only inevitable that some rulers would try and force a change.

    The first non-Muslim independent colonial venture was the Castilian Drapero expedition. Henry III was among a line of forward-thinking Castilian kings who were deeply, almost fanatically set, on reconquering lost pride at the expense of their southern neighbors. These expeditions were organized entirely as military expeditions meant to capture virgin territory to establish bases of Castilian presence in the New World. The crews were hardened Hispano-Normans, primarily veterans of the middle-class militias that provided much of the fighting power of the Castilian military. Drapero himself was a former Castilian army captain. Henry III personally bank-rolled all the costs of the expedition, unlike the first Moorish sailors who had to provide much of their own supplies (but still sailed with the good graces of the Sultan on governmental vessels).

    When the expedition landed in the New World, they first established a timber fort on the coast, choosing a defensible inlet backed by rocky beaches. The first expedition brought no women nor any children, but was entirely soldiers, trackers and sailors. Per the directive of the king, there was no aggression towards the natives – who were encountered soon after arrival, the general intent being to gradually convert and ally with the locals to gain native allies against the Moors (at that point, the Castilians were unaware that the northernmost Arab outposts were actually hundreds of miles south). The assumed threat of Moorish raiding meant that the entirety of the initial expedition was spent preparing defenses and scouting the nearby territory to try and ascertain lurking Moorish forces (which never actually existed). Whether it was faulty military intelligence or Drapero’s paranoia, the first non-arab expeditions in the new world were spent in frantic preparation for a war that never arrived. This did cause the intended native alliances to quickly dissolve however, as many Castilian soldiers convinced themselves that the natives were in league with the Arabs. Before Drapero’s exile and punishment in the 1470’s (over accusations of sodomy brought against him by jilted business partners, to which he was found guilty), the native-Castilian détente had completely dissolved into constant raids and counter-raids. Drapero hid much of this collapse in relations from his reports to the crown, his dishonesty as much a cause for his dismissal as his supposed personal sins. Under the command of his successor, Christopher Lorenzo de Toro, the situation hardly improved in the new world, but the damage done by Drapero to the personal brand of the crown was fully repaired (the Drapero scandals are themselves worth devoting an entire novel to). What de Toro did that was consequential was ensure the survival of the Castilian expeditions beyond their initial forays through diplomacy at home and secure enough military support to effectively suppress the natives near the coast enough to allow larger scale colonization in earnest.

    Under de Toro’s leadership, Castile began to actively fortify the Carolinian coast and establish a secure base for regional military operations. Castilian fleets sail both north and south to scout the coast. From the very earliest Castilian settlements in the Americas, the clear barrier dividing the nascent Castilian colonies from their desired possessions in the Caribbean is the eastern expanse of Florida. Rife with pirates, with a inhospitable shoreline and dangerous native tribes, this region became the main dividing line between Christian, and Muslim territory. By the late 1400s however, it became clear that should Castile ever be able to challenge Muslim hegemony in the region, that there needed to be a native Castilian presence in the region that could support more than coastal fortified villages. At royal behest, De Toro sent civilian settlers to the Carolinian coast, drawing from the hardy folk of northern Iberia for it. Between the 1480’s and the 1520’s, a slow, but steady expansion took place in the Carolinas, with Christian settlements popping up along the Carolinian coast. Relations with the native population understandably deteriorated further, leading to a series of wars that devastated the local population and forced them back into the interior. The most significant of these wars was the Secotano War, where an army of local Chowanacan warriors annihilated the Spanish fort at San Fernando. The debacle caused the Spanish Crown to recall De Toro and replace him briefly with his lieutenant Diego Carnan (though De Toro returned in 1528, but only governed for several more years before his death). The Secotano War also spurred a new policy of Indian relations in the Castilian Carolinas called the encomeindas, “entrustments”, organized estates granted to local nobility who were responsible for extracting resources from the land and organizing its defense. With these entrustments, the Crown in effect ‘leased’ responsibility for a territory to a private landowner instead of a governmental official, though the land and the grants legality itself existed within the graces of the Crown – a landowner who did not please the central government could have all his holding stripped without any recourse (many of these reforms were in response to Royal concerns about separatist factions that could unnecessarily hamper Royal response to a Indian attack like another Secotano War). Instead of a central lord managing the increasingly sprawling colonies, regional leaders could organize the defense of specific plots. Estates were granted to those most veteran commanders from the Indian Wars, establishing a local landed nobility but unlike in the Moorish model, one that was deeply indebted to the royalty instead of being intentionally distanced from it. This contrast more than all others was the reason the Castilian colonies were far more internally stable than the Moorish ones were.

    The early-mid 1500s were defined by increasing Castilian intrusion into Islamic lands proper and the arrival of the French to the Americas, who would become the greatest rival of Castile, not the Moors as both parties had previously assumed. This was simply because while the Moors were content to remain in their own comparatively narrow band of territory (albeit the most fertile, desirable area), and colonize lands to the south, both Castile and France desired territory that either overlapped, or directly bordered each-other. The Moors never seriously contested territory north of Florida, while both Castile and France aimed to take the North American coast for themselves.

    French interests in the Americas first took on a concrete form in 1490 with the Doria expeditions but there was little material French presence in the New World until the 1520’s when actual sustainable settlements were founded. In a similar vein to the early Castilian colonies, they were royally-funded expeditions with large military contingents. The presence Castile just to the south spurred quicker action on the part of the French crown, upon whose orders the town of New Laval was founded, which quickly became the capital of French St. Johns Land. Subsequent French settlement past this point was focused on inland colonization, the French crown making the bet that there were more resources to be found in the interior than along the coasts. It helped that the local native population was more amicable to the French than to Castile, due to more forward-thinking, diplomatic policies by the early French colonial leaders. This did not prevent violence entirely, as the 1534 War of the Five Nations demonstrated, or the 1540 Irinieux War. Early French efforts in the Americas were masterminded by the Royal attaché to the Colonies, Louis Tasse, who encouraged a policy of equal relations with friendly Indians while providing French aid against unruly natives. Tasse was also a skilled urban planner, and personally designed many of the French wilderness forts that soon began to dot the American northeast.
    As the 16th century progressed, the French expanded in the northern forests, trading lumber and pelts while the Castilians expanded in the south. By 1550, Castile and French had signed an unofficial accord along with the Pope to subdivide the Americas between them. In reality, this accord led to yet more competition between the two, as the two nations developed a “race to the interior” policy, each attempting to outflank the other territorially (over vast regions that had in reality no European presence on the ground). In the meanwhile, Castile began to spar with Moorish pirates along the northern Florida coast, encouraging frantic Moorish settlement along the northern Gulf coast though the sheer disorganization of the Riysh meant that there was little hope going into the later 16th century of the Moors mounting an organized defense to the Castilians. Indeed, the later 16th century became defined militarily by Castilian aggression and Moorish panic. It seemed as the century wore on, that colonialism was the Christians game to lose.​


     
    A House of Lamps | Part 7
  • A House of Lamps; Part 7

    "The whole world is like a house filled with lamps, rays, and lights through whom the things of the house are elucidated…"
    Ibn Barrajan, 12th century CE

    The Union of Valois and the Voyages upon the Pacific
    "For the lecherousness of the Christian did the Moor take up the resources of these lands, and prosper in his own right above that of England. Yet, for the endeavor of the Christian man so willing, If he have nothing but his hands, he may set up this trade; and by industry quickly grow rich; spending but half that time well, which in England we abuse in idleness, worse or as ill"

    -From a excerpt from the explorer Thomas Seawall's book: A true relation of such occurences and accidentes of travels in the west Oryales and a descriptiones therein of the places and peoples encountered.

    1551

    Potential Castilian invasion still acts as a specter over the Riysh, prompting local leaders to requisition supplies and manpower for what is assumed to be an imminent Christian deluge. Instead, further Christian raids along the northern edge of the Riysh, involving both soldiers of the Castilian crown and hired pirates remain the extent of Castilian presence in the region, for renewed native wars in the Castilian colonies to the north prevent the plans of the Christian kings for a full-fledged attack of the Riysh from coming to fruition as quickly as they had hoped.

    Renewed Hajid raids in central and southern Morocco, dampened by the fresh force of Ayshunid soldiers serving the Qaranid state, return in force after many of the Ayshunid soldiers complete their terms of service and return to Spain. A final victory against the rebel army remains elusive, though the warring has strained greatly the manpower reserves of the Hajidi-linked tribes.

    Castilian forces and Moors clash in open waters near the north shore of Niblu after a force of Christian seamen accidentally intrudes on one of the northerly Moorish fishing camps. Most of the fishermen were captured but several fled and returned with a retaliatory force from one of the coastal forts in Guhana. After a short skirmish the Christians fled north, and the fishermen were able to flee. The Moors responded by attacking Castilian sites in the Castilineans [Carolinas] before retreating. This marked the beginning of a pattern of sporadic raids and counter-raids along the Castilinean coast.

    The Castilian conquistador Sancho de Hermosilla leads an expedition that subjugates the native peoples of northern Niblu, called the Mocamua [Timucua] and claims all the inland territories for the Castilian crown.

    French ships land at Rocega in northern Sicily, though the areas limited infrastructure struggles to adequately supply the fleet. In avoiding larger ports like Calvi to the west, Henry II avoids having to engage in an immediate siege battle before he can disembark his fleet. French forces sally forth and quickly subdue the smaller villages of the northern tip of the island.

    1552

    At the battle of Urtaca a paltry force of Corsican militiamen manage to hold a sizable French force until the Aragonese army can beat them back. War weary, Henry II decides to winter in the verdant island and gain some plunder to recoup his losses.

    Ottoman forces attack the Castilian lines in Algeria, beaten back successfully after a second hard-fought campaign. The Castilian fleet is strained to deal with relentless Ottoman attacks however, with their supply lines at grave threat from seaborne raids. In late 1552, Henry IV is forced to recall a portion of his Atlantic fleet to bolster his forces in the Mediterranean. This yet further hampers his ambitions of rapid expansion of his own maritime power in the new world.

    Riyshi authorities in Niblu recruit among native tribes extensively but run into difficulty from runaway slave and bandit groups that have increasingly taken hold in the swamps of that territory. The harsh conditions of life in the coastal forts cause many native auxiliaries to flee into the swamps, leaving coastal towns unprotected. Under the command of the creole leader “Albara” a coalition of bandits ransack the settlement of Efan and flee into the swamps with its inhabitants enslaved.

    At the command of the ghazi Asim Ibn Qay’ud, the Baraniyan Arabs defeat the chieftains of the Tubiyy [Tupi] and oversee their conversion to Islam. They appeal to the court in Seville for supplies and aid but find few friendly ears, except for the noble Abdul Majin Ibn Abdullah, who agrees to personally sponsor the Baraniyan colonies. He also sends his cleric Ibn Siraj to respond to the appeal of the colonists for more experienced religious teachers. Ibn Siraj is a deeply educated Iberian trained in Maliki law and quickly establishes a popular madrassa in Baraniya.

    1553

    Forced to strike out or lose his foothold, Henry II fights a series of skirmishes with the Aragonese in Corsica, including an abortive siege of the islands capital at Cargaccia which fails, but does result in significant damage to the cities churches. It is said that during the siege, the crown prince of Aragon, Sebastian, was so bothered by the endless din of the French cannonades that he wrote his father and advised peace, if only so he could look forward for some quiet.

    The Castilian navy successfully forces an Ottoman withdrawal to Tunisia after a stunning victory, giving Henry IV some much-needed breathing room to pursue his campaigns on land. He is still hampered by incessant Berber guerillas, especially the Banu Ghaniya, who wreak havoc on supply lines throughout the region. Henry IV attempts to rectify this problem by allying with certain tribes against others but finds it difficult to find meaningful friends during a period of renewed religious fundamentalism in the Maghreb (a long-brewing revivalist movement spearheaded by Qaranid Malikite leaders during the early 1500s).

    An army led by Muhammad Kouyate of the Songhai raids deep into Sijilmassan territory, destabilizes the Saharan trade network, and allows indirectly the Hajids to retake valuable oasis outposts following the withdrawal of enemy forces from the northern Sijilmassan border.

    A second expedition by de Hermosilla trudges deep into the Sirenida [Florida] interior. He reaches the interior shore of the sea called by the Moors Anniblu [Gulf of Mexico] and erects a cross to mark the end of his journey. More Castilian conquistadors penetrate the territories to the north, pacifying the local peoples (or being murdered in the process). Reports of powerful chieftains ruling over large mound cities fuel further treasure seeking expeditions (The Mississippian cultures).

    1554-56

    Protestantism spreads throughout England under the rule of the Queen Mary, who firmly crushes English Catholicism but whose policies flounder due to the loss of remaining English territories in France.

    The French, confident that Aragon had been sufficiently humbled, depart Corsica but not before thoroughly looting the northern part of the island. Henry II invests much of that wealth into building up the city of Livorno on the Italian coast, aiming to make it a key French colony that could protect northern Italy from further aggression. Yet, Henry II has problems at home. Rising religion tension between Catholics and Protestants, unstopped by several proclamations over religious toleration, explode into fearsome riots that leave hundreds dead. At the worst, the Saintes riots (for the town in western France, not the actual term ‘saints’), a mob of protestants descended on the Catholics in the town and slaughtered them to a man. Retaliation by French soldiers on the rioters left many hundreds more dead. Other riots and counter-riots spread throughout western and northern France, demanding royal intervention. Henry II released the proclamation of 1555, a full-throated declaration of support for the Papal cause which put out in writing the absolute abolition of deviant creeds in the kingdom. This crackdown was felt far more harshly on protestants than Jews or Muslims. Henry II, unlike his fellow kings in Iberia, was not a zealot and was keenly interested in preserving French national unity. In his mind, Jews and Muslims had done little to injure that unity (and he was not blind to the importance of maintaining neutrality with both the Ayshunids and the Ottomans and not create new enemies). This proclamation did not stop the religious violence in France.

