Cont.:

When Wladimir / Ulaszlo arrived at Buda, he had not exactly surfed on a wave of enthusiastic approval, either. The German-speaking majorities of various civitates montanae had been a backbone of Sigismund`s reign, and now they stood loyally by their König Friedrich. The Slovaks, and especially the Hussite missionaries and Bratrici fighters among them, who were quickly gaining new followers after the defeat Sigismund had inflicted upon them, had not been thrilled by the oath of allegiance Wladimir`s men had some Hussitic preachers swear to the King of Poland and the (Avignon-obedient) Hussitic Bishop of Myslenice.

But he had merged with the last surviving forces of the aristocratic rebels in the border region, who accompanied him on his march to Buda now.

Arriving in Buda among the first snowflakes of winter, Ulászlo had to force his entry past Lithuanian guards. This did not bode well for the encounter with Zsigmond. Here were sizable forces of two large European countries, both major leaders of the Reformist camp. United, they would have had a fair chance at defeating Frigyes and pulling Hungary into the Reformist camp.

But Ulászlo struck a commanding tone. He demanded Zsigmond`s recognition of his election, and offered him merely the title of Ban of Slavonia. Zsigmond, apparently struggling to defuse the situation, appealed to the Grand Duke of Lithuania, Švitrigaila, for arbitration.

And Švitrigaila came. Legends have it that the first encounter between him and Wladimir / Ulászlo had already happened in Krakow, and that even then, the Grand Duke had disliked the “snotty boy”, while the young King of Poland had held only contempt for the “godless old schemer”. Whether this be true or not, their encounter at Buda was a catastrophe without precedent. Ulászlo`s reaction was reserved, to say the least. Švitrigaila might be Žygimantas` s liege, he snared, but he certainly wasn`t his. Žygimantas / Zsigmond reminded him that he was their elder and doubtlessly a respectable arbiter, but to little avail.

Ulászlo attended the hearing in Buda`s great Gothic-style castle
tour_87_20141209113149_z3zta.jpg

(castle is on the left)

but instead of contributing to a peaceful resolution of the crisis, things got out of hand.

Švitrigaila questioned a number of Hungarian noblemen on the nature and proceedings of the Diet in Szekesfehervar and the assembly at Babolna, as well as on their opinions about the situation in Croatia. Then, he judged that Wladimir and Žygimantas should continue to fight together on equal terms for the time being, sharing the supreme command, against their common Austrian enemy, until they should have beaten him and brought the entire realm under their control, leaving the question of ultimate kingship pending until an all-Hungarian Diet could be convened, to which he deferred the task of determining Hungary`s legitimate monarch.

Žygimantas was prepared to accept this ruling, but Wladimir wasn`t. He considered his claims as clearly superior, and he feared that increasing Lithuanian intervention in the ongoing war would push him to the margins over time. Explicitly, though, he lost no word about such thoughts. Instead, he resorted to a wild rhetorical attack on Švitrigaila. All throughout his reign, he had done nothing but contribute to the continent´s decadence. The values and ethics of chivalry were being lost; unprincipled, uncivilized, overzealous and untrained hordes were ravaging the lands in this boundless war of confessions, and Švitrigaila, Wladislaw argued, had been instrumental in supporting this. He had made a deal with the most radical elements of the Hussites one and a half decades ago, and ever since, he had not cared whether his fighting forces be brave Christian knights or heretical Strigolniki from Polotsk or heathens from the swamps of Samogitia. It was leaders like Švitrigaila and those with whom he allied, whose barbarity and lack of principles made concordance and reform within the Church of the West impossible. It was fighters like those he and his ilk employed and supported who brought about the downfall of morality in warfare and in peace, which everyone could observe from France over Germany to the East right now, and who would usher in an age of chaos in which everyone would struggle against everyone to come out on top of the heap. He, Wladislaw, on the other hand, and his noble Polish knights, embodied the rebirth of the true values of chivalry, and only they would be able to bring about a reform of the church based on a return to integrity and piety. According to some sources, his endless rant also contained countless references to myths and legends about an alleged Roman ancestry of Lithuanian nobility and an alleged Sarmatian ancestry of the Polish szlachta, and how their legitimacy thus depended on incredibly old foundations in accordance with which they had to act, and how they would have to learn the lessons of classical history to understand why they faced chaos, decadence, and collapse today. Throughout, it was imbued with digs at Švitrigaila, which were meant to undermine the elderly grand duke`s authority. Some of them could be understood as challenges to a duel.

A duel, of course, would not come to pass – but the gathering nevertheless descended into a brawl, nay, a melee, a bloodbath, at the end of which a few dozen of Poland`s and Lithuania`s as well as Hungary`s most influential aristocrats had died or been so seriously injured that they would succumb to their wounds over the course of the next few weeks.

Among the victims of this Blood Night at Buda was the old grand duke Švitrigaila himself, too.

Thus, while the Blood Night certainly produced only losers among its participants, it was nevertheless young Ulászlo who, showing unexpected swordsmanship and survival instinct, not only came out alive from the avalanche of chaos he had started, but also managed to gain control over Buda and Pest for the winter of 1438/9. Most of the Lithuanian combatants hurried to Vilnius now, where the selection of a new grand duke and other important questions concerning the grand duchy`s future would be negotiated, leaving their Transilvanian allies on their own.