    The Normanos in Iberia, having gradually and almost entirely converted to Calvinism, keenly felt their isolation during a period of rising Protestant persecution in both France and Castile. Many of them began to emigrate towards England, where they felt strong cultural ties, or to Germany. The threat of such a powerful bloc of protestants in Castile had caused tensions in that state, to the extent that the mayor of Cantabria, Sancho l’Elbaro, was forcibly ousted from office by Castilian officials over his Calvinism. This was followed by attacks on aristocratic Normanos throughout Asturias and Cantabria.

    Ibn Tahaz dies in exile and is buried by a number of his most loyal followers. The Tahazid movement, driven deep underground the harsh Ayshunid crackdown finds a new leader in Ibn Tahaz’s chosen successor Musa Al-Ishma. Tahazid loyalties still run deep among the Tanaki, and while Al-Ishma chooses to remain in hiding, it is clear to everyone that the movement has not been truly defeated. The Ayshunid officials in Mishiki attempt to encourage further migration into Mishiki from Riyshi Arabs to dilute the native presence on the coast.

    Hajidis win a major victory at Chout el-Zet, forcing the Qaranids to relinquish more control of the southern Moroccan coast and interior to the rebels. The Hajids now control more raw territory in Morocco than the Qaranids do, though much of their land is much less developed compared to the fertile and urbane coastal strip, still under firm Qaranid control.

    Henry IV defeats the weakened Ottoman army at Algiers and captures Erman Pasha, eventually taking him to Iberia in chains. The growing failures of the Ottoman campaigns in North Africa endlessly frustrate the Sublime Porte. The ship carrying Erman Pasha along with Henry’s second eldest son sinks en route though, both are presumed dead.

    Ibn Sa’ad reinforces his ever-shrinking battlelines but finds himself more and more reliant on a Ayshunid willingness to pour money into the Maghreb, his own coffers run entirely dry. The Qaranid force increasingly becomes a loaned army of Ayshunid soldiers with a small core of tribal loyalists. A token force of Aragonese soldiers is sent to the Qaranid court by Charles I, an open sign of his personal favor toward the Ayshunid bloc.

    With the Ottomans no longer an imminent threat in Morocco, Henry IV turns to the lingering Qaranid state, but due to mass desertions by tired, over marched troops he soon relents and contents himself with his renewed foothold in North Africa. He returns to Iberia after rumours of a coup begin to swirl. This leaves North Africa entirely open to the Qaranids to reassert themselves. However, that state still struggles too much with the now-massive Hajid insurrection to recapture the lost territories of the Algerian coast. Ibn Sa’ad signs a fragile peace with the Hajids in 1556, both sides aware it will not last.

    The Aragonese rapidly intensify their policy of hiring privateers to attack their political opponents, both pirates in the Maghreb and in the Atlantic. Captains are given prometre, lit. “pledges” to attack ships of certain nations, receiving support from the Aragonese crown. The western Mediterranean during this period is so rife with piracy and wartime acts of looting, it was said by many that there were more pirates than there were merchants to steal from. Really this was not because of lawlessness in the area (there was in fact a huge military presence in the region due to the ongoing conflicts in the Maghreb), but because of a deliberate Aragonese and Ottoman arms race in arming and creating pirate fleets to harass their enemies while ostensibly keeping their actual navies more restricted in operational scope.

    A native uprising destroys the Riyshi settlements in northern Al-Yikaq, forcing a retaliatory force to burn a number of native villages. Petitions by the settlers of both Yikaq and Niblu to become more fully integrated into the Sultanate are rejected. Both territories are seen as violent and unprofitable frontiers by the colonial government. Instead, southern Niblu and Guhana [the Bahamas] are incorporated as a separate Wilayat, Al-Dayq lit. “the Straits”. By the thinking of colonial authorities, especially the prominent governor of Sayadin, Mustafa Abd Allah Abu Bakhar, the more prosperous settlements in Guhana would help bolster the weaker Niblan economy. It was also no real secret that his supporters came mostly from landlords in both southeastern Niblu (who profited from slave-trading) and in Guhana – combining them under one administrative area made it much easier to pool those resources and protect them from unwanted legal forces. In any case, Al-Dayq was declared a Wilayat by the court in Seville and the bureaucrat Harun Al-Taqri given it to rule (Al-Taqri was, to little surprise, a close friend of Abu Bakhar).

    1558

    Unresolved territorial disputes in Italy caused Aragon and France to sign a treaty under Papal mediation, the Treaty of Cuneo. It resolved certain dynastic conflicts between the two states stemming from their both claiming portions of Sicily, Sardinia, and Italy. These were mostly unimportant except for the granting of the enclave of Grossetto, in Tuscany, to Aragon. This would end up becoming the only outright Aragonese possession in Northern Italy.

    Frustration and high, and perceived sacrilegious taxes causes riots to break out in western Iberia. In an unusual move for such a government, the governor of the Algarve region agrees to lessen the tax burden on the local peasants, and even moves to curb the power of the middle-level landlords who were restricting much of the freedom of movement in the region. It is more likely that this was not a move out of charity but more to remove a powerful political opponent faction.

    Muhammad II commands the captain Mahmoud Omar Al-Fassi to recapture the Azores, hoping to cripple the flow of Castilian ships to the New World by dismantling their main Atlantic possession, and a key stopping point for Christian ships unwilling to pay the Moorish tariffs. At the head of a large fleet Al-Fassi attacked the small Castilian settlements on the islands. To his surprise, many of the inhabitants were in-fact of Arab descent, Christianized descendants of the original Moorish inhabitants allowed to stay on the islands. He enslaves many of them and wholesale razes the towns built by the newer Castilian migrants, but cannot recapture the islands. The level of fortifications erected by the Castilian state was far beyond the capabilities of Al-Fassi’s fleet to take, and they settled to simply cripple the islands economic capacity. Before being driven off by a Christian intervention force, Al-Fassi has his men set fire to the lush forests near the islands ports, hoping to deprive the Castilians of the local lumber supply. The dryness of the climate that time of year meant that soon serious forest fires broke out, and yet further devastated much of the territory.

    The Sijilmassan state teeters on the brink of collapse after political unrest following severe droughts boils over into outright rebellion among the Tuareg. A breakaway faction led by Allah El Mokhtar Ag Ibrahim causes much of the southern end of the Saharan state to become openly independent.

    The Castilian navy gradually loses its ability to police the waters between Iberia and the Maghreb, deeply straining Henry IV’s ability to wage a successful land war in Algeria. Still in Iberia, resolving internal tensions within the Castilian court (especially a peasant revolt supposedly incited by English protestants), he orders his lieutenants in the Maghreb to fortify the Christian foothold in the region, causing Castilian forces to withdraw from the African interior entirely, finding the coast far easier to defend from Berber armies. Henry also orders Castilian soldiers to capture the Ottoman pirate captain Ebu Yusuf Ermi, one of the new admirals sent in to bolster the Ottoman presence in the region after Erman Pasha’s untimely demise. Under the capable command of the Köprülü family, then in control of the Ottoman organs of state, the divided Ottoman forces in the region are reorganized and mount renewed offensives against the Castilians.

    1559

    Emboldened Castilians sail south and bombard settlements on Sayadin with gunships, looting several towns and generally causing havoc. At almost exactly the same time, a band of Christians chase Moorish villagers out of Northern Niblu. The Christian fleet sailing north is intercepted however by a Moorish fleet, and utterly wiped out. As raids intensified, the moors living in the northern shores of Sayadin and on Niblu began to gain a reputation as especially fanatical in their hatred of Christians.

    The Ottomans win a notable victory at Birbouje, routing the weakened Castilian army and causing the entire frontier to quickly collapse. The Ottoman army surrounds Algiers, enforcing a total blockade by land and sea. Berber rebels quickly overcome the interior, many of them loyal to the upstart sheikh Ibn Hatiri, a breakaway Banu Ghaniya leader intent on carving out his own state in Algeria.

    Aragon, long an uneasy member of the Catholic states of Europe, takes a decisive step against the Papacy by freely allowing protestant merchants and refugees from elsewhere in Iberia (including many Normanos from Asturias) to shelter freely within its realms. Catalan country becomes known for widespread religious tolerance even as Castile becomes yet harsher in its religious tendencies. In a direct act of aggression against the pope, Charles I make’s a show of not aiding the Papal inquisitors (Pope Pius had established a Papal Inquisitorial office to combat heresies in the Church earlier in his reign) during their attempted investigation of the Catalan scientist Siveri Petrus ‘Petrusius’, though he allows them to take him in the end, but not until after they had been publicly humiliated.

    The Sultanate of Kinariu is visited by the English sailor Thomas Seawall who later writes a popular book about his exploits.

    1562

    Musa Al-Ishma gathers his allies and reignites the Tahazid rebellion in a dramatic show of force. A band of Tanaki peasants descends on the office of the qadi in Kukalla [Cocuite], taking out their rage at the oppression of Andalusi law in their communities by razing the office to the ground and lynching the official in question. The mob then rampages from the office, destroying signs of Andalusi presence and tormenting the Arab inhabitants of the town. Similar instances appear throughout Tanaki territory, most clustered around the western edge of the Ayshunid territories, especially around Tlaxcalla – a violently restive cell of insurgency. The Arabs who are forced to flee mostly travel to the Riysh, though some head south to the Yucatan. Many appeal to the reigning official in Mishiki for assistance, the muhafiz al-mishik Omar Salah bin Muhammad. Now, the Ayshunid territories in Mishiki were actually not administered as wilayats of the Sultanate, proper provinces, but as colonial possessions, called al-hadaya lit. “gifts”. These being semi-incorporated possessions were ruled as militarily occupied territories and so Omar Salah, as a military officer, was empowered to crush such an insurrection. However, since the arabs living in those lands were not fully contributing members to the sultanate, they were treated almost as second-class citizens, ‘hicks’ by Riyshi officials who cared little for their problems.

    The Ottomans sign a treaty with Castile, gaining the near-entirety of Castilian North Africa except for a strip of territory between Algiers and Oran, kept as a buffer zone between the Berber rebel factions and the new Wilayat of Algeria (the Ottomans calculating the Christians will prove a more tempting target to the militant Berber rebels than their own forces. The Ottomans succeed in swaying many Algerians to their side, especially the Arab population, weary of the venomous Berber tribalism that characterized Qaranid politics. The growing perception of the Ottomans as the true banner-carriers of Sunni Islam also lends greater legitimacy to their presence in Algeria.

    Ibn Hatiri continues to raid Ottoman positions, forming a pocket of independent territory in the Algerian interior. Many Banu Ghaniya fighters lose interest in attacking Ottoman positions and turn towards the Castilian pocket of territory, seen as easier pickings.

    Henry IV returns from Iberia with fresh troops and pacifies his territories. Qaranid forces ease their attacks on Castilian positions as a general détente forms – both sides eager to resolve crises on other fronts. This for the Qaranids means a catastrophic refugee crisis brought on by the lawlessness of their southern and eastern borders, mass desertions, economic stress and the ill health of Ibn Sa’ad.

    1563-66

    Sufi’s and merchants travel deep into the continental interior, aiming to secure new sources of trade wealth and convert the native peoples.

    A mixed-race agent detonates a stock of gunpowder at the funduq of Anakiti, in Mulukah, sparking a massive fire and outright destroying several warehouses. In the aftermath, a Tahazid cell, entirely of native origin, are exposed and executed. The potential for this nativist movement to spread to the plantations of the Riysh causes Riyshi officials to treat the threat seriously, and soon after a significant crackdown begins on deviant political philosophies in the colonies. This is obviously targeted at the Tahazids, but also includes all native, syncretic philosophies. Musa al-Ishma also takes the step of outright declaring Ibn Tahaz as having been the Mahdi, effectively retroactively creating a true mahdist movement where Ibn Tahaz himself had only used mahdist imagery as a means to an end. Al-Ishma declares a new state in the coastal regions of the Tanaki lands, but it is really little more than a peasant rebellion. He overestimates the depth of Tahazid sympathies. Essentially, while there were many peasants who were willing to take up arms for his cause and repulse the Arab oppressors, who inflicted their own sort of cruelties on the local peasantry, those who were willing had all already taken up arms. There were simply few new supporters than Al-Ishma had already mobilized by 1562. This became brutally clear when the Tahazids attempted to siege Kembuwali [Cempoalla] and were utterly crushed. Midway through the siege, many of the peasant farmers elected to return to their homesteads rather than continue to fling themselves at what was, by the mid-16th century, a large and well defended settlement replete with mounted cannons. Al-Ishma returns to his rural strongholds with what is left of his army. The Tahazids do gain supporters for allowing a return to lenient government, eliminating taxes seen as unislamic, repatriating stolen properties, and tossing out Arabs, but they do not have the manpower base to do much more than defend rural villages.

    The Hajids break their peace with the Qaranids, and swarm across the frontier. Hajid forces also rashly attack Castilian garrison in the east, though it is likely this was an act of individual anti-Christian zeal than a premediated strategic decision. Ibn Sa’ad marches out personally to deal with the threat but succumbs to illness along the voyage. His eldest son Muhammad attempts to negotiate a peace with the Hajidis, but upon the discovery of his pledge to turn over the Moroccan coast in exchange for their leniency, the Qaranid sheikhs throw him out of court and appeal to the Ayshunid sultan instead. Muhammad II is hesitant about taking on direct control of such an imperiled region, but is eventually convinced. He appoints the general Musa Abd Allah Ibn Kubdi to put down the Hajidi rebels and take control of Morocco. Ibn Kubdi repulses the Hajidis, employing scorched earth tactics to funnel their normally wide-ranging cavalry force into a small area with limited supplies, where blocks of artillery made short work of their force. Ibn Kubdi quickly makes his reputation in Morocco as a particular aficionado for artillery. By 1565 the Hajidis are entirely beaten back beyond the Atlas. The entirety of southern Morocco south to Mauritania is abandoned to rebel forces.

    The Hajids establish themselves as a strict Islamic state in the south of Morocco. Their ranks swell with tribes fleeing both Ottoman, and Ayshunid rule to the north and east. Mahmoud Al-Haj dies prematurely from a bout of illness brought on by food poisoning, but power is taken by his lieutenant Al-Muzd who becomes the first true sultan of the Hajid (technically the Muzdid) state. The Hajids erect a series of fortresses along the edge of the Sous valley, effectively sealing it as the border of their new realm.

    Henry IV faces an unexpected threat as a horrific famine destroys the grain supply of Castile. This causes many of his petty nobles to question the wiseness of his wars in the Maghreb in light of more pressing dangers at home. For Henry, the Castilian possessions in the Maghreb become a personal obsession of his, a way to bolster his reputation to match that of his father. He continues to pour manpower into the region, along with Christian settlers – though the long and convoluted route from his ports in Portugal to the Maghrebi interior exposes him constantly to pirate attacks, and he only extends his colonial possessions in the Maghreb at the good grace of the sultanate in Seville (who appreciate a buffer state with the Ottomans).

    1567

    The new emperor of the Mexica, Icnoyacapa, is driven out of office by a mob of Mishiki nobles. It is rumored that within his entourage was the Christian missionary Jethro Morgan, who had traveled widely throughout the Riysh in secret before attempting to convert the pagans of Mesico, as it was known in Europe.

    The sailor Razin bin Hassan al-Jurkuh, using ships dismantled and carried overland through the territories of the sympathetic Maya regent Muhammad Akan, sails along the coast of Mishiki, attempting to map the far coast of the continent.

    The Arab Ismail ibn Abdul al-Terur is dispatched by Muhammad II to cut into the Ottoman monopoly over Indian Ocean trade. He sails around the cape of good hope, called by the Arabs the cape of dragons (al-Ras min al-Tinin) and is able to successfully negotiate favorable trading conditions with some of the native chiefs in Madagascar. He also finds success in East Africa and Oman, where many local leaders had already become well familiar with Andalusi goods, trading them through intermediaries. His expedition draws the ire of the Ottomans of course, who capture most of his crew while he was in South Arabia. He himself escapes and returns to Iberia.

    England, which normally remains largely out of Mediterranean affairs, finds itself drawn into them after conflict between Mary’s chosen successor, Prince Edward and her half-sister Elizabeth forces Elizabeth to flee to the court of the Danish noble Lord Halder. In the course of this she receives the attention of the Ottoman empire no less, who see in her a potential ally against France. The Pope had declared queen Mary to be a heretic and had released a papal bull that officially cleaved England from the Catholic Church. While Elizabeth was also a protestant, and an even stauncher one than Mary, she was far more interested in reversing what she saw as her half-sisters floundering and cruel reign. Because of this, she began to accept Ottoman coins to fund her network of spies and allies in England.

    Ibn Kubdi places the entirety of Morocco under Ayshunid military government. Remarkably, for a general of such stature and position he shows little aspirations for the throne in Seville himself and acts with unusually earnest loyalty to the Sultanate. Less loyal are his erstwhile allies in the Qaranid tribal elite, who finding themselves quickly marginalized in the coastal cities by the new Andalusian military aristocracy and driven from their traditional strongholds by peasant mobs, Hajid raiders and groups of petty upstarts, attempt to circle the wagons so to speak – reinforce their own limited political standing by hoarding the little remaining wealth of the Qaranid state for themselves, along with the last remaining native troops. Tensions soon flared, and of those Qaranid sheikhs who did not cede entirely to the Ayshunid military were quickly either exiled, executed, or stripped of wealth. There is a deliberate, and wholesale redistribution of the wealth of the Qaranid state to fund the now entirely Andalusian war effort to stabilize Morocco. Much of this effort was secretly bankrolled by the Aragonese, who were quickly becoming the only Christians to profit from involvement in Maghrebi affairs.

    Continued wars between Sijilmassa and Songhai cause the former dynasty to teeter on the brink of collapse. Hajid forces defeat the Sijimassans and take the eponymous city itself for their own capital. This leaves the rest of the sultanates territory to be divided between the Songhai, Hajids, and various Tuareg warlords.

    The Ayshunids re-establish themselves in Fez over Marrakesh. They value its more central location and being more easily supplied from the Mediterranean. As they had in Iberia, the Ayshunids move to break down the tribal allegiances of Morocco and replace them with more Iberian-style noble houses. Tribal lands are forcefully redistributed into regular plots around major urban centers. The power of the independent Maliki clergy is subsumed into the more European-style state religious organs of the Sultanate. While Morocco soon becomes enriched by a flow of wealth and colonists from the vast Iberian trade empire, it also is being methodically stripped of its autonomy.

    Protestantism surges in southeastern Iberia, and even accrues some converts in Occitan France and Moorish Andalusia. It is embarrassing for the Castilians, who are attempting to prove themselves the prime guardians of Catholicism in Europe, and for the Papacy, actively fighting against Protestantism in other fronts and having seemingly succeeded in France. This forces a confrontation by the Aragonese monarchy, as Pope Pius V questions Charles I commitment to the Catholic cause.

    The Portuguese sailor Ronald du Cavaral does what no European has done and sails the western African coast as far as the state of Kongo. Most European vessels that attempt to ply the African coast tend to run afoul of pirates, but by sailing a Moorish ship and going so far as to have his crew dress in Moorish robes he evades detection and evens meets at the court of the king of that state. He becomes an outspoken advocate for the European colonization of Africa, though it falls largely on deaf ears.

    1568

    Al-Jurkuh sails north, encountering the far western borders of the Tarasq state [Tarascans] and the long desert coast known as the al-Sahil al-Izakatul [northwestern Mexico – Baja], lit. the Coast of Izcatul (Yucca). He comments on the astounding fertility of the northern seas, and the skittishness of the native peoples he encounters. On his return trip he invests in building up a proper Arab port on the western shores of Mishik, with the blessings of the governor of the Wilayat al-Maya, Abdul Abdullah Ibn Shu’aya. This is also encouraged by Muhammad Akan, who is eager to bring more Arab traders to his isolated kingdom.

    Muhammad II retires, forfeiting the throne to his eldest son Yakub, as Yakub I. Yakub, an accomplished admiral after service in his father’s Atlantic fleet, takes a keen interest in colonial affairs – moreso than his predecessors. Of his reforms, most fail due to a lack of courtly support but the one that succeeds, and succeeds wildly, is the creation of a central trade office that creates unified standards of quality for various goods from the New World. He establishes a series of marks called the “basimah”, letters of authenticity meant to guarantee consistent quality standards, and inspectors that traveled with the goods that were trained to market and manage them. These marks raise the profile of Andalusian goods across European and Islamic markets but have the side-effect of showing visually just how dominant Andalusian goods have become in European markets. Where once it was easy to pass off goods like tobacco, cotton, or even salted fish as whatever nation commanded the lowest tariff (a widespread practice by European trade houses) the practice of guaranteeing that a buyer recognized a good as Andalusi meant that suddenly, Christian ports like Marseille became flush with Moorish goods (even though the actual ratios had never changed). The appearance of robed, Muslim merchants in European ports alongside the apparently sudden proliferation of Muslim goods and a decrease of Christian goods at the same time the Ottomans were busy carving their way across Christian states in the east – it immediately provoked riots. Gangs burned Andalusi goods, beat and tortured the ‘inspectors’, and tossed the paper quality slips into the ocean. This was egged on by many local magistrates eager to reassert the authority of Christian merchants over the moors. Jews were also targeted in these trade riots, as they almost always were with such pogroms. Still, the ability to trust a products standard based on a central, and impartial trade commission was a boon to reliable, legal, commerce across the Atlantic and the practice only spread.

    The Papacy, frightened by continual Ottoman naval incursion into the western Mediterranean, tries to encourage more European powers to join the lead of Castile and fight the Ottomans ship for ship. Venice, another major power equally threatened by Ottoman hegemony in the Mediterranean had been waging its own war with what it could against the Ottoman war machine but buoyed by Papal directives signed an accord with Castile to jointly combat the Ottomans in a coordinated fashion. The papacy even sways Aragon to the cause, though it is out of mutual hatred of Istanbul, not shared goals for the balance of power in Europe.

    1569-70

    In the battle of Kwahekay the Tahazid rebels are slaughtered by a Moorish army and the villages of the Tanaki interior put to the sword. Considered them apostates, the Riyshi army commits brutal atrocities against the native peasantry. Paradoxically, this causes more sympathy for the Tahazids among the native peoples, and the movement continues to spread underground.

    The Ottomans are soundly defeated at the Battle of Lecce, forcing the Ottomans to shelve their abortive plans for an invasion up the Adriatic Sea. The Ottoman wars in the Balkans, running into serious opposition from Albanian guerillas and the Habsburgs of Austria, an influential family in Central European politics. The Ottomans fight a series of indecisive battles in Austria. Their manpower reserves sapped by the grinding wars against Berber rebels in North Africa, the Ottomans settle in for a long war on the Austrian frontier, unable to commit enough troops to break through to Vienna. An unexpected opponent rises in the Balkans as a Moldavian noble, rallying up an army of local bandits and raiders, Radu Bloga Rosupumm (lit. “redfist”), defeats the Ottomans and goes on a rampage through the conquered territories of Moldova and Transylvania. He will be eventually captured and executed, but remains as a potent symbol of European resistance to Turkish rule.

    Du Caraval returns to Africa, exploring its coastline and even capturing native animals for exhibition in Europe. He would return one more time before being murdered by local tribespeople in Ghana.

    Henry II dies, and suspicion is immediately cast upon the begrudging protestant population of France for the circumstances surrounding his death. In the course of the investigation, multiple powerful men are brought on trial for the so-called ‘assassination’ of the king by the powerful Cardinal Denien. Indeed, such is this man’s influence on French politics in this period it is called the Denieterre, a play on the term ‘The earth of Denien” or, “Deniens earth”. Henrys death does clear the way for the ascension of his son John of Reims, who also has claim to the kingdom of Castile. John soon began to intensely stockpile the energies of France towards his eventual union with Spain, which he understood as an inevitability. John is an intensively energetic ruler and pursues war in both the sea against the Turks, relations with the Holy Roman Empire, and intensifies his colonial efforts.

    Yakub attempts to do what no other Sultan had dared, to ‘tame’ the Riysh and its notoriously violent trade practices. He dispatches an army of bureaucrats, trade inspectors, and all manner of petty official to the Riysh to bring it in line with the standards of Iberian trade – using the trade rules of the central Funduq of Cadiz to create his standard (unaware that most Iberian trading houses had already adopted Riyshi practices). He clears out the infamous markets of the Riyshi port-cities on the pretense of rooting out moral decay, but the real intent was to ‘purge’ the Riysh of its native semi-legal economy. By the thousands, prostitutes, smugglers, bodyguards, musicians, petty artisans, craftsmen, stockbrokers, bankers and even simple fishermen were thrown into prisons or scattered into the colonial periphery. Many of the sprawling funduqs built up into massive trade complexes were demolished and construction plans made for new ones. The powerful Riyshi trade families attempted to retaliate but were kneecapped. Yakub ensured that their financial holdings in the major Riyshi cities were entirely seized, and only returned to those who could prove their total loyalty to the state (through rigorous and public trails under the auspices of moral conduct). Full-scale brawls ensued in some areas between the hired muscle ghuzat of the Riyshi houses and the Andalusian soldiers sent to confiscate their holdings. The grand affair that was the Riyshi economy was crushed under the Sultanates boot in a way that had never occurred before, not even during the Ghazi Revolt. Yakub carried out similar pogroms in the Maghreb, but he stepped with a more gingerly heel there, well aware of how fragile his position there still was. In the Riysh, keenly aware of the threat of nearby European powers and the high costs of the local crime networks, he had no qualms about savagely putting down the local trade families. Yakub also closed the funduqs of the Riysh to European, Christian merchants except for the port at Buhuq to better monitor their activities (he suspected the Genoese of instigating the local crime networks). Lastly, he instituted a religious purge of ‘deviant’ Islamic strains in the Riysh and the mainland colonies. This ran into stiff resistance from the native population, many of whom elected to pretend to follow orthodox traditions until the Iberian officials left (this was not a fact lost on Yakub, but he had more pressing concerns).

    1571

    A second major expedition by Al-Jurkuh sails south and discovers the western shores of Baraniya, where he founds a settlement at Tumaka [Tumaco, Ecuador].

    A Moorish expedition puts down a peasant revolt in the Yucatan, a surprisingly violent affair given the provinces relative stability.

    Charles I makes a crucial decision on the fate of Protestantism in his kingdom after a odd series of religious confrontations occur in Aragon.

    Castilian conquistadors carry out an expedition deep into the American interior, reaching the river Misisippi [Mississippi river]. Interestingly, by this point the Arabs, the Castilians, and the French had all reached this river (the French had dived deepest into the interior), but none of them recognized it as the same water body. The Arabs believed it to be somewhat of a giant estuary, the Spanish saw it as a vast river stretching north to south, and the French believed it to run east-west. It would take the revolutionary maps of the Dutchman Jan-William Bruijne, who collated geographic information from throughout the new world, to truly educate the European literati on the true nature of the continental interior, as it was known at the time. The Bruijne 1571 World Map was one of the most accurate maps of the new world ever made until the late 1600s.

    1572

    Charles I dies after a mysterious sickness brought on by injury. It is rumored afterwards, and is likely propaganda, that he was murdered by a poison delivered to him anally during a particularly exotic experience with a prostitute. What is more likely was that he suffered from some rare disease, probably brought on by the odd diet and exercise practices he chose for himself in his middle years. In any case, he was replaced by his son Sebastian as Sebastian I of Aragon.

    An Italian merchant is captured and executed by Riyshi authorities after he was deemed guilty of defaming Islam. This incensed the Italian aristocracy who saw it as a grave violation of the man’s rights. The Straparinni Scandal, as it was called, incited many to protest and persecute Muslims living in Italian port cities and even volunteer for war against the Ottomans (to many lower-class Italians, they saw little difference between Andalusians and Ottoman Turks).

    1573-76

    Henry IV dies peacefully in his sleep, and all Iberia immediately erupts into chaos. John of Reims presses his claim to the kingdom of Spain but faces resistance from Henry’s eldest son prince Henry and his step-sister Joan of Gascon. It is obvious that most of the states of both Italy, Germany, and even England back prince Henry lest John become instantly the most powerful king by far in Europe. Joan attempts to turn this opposition into material war against John of Reims but finds herself outmaneuvered, and Henry does not help his own cause, being a notoriously slovenly individual. Henry IV’s will had supposedly chosen John of Reims, but whether that was earnest or under the pressure of elements in his court is uncertain (the question of what his true intentions were was simply called “The Spanish Question”, in contemporary parlance. John of Reims is able to easily take the throne of Castile and assumes the title of the King of Castile in addition to King of France, and his various family holdings in Italy and Central Europe. The personal union of Castile and France makes John not only the most powerful king in Europe, but also importantly, the most powerful Catholic king. France and Castile become a solid Catholic bloc in the west, which obviously causes great consternation in non-Catholic parts of Europe and terrifies the Ottomans and Ayshunids. The most immediate effect of this in Iberia is the tightening of the alliance between Aragon, the only true competitor power to King John, and Seville.

    This is not to say that King John was entirely free of danger however. Firstly, Castile and France shared no land border, separated by Aragonese territory around Pamplona. Second, he faced extremely stiff opposition in Castile, both from the Normanos still in that country and from those loyal to Henry IV, who in his latter years was rumored to have selected his daughter Isabella as his preferred heir (she had wisely hidden in Sicily during the actual succession process). Then there was the difficulty of governing a nation with so many powerful and entrenched ethnic power blocs, multiple currencies, bordering both protestant, catholic, and Muslim states, and now with a vast swath of land in the new world as well. The most immediate danger, was that he was now at war with not only the Ottoman empire, but also nearly at war with the Ayshunids, who still held a powerful monopoly over new world trade and could easily gutter it and crash his economy. This was the reason that King John almost immediately after his accession sent diplomats to the court of Yakub to assure him of the peaceful intentions of the crown of Valois. Wisely, Yakub did not believe these intentions one whit, and continued to secretly tighten his relationship with Aragon in anticipation of an eventual confrontation with King John. His belief, and the prevailing opinion of the Ayshunid court, was that war with Valois was, due to the colonial ambitions of the two nations, inevitable.

    1577

    Ibn Kubdi is murdered, likely by opponents in the Iberian aristocracy. Forced to confront the issue of Morocco by growing unrest and a need to requisition new funds, Yakub integrates northern Morocco into the empire fully as the Wilayat al-Murrakus, giving it to the Ceutan administrator (and notoriously dry personality), Malik Yusuf Ibn A’id. Much of the funding necessary for the maintenance of Morocco comes from income originally derived from Riyshi trade, but Ibn A’id attempts to make Morocco more economically self-sufficient by solidifying control on the gold trade. Unfortunately, the Hajids at this point controlled a large portion of territory along the main trade routes, and exacted tariffs on these caravans before they even made it to Morocco. It is also under Ibn A’ids tenure that large numbers of African slaves come to Morocco in quantities unseen since the Almohad period, as he attempted to develop a cash crop economy on the fertile Mediterranean coast.

    French fur traders discover a series of inland seas called les Grands-Lacs [the Great Lakes]. The trade in pelts from the interior enriches the Francophone settlements in the north, with the largest site being the trading post at Baidebalene near the mouth of the Lagayo river [north of Quebec city]

    While the personal union of Castile and France is clearly stated as the law of the land in Europe, it is an extra step more difficult to relay this to the colonies. Many of those on the former borders of the two nations had spent many years battling each-other and were hesitant to suddenly make peace. King John soon had to grapple with infighting between his subjects in the New World. While his personal union of the two nations had been originally intended to create lasting peace in the old world, in accomplishing this, it sparked new wars in the new. The day to day realities of colonial life, changed little despite this. The necessities of governing such a state demanded a degree of devolution to local authorities, and since King John found willing administrators already within the government of the former king Henry, he allowed them to carry on much as they had before. The encomienda system for one, carried on unabated. Much of the territory of the Castilineans [Carolinas] was by this point subdivided and parceled out. Alternatively, while the Castilians welcome this union, believing it will bring renewed royal funds to their colonies the Francophone colonies deeply resent it.

    Fears about an impending Moorish embargo on vital goods like sugar and tobacco, many European monarchs begin to finance expeditions to find alternative routes to the West Orioles [West Indies, from the Castilian term for the new world, Tierra de Oro]. This includes renewed interest in the northern shores of the new world, especially by the Dutch and English. The Dutch-funded expedition, led by the Danish merchant Benjamin Olesen, sets sail and records both the southern shore of Greenland, and then the land called Olesensland [Labrador]. Due to a misinterpretation of the maps produced of this area, this became contracted to Olseland. This coast was then contracted to be further explored by the then nascent Dutch West Oriole Company, “Vereenigde Westerouurlandische Compagnie”, the first such colonial company specifically dedicated to managing such affairs. Many copycat ventures soon arise in other European states.

    Sebastian I, concerned about the potential tensions over the religious mix of Aragon begins developing a system called the marques de sang, classifications for all the various peoples of his kingdom. Sebastian was most primarily concerned with the growing power of Jewish and protestant merchants in his kingdom, many who had come from other places in Europe. This included Normanos, who discriminated against the local peasantry, believing themselves to be ‘purer’ than the partially-North African stock of Aragonese peasants. According to the marques de sang (colloquially just the marques), protestants were ranked lower than Catholics while Jews and Muslims were ranked lowest. The highest status was for native-born Aragonese Catholics, and also the Basque – being wholly Christian and having never been conquered by the moors.

    1578

    Moorish sailors sail the entire eastern coast of Baraniya attempting to discover a passage to the western ocean. They reach a point dubbed the Nihayat al-Alam lit. “Worlds end” [near Montevideo, Uruguay] and sail inland, discovering a great river and fertile plains, but no continental passage. Other sailors sail inland and discover the interior regions of this area, which are broadly labeled the Sharuh, from a native word for the land [region around eastern Paraguay and northern Argentina].

    The rise of the Shishimana warlord Koyakatza and his subsequent rebellion against Arab silver demands forces a retaliatory force to march deep into the northern deserts and suppress it. The Arabs absolutely destroy the native peoples of this region, intentionally clearing it to make room for colonists from farther south. The natives who survive fleet north to avoid contact. Increasingly, the Arabs are trying less to negotiate with native peoples and simply driving them out by force. This is probably because of higher population pressures in the Riysh and increasing social tensions with natives due to growing Islamic sectarianism dividing Arabs from natives.

    Elizabeth returns to England after nearly ten years of exile. In the course of a murky series of events, King Edward abdicates the throne (it is rumored that this is because of blackmail by Elizabethan agents). Mary, gravely ill and suffering from what was likely some form of cancer, retreats to the countryside, where she eventually dies in 1575. Edward vanishes from history, and his fate was as much a mystery to his contemporaries as it was to later historians. Elizabeth, now Queen Elizabeth assumes the throne as a deeply unpopular usurper. English Catholics who had hoped the change in government would ease their persecution were somewhat rewarded, as the British Parliament repealed the 1565 Acts of Unity, which had put in place many of the most irksome restrictions on Catholicism. However, the damage was done, and Catholicism would never return in force to England, though it survived in Ireland and parts of Wales.

    1581

    The proliferation of theological knowledge in western Europe brought about by both the printing press, the unification of the west under the house of Valois, and then the rise of Christian societies by the refocusing of the petty nobility on Christian matters over primarily martial pursuits creates a massive explosion of monastic orders, especially in southern France. This included many from Italy who fled the persecutions of the sadistic duke of Lombardy Federigo della Sanati (who was reputed to enjoy forcing holy men to participate in orgies). Sponsored by King John, who hands out royal slips to monk brotherhoods left and right, catholic monks begin to found missions all over the known world. This is an intentional strategy, for King John believes that Christianity is the most powerful unifying force within his kingdom, and that Christianizing the various savages around his colonial empire might ease tensions.

    A hurricane obliterates the island of Boriken, further adding to the economic instability brought about by Yakubs reforms. The winds are so strong they are said to have dismantled the old stone mosque at Hezzi Mahmat, one of the oldest and most respected places of worship in the Riysh (it contained the former school of the great Maliki scholar Abdullah ibn Yahyah al-Qa’ahala). The entire town of Hezzi Mahmat was almost completely wiped from the earth, and its inhabitants wiped away with it. In the aftermath of this disaster, charity flowed in from across the Islamic world to rebuild the mosque.

    Yakub dies, allegedly having committed suicide after the death of his two infant sons due to disease the previous year. His eldest son, Hussain, appears set to take the crown but Hussain, a zealot and Nuhi (a sect of Andalusian Islam that rejected prior legal consensus taqlid in favor of independent reasoning ijtihad, essentially refuting a core belief of Malikism) , is fervently opposed by the ruling families of Iberia. He assumes the position of Sultan, but it is clear that there are serious political rumblings in Iberia. These only worsen as he moves quickly to install his supporters, other Nuhis to positions of high power. In the process, he displaces those representatives of the powerful Andalusian families, infuriating them in the process.

    1582-83

    Under the leadership of the monk Guy Solé a band of divergent protestants venture to the Castilineans aiming to establish an enclave for their faith. They are soon chased out by local European colonists and flee to the interior of Serenida [Florida]. For years afterwards, Arabs spread rumors about bands of Christian Indians living in the swamps of this land.

    King John attempts to derive a new language that can be used by all the subjects of his realm, dubbed Universae Linguae. It is a mix of Parisian French and northern Castilian Spanish with elements of Latin brought back in, King John believed that one reason behind the rise of Protestantism was the loss of Latin among the common people. Unsurprisingly, the endeavor seems entirely set for failure, as native languages remain common in the various regions of the empire and French remains as the prestige language in the larger empire.

    The Riyshi economy begins to recover, with improved political stability in the mainland leading to a resurgent silver trade. There was also trade increasingly with Africa, as African kings consumed luxury goods like sugar and tobacco in increasingly exorbitant quantities. These leaders increasingly buy Riyshi goods by trading in slaves, most of whom are sent to Iberia to farm the sprawling plantations that dotted the countryside, or to fight in the Andalusian army. A surprising quantity was bought by the Sultans of Kinaru [the Canary Islands], to the point where some islands were entirely covered in black slaves and their descendants. It is said that when the Sultan was compelled to give a crew of soldiers to aid the Andalusians in an expedition into the west African interior to reprimand a local king, he sent a force of 1000 blacks, and 6 Canarians.

    1584-86

    The Ottomans fight a series of naval battles off the Algerian coast with King John collectively dubbed the Battles of Mahon. Partially through the battle an Ottoman force attacks a nearby Aragonese fleet (the Aragonese controlled the nearby Balearic Islands and were guarding its ports), mistaking them for Castilians, since the Aragonese ships had no flags raised. This escalates into the battle of the Wooden Ships. The Ottomans are driven off. Now, what the Ottomans did not know was that the Aragonese fleet had been intentionally acting like Castilians, as Sebastian I had been hoping to drum up war support against the Ottomans in Aragon. Many Aragonese, unwilling to become involved in yet another major European war while still suffering from the effects of economic stagnation, were riled up by this flagrant assault on Aragonese sovereignty and soon clamored for war.

    Queen Elizabeth orders an expedition to the new world, but all ships are lost at sea. The second expedition is more successful, colonizing a stretch of land south of the Riysh that is dubbed Virgina [Paraiba, Brazil], with a main settlement at Aubreytown, for the expeditions captain Lord Roger Aubrey. The initial crop of settlers soon is faced by tropical disease, native warriors, and a wildly unfamiliar environment, though they recognize the areas value for farming.

    Hussein does away with the system of land grants called the hadyaha. Over the past several centuries of Ayshunid rule, the state had gradually taken over the role of land control, distributing holdings and keeping detailed records of land ownership. These plots were given with set incomes to the landowners, state pensions to ensure that there was sufficient funds to properly maintain the areas upkeep. This system began to erode as landowners increasingly used these pensions to simply bloat their own personal wealth and not invest in their properties, choosing instead to hire vast quantities of laborers to farm the lands as industrial estates, often with gruesome labor conditions. Also, as the population in Iberia rose, and along with this the increase in the underclasses there was higher and higher demand for pensioned lands, but with less willingness for the petty nobility to share this land and the same pool of wealth being more and more thinly distributed, the system began to break. Hussein did away with the hadyaha ostensibly because their existence conflicted with his own legal reasoning, and the beliefs of the Nuhi order (who despised much of the innovations of Andalusian legal society apart from original Islamic law). He instead attempted to redistribute lands communally. This move possibly had much to do with breaking the power of the Andalusian nobility by destroying their most secure income stream and emancipating the peasantry. While many peasants now were freed from their feudal obligations, they were unable to work these lands, as they were still largely estates and often in areas where local nobility still controlled great sway – frustrated former land owners often sent militias to harass the emancipated peasantry living on these lands. Instead, most peasants became landless and turned to banditry.

    Fig 1. Iberia and the Maghreb in 1586
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    Fig 2. The New World in 1586
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    Fig 3. South America in 1586

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    A House of Lamps | Part 8
  • A House of Lamps; Part 8

    "The whole world is like a house filled with lamps, rays, and lights through whom the things of the house are elucidated…"

    Ibn Barrajan, 12th century CE

    The Religious Wars and the Caditano Rebellion

    “Hispania weeps, for what man hath wrought to her.”

    -A pamphlet describing the atrocities of the Iberian Wars.

    1588

    The Aubreytown settlement fares well. Much of the coastal tribes had long been weakened by disease and many had fled inland to avoid moor slaving parties, leaving the coast virgin soil for easy settlement.


    The Aragonese fleet retaliates against Ottoman ‘aggression’ by raiding Ottoman coastal territories. Key in this is that the Aragonese were taking advantage of the Ottomans preoccupation with the Castilians to rekindle their own ambitions in North Africa.


    Violence between French and Castilian colonists in the vast continental interior sours King Johns hopes of a strong unified push into the continental west. Tensions especially flare over conflicting claims over land parcels, and a lack of easy methods to mend the fractious relationships between the two once opposed nations. Many of King Johns reforms in Europe flounder in the colonial frontier, including his idea of a unified European language.

    1591

    Banditry in Iberia reaches disastrous proportions, forcing Hussein to take drastic measures to secure peace in the countryside. He recruits significantly higher numbers of local police among other reforms to curb the issue. However, banditry and vagrancy take a toll on the once resurgent Andalusi economy. Many wandering peasants flee to Aragon, encouraged by offers of land by Sebastian I, who was eager to replenish a depleted manpower base after many successive wars in Europe.


    Queen Elizabeth spars with King John, each the representative standard bearer of their separate faiths in Europe. Many English Catholics fleeing the persecutions after the collapse of the hated Catholic regime in that country had found safe harbor in Paris, irksome to the Queen as among this group included many men who had threatened her standing (and indeed, life) in her years in exile. Voices in parliament argue for war to curb King Johns power in Europe. One, Lord Cecil, presses for alliance with protestant rebels in Sweden, then combating Polish imperial ambitions. Wars in Scandinavia, also involving Poland and Muscovy, had led to widespread destruction in the area but had shown the protestant Swedes to be capable fighters, and were eager allies of the English crown.

    1594

    The Ottomans consolidate their holdings in North Africa and defeat in succession both Valois, at Puenta Guerrero, and then Aragon at the siege of Beni Belad close nearby. These victories are masterminded by the enterprising Ottoman admiral Agha Omur. The Aragonese retreat, but Castilian forces continue to fight on the Maghrebi coast.


    Ibn A’id puts down a minor slave rebellion in Morocco. He becomes a advocate for reducing the dependence on slavery in the region, believing it to hinder the areas development. The massive wealth generated by cotton plantations in Morocco however, sways the rest of the Ayshunid elite towards the other side of the debate.

    1597-1600

    King John meddles in eastern affairs, hoping to expand his already considerable reach into the affairs of Catholic Poland, whom he viewed as a natural ally in his Ottoman wars. He sends lavish gifts to Edmund the Crass Jagellion, then lord of Poland-Lithuania. A potential marriage discussed between Sophia Jagellion and King Johns young son Louis. The issue here being that both kings considered themselves competing for Papal favor, and Edmund was unsure of the nobility of King Johns intentions.


    An English invasion of Ireland nearly bankrupts the government, causing Parliament to levy financial reforms restricting the ability of the crown to spend war funds.

    1601

    The Ottomans obliterate the last of the Valoisian force off the coast of Tunisia, sinking the entirety of the armada and promptly enslaving scores of prisoners. Agha Omur however is removed from his post due to internal intrigue rising from his political ambitions.

    1604

    Sailors from the ports at Dar al-Akan on the western shores of Mishik begin to probe the western coast of Baraniya. Slave raiders and loggers had probed the area before, but organized missions of colonization begin at the behest of Mishiki officials.


    The Duchy of Lombardy slowly dissolves into a patchwork of titles throughout northern Italy, operating only at the convenience of Venice. Southern Italy, dominated by the Calbi clan, erupts into wars between gangs of mercenaries, much of which is orchestrated by Sicilian interests.


    Dutch Colonists in Olseland [Labrador] expand inland and along the coast. They reap significant wealth from whaling expeditions in the area. The Dutch Republic, an independent bubble of Protestantism on the borders of a vast Catholic empire, is aware of its vulnerable position and seeks to bulwark it by expanding colonial efforts.


    The governor of the Wilayat al-Maya annexes the Islamized Maya kingdom of Washak [Guatemalan highlands and El Salvador] on invitation from the last emir of the state who bequeaths it to the Arabs. This includes the former lands of Muhammad Akan, and the rich ports of the western shores.

    1605-1607

    African slaves whip up a revolt in Boriken that devastates the countryside. The violence forces Arabs to abandon significant areas of the interior until military support helps them suppress it. The violence is so bad that Hussein bans African slaves from the Riysh to prevent another uprising. This halts entirely the rising trend of Riyshi landlords to employ African slaves to supplement their workforce, and understandably irritates many of them, who must find new sources of manpower.


    Sufi Imans are cast out of the Tarasqi state [Tarascans] and anti-muslim mobs slaughter a group of Arab merchants. A retaliatory force from Arab Utumi raids well into Tarasqi territory and burns the town from which the mob is believed to have drawn from. This violence is used as a excuse for Arabs to plunge into the Tarasqi lands uninhibited.

    1610

    King John, feeling threatened by Calvinist incursions into France, stiffens his persecution of protestants in his territories. His zeal as a Catholic defender makes him deeply unpopular among the protestant states of the Holy Roman Empire, to the extent that one of his candidates for political office in that region, Sivert Fries, is lynched by a protestant mob after unwise remarks to a crowd. This sparks retaliatory actions by Catholic groups. The rising tide of violence is broken by King Johns negotiation of a peace with the then-emperor Augustus Fromm (The Pious) to preserve, if in name, the territories of Protestants and Catholics in Germany. King John, whipped by his defeat in North Africa, was not eager to pursue war elsewhere.


    Moorish galleys begin to probe the Christian coast of Al-Walayat [The Carolinas] for slaves. This is territory previously considered too risky for such expeditions, but the instability of the Christian colonies made such voyages much safer, since organized retaliation was rarer and more delayed.

    1612

    A Nuhist mob ransacks a legal office in the Algarve. Much of their antics seem tacitly tolerated by Hussain. This marks the latest escalation of the sudden state sponsorship of the Nuhist movement.


    Sebastian I dies. His succession is contested between his son Sebastian II and the boy’s uncle Joaquim. With the backing of powerful internal merchant families Joaquim temporarily usurps the throne.

    1613

    The English send several new expeditions to Virginia [Brazil]. Arab slave raiders attempt to siege the fort at Aubreytown but are repulsed. English pirates are licensed by the crown to counterraid Arab settlements in the area.


    Angry Arabs massacre peasants in Mishika on suspicion of being Tahazid sympathizers.

    1616-1618

    The Aragonese succession crisis descends into rioting in the kingdom and in its colonies. With open civil war imminent the powerful dukes of Aragon elect one of their own to back whole-heartedly, Bras Murilla of Pamplona (this was a strategic decision, since Pamplona was a key point of trade between the disparate French and Spanish territories of Valois, giving Murilla significant power). This Ducal Rebellion (Guerra dels ducs) seizes power and establishes the Murillian family as the new ruling dynasty of Aragon.


    Baraniyan Arabs grow restless and begin to agitate for independence. This is led by the Maliki cleric Muhammad Al-Sadj. This starts a series of rebellions in Baraniya called the Lumber Wars (after the hardwood tariffs that instigated much of the violence).


    The Tarasqi emperor dies in battle with Arab forces. His territory is carved up between various prominent Arab leaders under the auspices of the Arab Mishiki government. Much of the native population is sold into slavery to act as labor for plantations on the eastern shores. Much of the eastern edge of the state is given to the Mexica emperor Abd Allah Zulin.

    A Danish explorer disguised as a salt merchant marches along the length of the Sahara on one of the key trade routes.

    1619-1620

    French explorers found Fort John du Lac on the eastern shores of the Pelewathii river [Ohio river near Parkersburg West Virginia], marking the western boundary of European permanent settlement in the continent.


    Internal warfare in the Holy Roman Empire reaches a crisis point when Catholic ministers of emperor Augustus insult a protestant councilor in Ansbach while attempting a conference to resolve a succession crisis in Bavaria. Two days later, a Catholic captain named Hennek Zwick of Chlum attacked German Calvinists near the Swiss border. Both events roiled the region, and the unwillingness of Augustus (a Catholic, but one who was decidedly more concerned with preserving the peace than reshaping the religious dynamics of his territories) to engage as decisively as he had before to keep the peace caused the region to teeter into religious warfare once again. Burgundian soldiers in the Valoisian army, stationed on the border with Metz, deserted to loot the town and attack German protestants as punishment for recent Protestant riots and the desecration of a church. Mistaking this for an invasion, Republican forces from Metz attacked the Burgundians who then were reinforced by the rest of the Valoisian army, thus spiraling a small raid into the Battle of the Moselle River. Because of recent rains soaking the gunpowder stores, much of the Republican army’s firearms did not fire properly, causing the Burgundians to overrun the Republican musket lines, yet trapped against the city walls both forces fell into a desperate melee – bludgeoning each-other to death with rifle butts, axes and hammers.


    Conflict between the leaders of Metz and the Imperial army over responsibility for the blunder leads to war to break out between King John and the Empire. The stated goal of the Valoisians was to punish the protestant states along the French border, but King John privately wished to usurp native authority in favor of his control in German territory. He successfully secured a military alliance with Poland, causing the two largest states of continental Europe to be poised to descend on Germany from both sides. However, war between Catholic Hapsburg Austria and protestant Bohemia and Hungary meant that the traditional bulwark against Ottoman expansion into central Europe was weakened, causing the Poles to be hesitant towards fully committing to war in Germany.

    1621

    Malikis in Iberia, furious at the perceived Nuhi coup of the government, rebel against the Sultanate. The rebellion is rooted in Granada, a traditional headquarters of the Maliki sect. In a fatwa, 30 clerics of Granada declare the sultanate defunct, and the Nuhist movement heresy. Unsurprisingly, this causes Hussain to amass his army to arrest and execute the perpetrators.


    Arab sailors establish a string of forts along the western Baraniyan coast to secure the lucrative fishing grounds of the area from native raids. The explorer Jabir al-Azd marches inland at the head of a large force of ghazis, encountering native peoples he calls the Tari [Chachapoyas]. He fights a series of battles with them but makes peace, settling a number of his men in the region of Bilad al-Tar [interior Ecuador and northern Peru].


    The Ottomans intervened in Bohemia on behalf of the Austrians, which prompted the Polish army to also counter the Ottomans while fighting to secure the territories of Austria and Bohemia against the Ottoman threat. This redirection of the Poles south angered King John, who was deeply mired in war in the western end of the Holy Roman Empire against a coalition of protestant states called the Shwartzer League, owing to the black colors of the coalitions main general Johann Ludeck. This coalition was centered in northern Germany and Saxony, with substantial aid from the erstwhile neutral Dutch Republic.

    1622-1624

    Large numbers of soldiers defect to the rebel’s cause, amid a not-insubstantial portion that chooses to desert. The Nuhi movement was strongest among the theologians and merchant classes, but the army elite was still staunchly Maliki. In 1623, the rebel army sieged Istabba [Puente Genil], the location of the Sultanate armory. In a dramatic assault, they broke through the fortress walls and made off with great quantities of weaponry, including heavy cannon. Attempts to dissuade them by figures within the government were pointless, especially as Hussain circled the wagons around his closest Nuhi followers, cutting out even loyal Maliki ministers.


    The Aragonese intervene in Iberia on the Sultanates side, honoring previous agreements made with Sultan Yakub. Valois intervenes against Aragon on the side of the rebels. It was not only in King Johns interest to secure a potentially friendlier regime over the fanatical Hussain, but during the war he hoped to wrest Navarre from Aragonese control. This becomes the second main theatre of the growing wars in Europe.


    A massive army from Valoisian Spain attacked the Aragonese fortress of La Esquina (“the corner”, for its position in a nook of Aragonese territory near the intersection of the three states boundaries) [near Tragacete, Spain]. It is said that the cannon fire was so intense that it melted the bars of the forts jailcells, allowing the convicts to escape. The fortress surrendered after a protracted siege and much of the Aragonese north was opened up to conquest. Meanwhile, the Aragonese were embroiled in fighting in Andalusia proper, fighting the battle of Cazorla against rebel forces. Seville spent the entirety of the years 1623-24 under siege and cutoff from support.

    1625

    The Saxon War, the first phase of the wars in the Empire, named after the homeland of the key Protestant generals, ends with a stalemate between the Valoisians and the Shwartzers after a series of major battles in Westphalia that acted only to recapture territory lost in the last battle by each party. These battles are collectively called the Small War of Siegerland, a somewhat ironic label given the tens of thousands of Protestant and French troops who died in combat there.


    In the east, the Poles continued to fight with the Ottomans, Austrians, Bohemians and Hungarians for control of the region. Protestant Sweden and the Netherlands became key players after the Saxon War, supplying arms and men to protestant states. Neither directly intervened however. The Dutch were intent on appearing neutral to avoid invasion by the French or from Imperial troops, and the Swedes were dealing with a serious internal Catholic rebellion backed by Denmark at the time.


    Seville falls and Hussain, who by all accounts spent his last days locked in his palace slowly going insane from hunger and claustrophobia, vanishes from history. He almost certainly died in the overrunning of his palace by a rebel mob. His eldest son and heir attempted to negotiate with the rebel leaders but was forced to flee Iberia to Ottoman Egypt after it was made clear he was to be a puppet ruler should he continue to rule. Dissatisfaction with the sultanate caused the rebel leaders to instead call a conference, later dubbed the Majlis of Seville to resolve the situation of rulership in Iberia. At this conference, the various sheikhs of the major Iberian families elected to form a new sultanate that operated under strict oversight of a newly formed Wazirate, a body of advisors representing the engaged parties of Andalusia that engaged in shura, consultation, with the central leader. They chose Abu Bakr Lurka as the sultan, but after his impromptu death from disease, instead settled on Salman Ibn Abdul al-Bashara, a middle-ranking landlord from Cadiz. Al-Bashara, installed as the Sultan of the new state, had authority only in Seville and the surrounding areas, as the Aragonese had effective control of much of the countryside.

    1626

    Al-Azds brother Hassan sails far down the southern coast of Baraniya. He encounters warring kings who collectively call themselves Runa [Quechuan peoples along the Peruvian coast]. Hassan records a string of fiefdoms along the coast ruled by kings called Inkah, who greatly feared Arabs on account of previous slave-raids in the region in the past. Any Arab attempts on capitalizing on this discovery are however stalled by wars in the Old World.


    The Aragonese army wallows in Andalusia. Widespread looting and desertion makes it difficult to reform the army to effectively respond to the unchecked Valoisian advance in Navarre, owing to decades of low pay and harsh conditions. The banditry of the previous decades has conspired to create a situation of complete anarchy in the countryside, gangs of muslim raiders, rebel forces, and former sultanate soldiers clashing with Aragonese troops and other European mercenaries (especially Italians). Centuries of religious tension explode in Iberia into a deluge of violence that depopulates much of the area around Madrid and La Mancha.

    1627-1628

    The Spanish sailor Gonzalo de Ara sails around the southern cape of Brania [South America] to find a strait to China past the Moors. He dubs the ocean he finds the Cabo de San Pedro [Tierra de Fuego and Straits of Magellan].


    The Dutch harbor embattled protestants fleeing the collapse of the Shwartzer league after an internal Catholic counter-attack (the League of the North Rhine). An ensuing Catholic invasion into the Netherlands causes the Dutch to call on England for aid. Parliament, humiliated by a failed intervention in Sweden in past years, is wary but is goaded into intervention to prevent the collapse of a valuable Protestant ally. A large force of English soldiers soon begins campaigning in Luxembourg and the Gelders. The English defeated the Catholic league at the Battle of the Hunters in Gelderland, causing much of the Catholic advance to collapse. A fleet from Catholic Denmark attempted to attack the combined Anglo-Dutch fleet at Nes [north of Groningen], but the Lutheran sailors aboard the Danish ships refused to fire and instead turned on their Catholic captains, resulting in a catastrophic Danish defeat. This was symptomatic of a larger issue of protestant seditiousness in the remaining Catholic holdings in Scandinavia (a increasingly solid Protestant territory).


    The Bohemian War, that conflict between Hapsburg Austria and the Poles among others, concludes with the treaty of Raab which established a clear line between Hapsburg and Polish authority, with the crown of Bohemia being given to Austria while the Polish retained control over Hungary and portions of Transylvania. The Ottomans were forced to concede most gains made during the war, though they kept the bulk of Transylvania. Crucially, the treaty established protections for Protestants in the Austro-Hungarian territories, allowing Protestants to live and worship freely should their local lord permit it.


    Meanwhile, The Valoisians succeed in seizing Navarre from Aragon after slaughtering the Aragonese at the Battle of Monjardin. King John forces the Aragonese dukes to agree to a treaty ceding Aragonese Navarre, including Pamplona (this being the traditional holdings of the Murillian dynasty made the defeat quite bitter). Negotiations nearly collapse after the representative of the King, his eldest prince Charles, got into a drunken duel with several dukes of Aragon, causing him to lose several fingers off his right hand. Sardinian rebels took the opportunity in 1628 to declare independence from Aragon.


    Violence in La Mancha carries on unabated, since many Aragonese soldiers chose to remain in Andalusia rather than return to a state that clearly had no funds to pay them. It is believed that in central Iberia ¼ - ½ of the population died or fled. An Andalusi counterattack from the south succeeded in driving off many of the foreign forces into Aragonese territory, but gangs of Christian mercenaries continued to hide in the countryside. Many of the worst excesses are committed by Aragonese Normanos, who could join the military despite their protestant faith due to treaties signed in the mid-1500s.


    The rapid collapse of the Sultanate in Iberia leaves its colonial territories floundering. The administration in Morocco almost immediately faced resurgent Berber uprisings while the Riyshi trade network suffered greatly without a central government to regulate prices and coordinate shipping. The pitfall of the recent economic reforms to centralize the Riyshi economy and control it from Seville meant that once the Iberian state collapsed, the Riysh was unable to function as independently as it had before. The dissolution of the great trade families also meant that there was no strong native institution to manage trade within the region. In 1628 famine broke out. Farmers could not sell their crops in Iberian markets and had to sell in local markets, which quickly overloaded the local economy, causing large quantities to rot in surplus. Since so many Riyshi landowners grew only cash crops with much of the food being imported from either the mainland or Iberia, the debtor peasantry began to starve, unable to sustain themselves only on the marginal plots they kept for themselves.

    1629

    Arab settlements begin to trickle inland from the northern shore of Baraniya in Marawiyah [Columbia / Venezuela].


    A massive invasion from the West African state of Songhay threatens Morocco just at the moment the administration there was listless and leaderless. Under Askia Jallow I, nearly a hundred thousand warriors attacked the southern borders of Morocco and threatened to overwhelm the entire region. The Hajid state is entirely devastated by the invasion, and the reigning sultan Yusuf Ibn Tarhun is executed.


    The Jua, “Hunger” of the Riysh pushes large numbers of peasants to emigrate to Mishika or Baraniya. Many of the traditional communities of mixed-race farmers in the Riyshi interior were devastated by the famine, as their communities were ravaged by peasant mobs who blamed them for the starvation by hoarding food (or because their unique religious beliefs were held responsible for God punishing the region). The only area largely unaffected by the famine was Sayadin [Cuba], which retained much of the self-sufficient individual agricultural tradition of pre-colonial times.


    Many middle-class entrepreneurs took advantage of the famine by recruiting landless peasants as settlers for colonial expeditions. The voyage financiers gained a ready supply of skilled labor for potentially new fertile colonies while the farmers were guaranteed some hope of a new future outside the Riysh. These expeditions primarily settled along the northern coast of Baraniya and around the mouth of the Sharuh region [Uruguay]. A not-insignificant number of Riyshis also returned to Iberia or attempted to settle the African coast.


    The Wazirate of Seville (or the Caditanos, as they were known to the Spanish, after Al-Basharas home city) succeeded in reestablishing the borders in Iberia and gains the recognition from the Moroccan government as the rightful rulers of Andalusia. The Moroccans had, by not aiding the sultanate in its war against the rebels, had tacitly rejected the Sultanates legitimacy and were entirely willing to accept the Caditanos as the new and legitimate government. The most pressing question after the reintegration of Morocco was the management of the New World colonies. The Riysh was highly lucrative but also deeply reliant on Iberia, not to mention being notoriously difficult to govern effectively. Part of the new measures taken to restore the colonies was to establish consultation with the Riyshi and Mishiki elite as part of the Wazirate. Representatives from these regions now could meet in Seville and officially press their case with the Sultan, rather than simply receive orders and work behind the scenes to further their causes.


    With increasing alarm at the growing dominance of the protestant powers in Germany, King John prepares for further campaigning in the Holy Roman Empire. The emperor Augustus finds himself isolated and forced into neutrality by the combined states of the empire, many of whom wish a resolution to the violence. Much of the current violence in the empire is concentrated in the north, where the English are waging a savage scorched earth campaign against Catholic forces, bolstered by an army of mercenaries led by the keulemann (lit. ‘cudgel man’) Dietrich Cromer – a freewheeling mercenary general hired by the Duke of Schwerin. The worst atrocity of the war was committed during this campaign when a Catholic army stormed the neutral territories of the Nordhausen March (a group of imperial states in and around Thuringia) and murdered potentially 12,000 Lutherans after the Nordhausers were suspected of aiding the Anglo-Dutch cause in the north. Such actions did little to save the Catholic cause, and by winter the Catholics were in retreat across Saxony and the Low Countries.


    Sardinia secures its independence from Aragon after the new Aragonese government chooses to cut its losses rather than cling to its restive outlying territories.

    1630

    Many Spanish subjects of Valois move to the colonies to escape the violence in Europe. They settle largely in the fertile coast of the Castilineans [Carolinas].


    Sweden, its internal affairs settled, invades Denmark under the rule of the Queen Christina (who had assumed the throne after the premature death of the presumptive heir Gustavus while campaigning in the Baltic). This was in support of the Danish aristocracy, which had declared itself firmly Lutheran and in rebellion against the Catholic king Johan IIV. Denmark was up to this point the weakest of the Catholic powers involved, backed by Poland-Lithuania, but receiving only symbolic support in turn.

    The Catholics are defeated at the Battle of the Burgwald, and the Catholic leadership was largely captured by Dutch forces. A presumptive Papal alliance with the House of Valois later falls through as it becomes clear that the Pope considered King John his servant, and not his equal. While this might have been the case with previous Popes, the elder King was deeply aware of his influence in Italy and considered himself to be above simple demands from Rome. The King falls into a deep illness due to a cold snap in France and dies shortly thereafter.

    The Al-Azd brothers jointly invade the Bilad al-Tar, hoping to rule the territories as their personal estates. They wage a brutal campaign to subdue the native peoples, but the mountainous terrain and arid coasts are different from the lowland tropical islands the Arab soldiers are used to fighting in. The local peoples, remnants of a larger native empire [the Inca / Tawantinsuyu], were organized within kingdoms that were surprisingly effective in combating the Arabs. While disease had devastated the territories in previous years, the lack of destabilizing epidemics during the actual raids of the brothers made the campaigns unexpectedly difficult.

    1631-1633

    The Songhai army is defeated by a small Moroccan army after the Moroccans ambush them at Ait Bouzid and slaughter the army’s leadership. Askia Jallow I dies and the army flees across the Sahara. This battle marks the beginning of new sentiments of ‘Moroccanism’, not simply Berber tribal feelings. This is in part because the Songhay invasion, short-lived as it is, decimated the traditional tribes further than the Andalusian occupation had and forced them to create new identities. In the aftermath, the remainder of the former Hajid state is incorporated into Andalusi Morocco.


    The Al-Azds defeat the most prominent chief of the Runi kingdoms at Huankayu [Huancayo]. They enslaved great numbers of local peoples and shipped them to the ports in Mishika. Hassan declared himself emir of Kaiba, after one of the native chiefs they had encountered.

    The Pope gains a sort of revenge on Valois by interceding forcefully in the succession process, placing his sway behind his preferred candidate Ferdinand the Handsome, one of the issue of the former kings later Spanish wife Josephine. Other contenders include James of Orleans and James of Nancy, other sons of the late king. The larger problem was that, while Ferdinand had spent most of his life in France and Italy, his Spanish mother had imbued in him a deeper sense of Castilian identity than French. The two other main contenders were both French. What also was clear was that the New World colonies were more deeply wedded to French identity than Spanish (as French had taken over as the lingua franca of the colonies, and the French had a demographic majority). Ferdinand resolved this issue by having himself crowned, with Papal backing, as the king of the unified kingdom of France and Castile while reviving the crown of Portugal, gifting it to James of Orlean. James of Nancy, the weakest of the three, was given the possessions of Valois in the Holy Roman Empire and in Italy. These moves were calculated to quietly strip away the authority of the lesser brothers and reinforce Ferdinands position. Portugal was a kingdom in name only and was only meant to sooth James’ ego while giving him a reliable income. James of Nancy was loyal to his father’s legacy, and by gifting him the territories in Germany in Italy ensured that he was closely involved in keeping the peace (and hopefully, too engaged in petty politics in the east to consider designs on the throne in Paris).

    The Swedish army occupies Copenhagen and removes Johan IIV from power. Many of the Danish elite welcome Swedish occupation. Denmark south through Jutland becomes part of the Swedish empire.

    The War of the Dutch and German, the Anglo-Dutch and Catholic conflict that had been raging across Saxony and the Low Countries, ends with the treaty of Zwolle. It settles Dutch independence and guaranteed the ability of the Upper Rhine, Westphalia and Burgundy to determine their own religious affiliations as they saw fit. Jockeying for similar privileges meant that the central power of the Imperial state drastically declined following this war.

    1635

    The Catholic leaders of the League of the North Rhine are tried, and then summarily executed in Magdeburg. What distinguishes this small act of violence over the routine slaughters of the past decades, is that it was carried out according to common laws agreed upon between the leaders of the Protestant alliance. Essentially, that by acting against civilians in such a violent manner, the Catholic leadership had violated innate rights of the people. This was rather hypocritical, given that the English especially in their campaigns in the Low Countries had routinely massacred Catholic civilians, but that was ignored at the proceedings. What is crucial is that these trials, The Trials of Magdeburg, established for the first time, common agreements on innate rights of man. They also establish the ability for transnational law regardless of political divisions, and the concept of international diplomatic committees for resolution of warfare.

    In the aftermath of the near-complete collapse of Aragonese power the protestant Normanos begin to seize power throughout the Aragonese government. This has negative repercussions for the local people as many Normanos were far more zealous in persecuting non-Christians than the traditional Catholic aristocracy had been (ironic given how the vehemently Catholic Castilians had famously abused non-Catholics for centuries). The traditional Aragonese blood purity laws were strengthened and used to seriously limit the reach of especially Jews in society.

    English soldiers fresh from wars in Germany join in the Elizabethan invasion of Ireland or begin to sail to the new world for English and Dutch colonies. This coincides with the expansion of English Virginia to include many new settlements along the coast of Brania [Baraniya / South America].

    Riyshi commerce restarts in force under the sovereignty of the Wazirate, though the aftereffects of the famine mean that the regions production is a pale shadow of what it was before. The most significant effect of the famine is that the massive peasant population base of the region had either died or emigrated elsewhere. This forced local landowners to negotiate better deals with the debtor peasantry than previously. The middle class also swelled as the traditional Riyshi aristocracy, defeated by the dual assaults of the reforms of the Sultanate and the famine, completely lost its grip on the regional economy. The famine also lead to a greater impetus towards Arabization in the Meshikan mainland, as for the first time there was a demographically significant amount of new Arab peasants to work the land beyond simply the thin superstructure of Arab soldiers, administrators, and traders.

    Fig 1. Iberia and the Maghreb in 1635
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    Fig 2. The New World in 1635

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    Fig 3. South America
    in 1635

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    The Andalusi Army of the 16th - 17th Century: Arms and Tactics 1532 - 1661
  • The Andalusi Army of the 16th - 17th Century: Arms and Tactics
    1532 - 1661

    The Andalusian army of the 17th century was rooted in the martial traditions of both Islam, and Western Europe. Paralleling the other great Islamic empire of its time, the Andalusis borrowed heavily from Ottoman iconography, tactics, and military philosophy while still retaining their cultural footing as a uniquely European bastion of Islam.

    Any discussion about the Andalusi army in this period has to mention the Caditano rebellion and its effects on the military. Because the military was almost entirely composed of Maliki muslims, the Nuhist conspiracy of the late 1500s, did little to degrade the structure of the army since that structure completely gave itself over to the rebellion past a certain point. The more significant aftershock of the rebellion was the decimation of the Andalusi army after the Aragonese invasion, which pruned the army of its veteran elite and exposed its weaknesses in fighting a modern war.

    This article covers the Andalusi army of the late 16th – mid 17th centuries, focusing on the army that appeared not only in wars in Iberia and North Africa but also in the many colonial wars that flared up in this period.

    The Ottomans heavily influenced Andalusi military thought after the 15th century. influential also was the beliefs of many Spanish and French strategists, who were imported into Andalusia to modernize the military consistently over this period. Despite both of these outside factors, the core structure of the army was distinctly Arab, and remained so despite attempts to restructure it completely to a different model. After the Jinete-focused model that had established the Ayshunids as a formidable military power, the army had slowly become more infantry-based, more gunpowder heavy, and more professional over time, as Berber military tradition waned and the military landscape changed.

    At the base of the Andalusi army tradition was the Arab yeoman soldier: the jundin. All men could be called up to service in times of crisis as levies, but as part of maintaining a standing army the Ayshunids also had a significant professional force of volunteer soldiers, usually middle-class. These men owned property and used the army as a way of accruing personal wealth and social reputation. Groups of men were formed into divisions called junah (wings). The Ayshunids usually maintained 1-2 divisions in each portion of their colonial empire, Iberia, Morocco, and the New World. After the Italian wars, which marked the rise of distinct regiments throughout Europe, the Ayshunid army began to develop a system of western European military regimentation that encouraged affiliation with distinct units.

    An individual jundin was initially required to supply his own equipment, but as time went on they were provided with arms at the states expense, a luxury of the vast wealth of the Ayshunid trade empire. They were grouped into muskets (muskitia), pikes (ramah), and swords (sayf). The aristocracy served in as regimental officers and as heavy cavalry modeled after the Ottoman Timariot cavalry corps (though the Timariot were socially closer to a medieval knight while the Andalusi heavy cavalryman made his revenue through a cash salary rather than a land grant). The Andalusi cavalry was deeply tied to the nobility, and was a manifestation of the Andalusi aristocracy’s continuation of traditional Arab horsemanship. These cavalry forces, the farsan, acted as flanking forces for the infantry core, though their role greatly diminished as time went on. They were in constant competition with the light cavalry jinetes, whose place as the center of the Ayshunid army had long ago ceded to the infantry, but still remained an important part of the military. Competition was encouraged between these forces so as to encourage valor in the battlefield. While the Farsans guarded the infantry and broke the enemy with charges, the Jinetes screened the advance and pursued routing troops. The Jinete corps also rode ahead and scouted the terrain. The last of the cavalry corps was the musician corps, the talabat, or batera (a loan from the Spanish baterista). These were horsemen who marched ahead of the main battleline with drums and horns, a token reference to the fabled drumlines of the Almoravids. Sometimes an Andalusi army could have thousands of drummers, creating a cacophony to frighten the enemy.

    Irregular troops accompanied any campaign, and often well outnumbered the main force in distant theatres like in the Americas. Many of these were Berber soldiers drafted from Morocco (and before that, mercenaries from Maghrebi states). Others included conscript levies, the jash muqat, religious volunteers, mujahids, and raiders, ghuzat (this last category includes the infamous freewheeling mercenaries of the Riysh known as the hezzi). In the Americas, native forces would greatly supplement the often-limited resources for any organized military response. These were labeled according to their ethnic origin or simply, wahakia ‘savage’. Many natives served as part of the baggage train or foraging parties, supplying the army from the environment while marching through foreign areas.

    Lastly came artillery. Now, the first cannons employed by the Ayshunids were imported from the Ottomans and later models were based directly on these. By the mid-1500s skill gunsmiths were being imported as teachers for what became the highly prestigious artillery school of Madrid (the Bojea School as it was known in Europe). Ayshunid arsenals produced a wide variety of cannon for the Andalusi military and exported many throughout the Islamic world. The Ayshunid artillery corps accompanied the army, and was expected to prepare weaponry on-site for sieges, move gunpowder, and carry out engineering tasks.

    Traditionally Ayshunid tactics revolved around raid-based warfare. During the Battle of Espirdo in 1506, the Andalusis took the field with almost 12,000 mounted horsemen. Employing karr wa farr tactics, they threw javelins in volleys before looping back into formation out of reach from enemy weaponry. Light infantry supported the cavalry by exploiting holes in enemy formations and surrounding static blocks of enemy infantry. These were the tactics employed to great effect in the founding years of the Andalusi state, but at Espirdo the first cracks in this strategy appeared. The Castilian army was employing novel tactics of pike blocks and muskets. While the pikes held off any attempt at a cavalry charge, the muskets decimated the lightly-armored cavalry. Christian jinetes attacked the Moorish cavalry directly, distracting them and cutting off their escape from the hedge of pike and shot before them. Espirdo was a crushing Ayshunid defeat. After the Aseytarra War (1505 – 1522), a series of attempted invasions into Castile, the Ayshunid army was humiliated repeatedly by innovative tactics of new mixed warfare. Tactics that relied on combining anti-cavalry heavy pikemen with blocks of musketeers and artillery.

    These defeats prompted reform, and as part of realigning the army to meet with Ottoman standards for a professional standing army, tactics were changed to copy the Castilian tactics that had so effectively beaten the traditional ‘raider army’ of Ibn Ayshun. The jinete corps was sidelined in favor of mixed pike and shot infantry blocks.

    This new style of warfare dominated Andalusi tactics throughout the rest of the 16th and then early 17th century. It was called the qanafadh, ‘urchin’ after the characteristic hedge of pikes that marked the formation in battle. Regiments, firqa, advanced as mixed groups of pikemen and musketeers ahead. The musketeers fired as a line, and then marched with the pikes. At the threat of a cavalry charge the muskets could hide within the pike formation, which would deploy outwards to form a square (midan). Swordsmen followed between each set of mixed regiments, charging forwards to assault enemy positions and flank enemy pikes that were engaged in combat with the previous set of mixed regiments. Swordsmen could also easily redeploy the protect the formations flanks.

    The heavy cavalry followed alongside, used to counter enemy cavalry and attack enemy formations. They were supported by the jinete corps, who maintained their previous role in harassing enemy groups with javelin fire. Artillery could soften enemy groups and break down emplacements on the battlefield.

    A typical order of battle in this period, as demonstrated by the Ayshunid formation at the Battle of Mantalba in 1567 (part of the suppression of the Qaranid sheikhs in Morocco), was to have part of the jinetes advance first as a dispersed and thin line, followed by the drum corps. Then a second line of jinetes marched directly ahead of the main force, flanked by the heavy cavalry farsan corps. Cannon mixed with the infantry fired at the amassed Berber army while the first mixed-regiment line advanced at a set pace with swordsmen behind. This was followed by the next set of mixed-regiments and so forth. At the back of the army was the supply train and command post of the generals, flanked by a large body of elite swordsmen called the khadam: veteran slave-soldiers from the Canaries. The khadam was the last legacy of the ancient tradition of slave-soldiers in North Africa, a note to the once feared slave corps of the Almohads and Almoravids. The role of slave-soldiers had been greatly reduced in Iberia for fear of revolt, but they were still retained in certain areas, like as bodyguards (Canarian slaves were considered trustworthy compared to those sourced from Africa directly).

    More archaic weapons like bows and crossbows were still used in defensive situations. Crossbows especially were a hallowed tradition in Iberia. Their value as powerful weapons that didn’t require gunpowder to pierce armor meant they were retained as an important part of the Ayshunid arsenal. By the 17th century crossbow manufacture had been perfected, and especially in the Riysh where gunpowder weapons often fell susceptible to the humidity (as well as being simply more expensive to transport there), crossbows were used in all military situations. At Kwahekay in 1569 as part of the Tahazid War, Riyshi colonial troops employed crossbows to devastate waves of native rebels, including larger ballista mounted to wagons.

    M9PacZk.png

    This is an illustration of a simplified Andalusi mixed-regiment, pike and shot formation. Note how the drummers precede a line of jinetes. The first line of jinetes has already advanced well ahead of the main army, scouting the area and harassing the enemy vanguard.

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    1. A musketeer. This man is dressed in almost completely European equipment, with a ‘english’ style musket and shirt with an Italian bascinet. There was little uniform standardization in the Andalusi army in this period.

    2. By the 16th century it was common to see Iberian swordsmen dress in European style armor with round shields and sallets over the adargas of past centuries. His head-wrap, flowing tunic and scimitar still betray the Islamic origins of his dress however.

    3. This is a crossbowman, suited for defending one of the many fortresses in Iberia. He wears more antiquated equipment, some of which appears to be based on Persian models. He has a decorated plaque on his chest bearing quranic quotations. It was believed that such adornment protected the man wearing it from harm. Underneath he has a padded shirt.

    4. A standard bearer for a pike formation. This sort of equipment with overcoat and long tunic also would characterize a standard pikeman, with multiple layers of padding to help protect blows from enemy pikes. Pike regiments carried 2-3 standards each, for the regiment (indicating usually the geographic origin of the men), the army, and sometimes one of the personal choice of the men. Religious banners were popular.

    5. This is another Andalusi musketeer. He wears a reinforced brigandine over a cloth tunic. His helmet is a simple steel cap with a large turban around it to aid in absorbing blows.

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    1. A Riyshi / Mishiki Arab. Dressed practically, he has a widebrimmed hat and close-cut tunic with high boots. He carries a musket and gunpowder satchel. European style doublets were popular in the Riysh as means of displaying one’s wealth. Otherwise, he wears more Islamic robes underneath.

    2. A native auxiliary with musket. Men like these, wearing plain cotton clothing with perhaps a turban and stiffened coat for protection, formed the base manpower pool for all armies in the Islamic mainland. Indeed, he would not look amiss in a Tahazid, or even Nahua, army.

    3. A native pikeman. Unlike the previous figure who was outfitted with a musket, this man only carries a pike that he likely fashioned himself. He also carries a bundle of supplies on his back, indicated by his headstrap. He is barefoot, and only has a simple hide cloak for protection.

    4. A Mishiki elite, likely of Totonac descent. Islamized natives replaced the ornate feather and cotton constructions of their past for flowing cotton and silk robes. He is dressed much like an arab aristocrat might be in Iberia, his native roots betrayed only by his characteristic bunned hairstyle and feathered lance. Native elites often fought on horseback, priding themselves on feats of cavalier horsemanship.

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    1. The Regimental banner for Evora (Yabirah).

    2. The Regimental banner for Murcia (Mursiyah). The wreath is a homage to the regions winemaking industry.

    3. The Regimental banner for Seville (Ishbiliya). The six stars represent the six great mosques of the city. Regiments from Seville were particularly proud of their origins, to the point of arrogance.

    4. This is a cavalry pennant for a regiment from the Algarve.

    5. This is a cavalry pennant for a regiment from Granada.

    6. This banner is black for Sunni islam, with pennants so it flutters and makes sound in wind. It would have flown alongside other banners as a symbol of that particular groups religious zeal.

    7. A army banner for the Division of Al-Asada. This division was usually stationed in Morocco.

    8. A army banner for the 2nd Division of Al-Safhara. This division was usually stationed in Iberia and saw heavy fighting in the Aseytarra war.

    9. A army banner for the 1st Division of Al-Muqtahi. This division was usually stationed in Morocco.

    10. The flag of the Sultan Ahmed I. It is white with gold embroidery. The dual circles to the left are the asfad al-Isa, the “chains of Isa”, a symbol closely tied to Iberian Islam. The Pomegranate represents Granada, the city of his birth.

    The Flag and Army Organization images are entirely my own. The Soldier illustrations are made from compositing figures and then creating in pixel art new images. If anyone wants additional information or partial sources images they can ask and I will deliver.
     
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    The English Plantation of Virginia: 1585 - 1637
  • The English Plantation of Virginia: 1585 - 1637

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    ELIZABETH
    by the Grace of God of England, Fraunce and Ireland Queene, defender of the faith, &c. To all people to whome these presents shall come, greeting.

    Knowe yee that of our especial grace, certaine science, and meere motion, we haue given and graunted, and by these presents for us, our heires and successors, we giue and graunt to our trustie and welbeloued seruant Rogere Aubry, and to his heires assignee for euer, free libertie and licence from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, to discover, search, finde out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countries, and territories, not actually possessed of any Christian Prince, nor inhabited by Christian People, as to him, his heires and assignee, and to every or any of them shall seeme good […] moreover we order that herein these Countreis to protect such settlements that arise from the moore and to bring heathen races, and those moores whom are captured as subjects of our Realme of England, and to raise within the true Christian faith, nowe professed in the Church of England…

    ------


    The notion of an English colony in the new world was only broached initially, as a way to keep pace with other European powers. To construct an English foothold from which to conduct its own policy separate from its dominions in Europe. Expanding this notion to an active colony in the region was an dream of the great parliamentarian Humphrey (Lord Codington), who argued forcefully for English imperialism to counter Catholic hegemony in the Orioles [Americas]. In one statement, he wished for a “English island in the Papist sea, from which one end of a chain, the other being held by the Dutch, and with such instruments the Catholic beast might be strangled…” (this referenced the Dutch interests in the northern reachs of what became Olseland [Labrador / Canada]). English propaganda reinforced the notion of an international campaign against the mainland. Many cartoons portrayed King John and his state as a ravenous leviathan threatening to consume England. In one woodcut published in 1581, King John, adorned with hellfire, holds hands with a degenerate stereotyped moor and then an Ottoman Turk, each leering over England riding their respective dominions as crocodiles, jaws agape. Other notable parliamentarians however argued against a colony, noting its costs and risks, especially after the recent expenditures of the state in previous, failed, foreign interventions. The recent coup that had seen Elizabeth restored to power had especially left many feeling raw as to the legitimacy of her state. Her lavish domestic spending did little to salve the wounds, nor did her pointed attempts to undermine any elements in England still potentially loyal to her enemies.

    The actions of Lord Codington and others were endorsed by the crown as part of an ideal foreign policy, and because the pro-colony clique in Parliament was not coincidentally the most loyal bloc of protestants. After all, the fear of a Catholic juggernaut in the new world was far realer to staunch protestants than those Catholics or moderates still in power. Elizabeth also wanted to aid English commerce by creating an English foothold in the new world that could act as a node for her own supply of goods from there, free from the hated Moorish tariffs. This was also backed by the other protestant powers of the north. It was a general consensus that a protestant alternative to the crushing Moorish monopoly was needed, that could also not feed into the vast coffers of the Catholic superstate in France. The potential funds from such a colony, also excited the crown, desperately in need of new funds to pay off war debt (from multiple sources, especially a Scottish rebellion in the 1570s), domestic spending, and to aid the economy after the sapping effects of political instability. It was decided to take the gamble, and several charters were granted, though only one was eventually successful in leading to an established colony – the 1585 charter to Lord Roger Aubrey.

    Roger Aubrey was in many ways, the ideal candidate for a colonial leader. He came from money, had a strong pedigree of loyalty to the crown and military service (as a privateer in the Mediterranean fighting the Ottomans). A staunch protestant, he had experience fighting Catholics, Turks, and Arabs, and had gained several battle scars for it. His father, Thomas Aubrey owned large estates in Dorset and was one of a few leading protestants who had neglected to endorse queen Mary. He was also a well-known smuggler. Indeed, the Elizabeathen alliance of convenience with the black market of ‘gentleman pirates’ of 16th century England is an entire subject worth exploring by itself. Suffice it to say, allying with men like Lord Aubrey was instrumental in fortifying the crown during its most vulnerable years in the 1570s.

    Lord Aubrey set off with 5 ships. Two were lost in storms (which had destroyed the previous expedition sent), but the last three landed at the coast of Brania [Brazil], well south of the known extent of Moorish settlement at the time. The expedition founded a small fort on the coast near a small estuary [Guamare, Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil] which was called Fort St George, and then a larger settlement inland that was Aubreytown. The belief was that, in case of either Catholic or Moorish raids, the fort would detect them from the coast and be able to warn the main settlement inland. The site was considered ideal as it seemed to have few to no natives and had adequate natural supplies to establish a settlement. The expedition was split, with 50 men to guard the fort, and the rest to settle at the main town (c. 130). Aubreys lieutenant, John Deacon, guarded the fort (a fellow veteran of his pirate days).

    The first few months of the expedition were some of its hardest. The settlers were unprepared for the tropical conditions and many quickly succumbed to disease. In one diary, William Haye describes “how within several days, the heat of the land was so overcoming that many of our men, whom had been stout Englishmen aboard ship, laid down to die rather than work in the sun, and therein developed dysentery and all manner of disease, which made their crawl like dogs thereafter.” Lacking adequate lavatories and after dysentery began to rage through the colony, the tropical heat created a horrific stench that soon caused many settlers to choose to sleep well away from the walled settlement in the slightly more tolerable fields outside. Within a year, half the colonists either were dead, or seriously ill – including Aubrey himself.

    1586 opened with the colony in dire straits. Despite relative peace the colonists were wracked with disease, and infighting over the missions goals had led to strife. While Aubrey argued that the colonists should stay and build up their settlements, a faction led by Sewel Curson, an artisan, wanted to explore west and establish new sites to expand the colonists presence. Curson had attracted considerable support. Many of the more war-minded colonists hungered to find natives and moors and therein accrue riches, while Aubrey (rightly) warned that even with resupply, dividing the colony would be a potentially disastrous move.

    In June, natives sailing up the coast attacked Fort St George. They were repulsed, but the presence of native raiding parties terrified the colonists that their position was not as secure as believed. This was followed by waves of raids against the English. Unbeknownst to the colonists, the region had been abandoned due to fears of Moorish slave raids, but noticing that a force of foreigners had occupied the region, the chiefs of the local tribes had attacked them, believing them to be Arabs settling the land. This initial misunderstanding led to deep rifts between the English and the natives, even after the confusion was dealt with by Aubrey visiting the chief Tamamboca, as he was called, to make peace. Relief in 1586 brought new settlers and supplies to the colony, as well as another expedition that founded New Chester [Natal, Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil] to the south the year after. Many colonists volunteered to move to this new hub, away from Aubreytown – Sewell Curson being one of them. Curson would eventually become the leader of the town of Fordham in the interior [Guarabira], before dying in a native attack in 1589.

    After the first few years, the situation in English Virginia stabilized. The natives had nominally allied with the English against the Arabs (despite tit-for-tat raids on occasion), and the settlements began to reap some wealth from plantations of cotton and tobacco, and trading in pelts. Aubrey was made governor of Virginia in 1608, though at this point it was still only a few hundred settlers along a vast, sparsely populated forested coast. The real danger however, was still the ever-present threat of Moorish raids. Initially, the colony had been spared for its isolation, and the abandonment of the area by the Moors due to their belief it had been thoroughly drained of available slaves. However, reports of renewed settlement in the south drove Baraniyan Arabs to again sail the coast, and by the 1590s Moors began to probe the edges of Virginia anew. These Arabs sailed in small ketches that could hug the coast and attack in a moment’s notice, before slipping away. The first Arab slave raid on the English was in 1591, when a gang under Abu Abdul Muhammad al-Farsar attacked the English camp at Good Comfort [near Prea, Ceara, Brazil] and kidnapped 3 men and a child. In the words of Jane Hutchson, who made her testimony to the assembly in Aubreytown on the Arab raids, “it was common for them to come at night and would move slicked in pitch so as to not be seen by the guards. Then, at a common signal rise up, and bludgeon those unarmed with cudgels and rifle-butts before tying them and stuffing their mouths with rags, so as to force them to silence, and then deliver them to their waiting canoes in the rushes. Many times a child would cry out for a mother taken the night before, or a wife find her husbands bed empty with but his boots left behind, for they rarely had the opportunity to dress before they found themselves taken…”

    English settlers soon began to establish independent militias to protect against such raids. Aubrey himself petitioned the crown for extra men and arms to help guard the northern frontier of the colony, though his requests were constantly underfed. In some instances the Arabs outright attacked the English to drive them out of their settlements and loot them. In one audacious move, pirates in 1608 boarded the English vessel Tiger while it was anchored off the coast near Parajuru [Parajuru, Ceara, Brazil] and made off with all the provisions on board, killing the skeleton crew stationed onboard. This instance was a serious blow to the colony, and it is possible that because of the missing supplies taken that it was directly responsible for the abandonment of the settlement in that area the next year. This act prompted the English to begin a much more aggressive campaign against piracy in the area. This included granted letters of marque to privateers to attack Arab vessels in the central Atlantic, and the establishment of a number of new forts along the coast to protect against attacks. A falling out with the natives led to a series of interior conflicts, further convincing the crown of the need to arm the colony. In 1613 a major Arab attack on Fort St George was defeated and the Arabs slaughtered, marking a major propaganda victory for the English. Whether the Arab administration in Baraniya noticed, or even cared about the attack, is unknown. The modus operandi of the Baraniyan Arabs was highly decentralized, independent roving captains, and the attack was chalked up more to the individual action of the men involved than any act of war between Seville and the English.

    In 1620 Aubrey returned to England, this time permanently. He died of Typhoid while visiting his estates in the south. His position as governor was given to Diggers Colby, another mid-level aristocrat held in good esteem by the crown. The position of the English in Brania [South America] was secure enough that the crown felt comfortable in encouraging more intense colonization with women and children, rather than simply landless men suitable for fighting and scouting. Disease was still a scourge though, and it soon became difficult to convince many to emigrate to the Orioles given the brutal living conditions in some parts. The potential for wealth in the cash crop and slave trade continued to entice volunteers, but these being again, young midrange landless aristocrats and merchants sons, this continued to run counter to the goals of the crown. Additional wealth from non-English ships passing greatly strengthened the young colony, which became a major point of trade between Europe and the Branian interior that circumvented the Arabs.

    The growing English presence in the region encouraged yet more Arab slave raids, that grew in audaciousness each year. In one year, Arab slaves captured 143 English alone after rampaging through the settlements around the area known as Ports Bay [Macau, Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil]. This would change after the 1630’s, when the end of the German wars brought a fresh crop of veteran soldiers to the colonies and with them renewed military might to resist such aggression. The Arabs were pushed back, and facing surprising opposition many slavers chose to pursue easier pastures further south and along the Cabacan coast [The Guianas]. The capture and burning of three Arab galleys in 1637 marked a climax in this counterattack. Among the Arabs was found several men of French origin, which was taken as proof of Catholic conspiracy in the attacks on the colonies (these men were part of a longstanding tradition already in the new world of roving mercenaries serving Arab captains, regardless of origin).

     
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