Not Žygimantas, though. He rode with a group of Lithuanians until Jászberény, where he changed his mind and parted ways with his compatriots in order to return to Pest and from there, with those who still supported the Union of Babolna, to Kolosvár, where he attempted to stay out of the Lithuanian succession struggle and spent the winter preparing another defense of Transilvania against the twin threats of Frigyes and Ulászlo. For the greatest victim which had died in the Blood Night at Buda was the friendship between Poland and Lithuania, and the concordance within the Reformist camp on the continent.

To be continued.
 

Gian

Banned
I would want to see a map of the differing "sub-confederacies" of the Bund der Bunde, plus the list of members.
 
OK, here is an improvised map of the Bund der Bünde and its sub-federations, its allies, and its common dominia (Gemeine Herrschaften).
hresw1400cut.png

In the following list, (L) means "Landsgemeinde", or rural commune. This means that, like in the three original Swiss cantons, franchise is shared by the yeomen peasantry and townfolk alike and communal assemblies are supreme political institutions of the member state. (T) stands for town, as in city state, i.e. mostly towns which had already been Free Imperial Cities, and which sometimes possess massive territories surrounding them. Here, franchise is restricted to the town`s citizens, following different types of constitutions (patrician towns like Bern vs. guild towns like Augsburg). (C) stands for clerical members, like monasteries or bishoprics.

The Old Swiss Confederacy, marked in red, consisting of the following members: Nidwalden (L), Obwalden (L), Uri (L), Schwyz (L), Glarus (L), Zürich (T), Bern (T), Luzern (T). Some of the members, especially the town cantons, hold extensive non-enfranchised dominions of their own. Some dominions are held by the eight members in common.
So far OTL. ITTL, they also swallowed the County of Toggenburg (without a Zürich War) as Common Dominion (Gemeine Herrschaft) of the eight cantons alone, and they are co-dominators (together with other sub-federations) over several other areas conquered in the Confessional War (marked grey), mostly in Burgundy.

The “Bund ob dem See”, consisting of the following members: Appenzell (L), St. Gallen (L), Altstätten (L), Walgau (L), Montafon (L), Bludenz (L), Rankweil (L), Lustenau (L), Feldkirch (L), Konstanz (T), Radolfzell (L), marked in light green. With the exception of Konstanz, which joined the federation as a Free Imperial City, all other members are “Landgemeinden”, i.e. allied insurgent communes of rural or urban background, who had freed themselves in the Confessional War either from Habsburg rule, or from Montfort rule, or from the rule of the anti-Reformist Prince-Bishop of Constance, who was killed in the 1430s, his successor being elected by a rebel-dominated cathedral chapter, left with the mere episcopal functions but without any sovereign territory.

The new “Niedere Vereinigung”, marked in purple, another rebel-built and radical federation, consisting of the following members: Freiburg im Breisgau (T and L), Triberg, Waldkirch, Endingen, Krozingen, Waldshut, Schönau, Laufenburg, Rheinfelden, Offenburg (T) and the Ortenau. Except for the Free Imperial City of Offenburg, all of these were newly forged sovereign communes, which had previously belonged to the Habsburgs, to the Counts of Fürstenberg, Nellenburg, Freiburg, and various other Badenian nobles. The rebels even dismantled a former Free Imperial City, Badenweiler, which had opposed them, and now rule it as a Common Dominion.

The “Konzilsschirmbund” (federation for the protection of the Council), emerged from treaties of mutual protection between the Alsatian Zehnstädtebund / Décapole, the Free Imperial City and Bishopric of Straßburg and the Free Imperial City and Bishopric of Basel, marked in orange. Its members are Basel (T and C), Straßburg (T and C), Colmar (T), Hagenau (T), Kaysersberg (T), Mülhausen (T), Münster (T), Oberehnheim (T), Rosheim (T), Schlettstadt (T), Türkheim (T), Weißenburg (T), Rappolstein (C) and Murbach (C). While the Abbeys of Rappolstein and Murbach and the Prince-Bishoprics of Straßburg and Basel joined as clerical members as they were, only now of the Reformed faith, most of the other Free Imperial Cities grabbed a piece of land for themselves either alone or together, which had previously belonged either to the Habsburgs, or to the Counts of Württemberg, or, in the case of small territory in the North, to the Reformed Prince-Bishopric of Trier, after said mother-bishopric had been defeated, annexed and forcibly reconverted by Burgundian forces.

The “Schwäbische Bund”, marked in yellow, consisting of the Reformed Abbey of Kempten, the Reformed Bishopric of Augsburg, the County of Zollern and the remaining Western part of the Burgraviate of Nürnberg (the Eastern half was annexed by Friedrich of Habsburg) as well as large number of Free Imperial Cities and of other towns which freed themselves from their overlords, most of which have made massive gains after annihilating the allied Swabian nobility of the Sankt-Jörgenschild. These town members are Biberach, Buchhorn, Isny, Leutkirch, Lindau, Memmingen, Ravensburg, Reutlingen, Rottweil, Überlingen, Ulm, Wangen, Dinkelsbühl, Hall, Gmünd, Esslingen, Pfullendorf, Wimpfen, Heilbronn, Donauwörth, Aalen and Augsburg. Their cantons have come to replace, among smaller aristocratic holdings like Kirchberg, Waldburg, Teck, Löwenstein, Limpurg, Hohentrübingen, Oettingen and Hohenberg also the rather large County of Württemberg. Württemberg had initially supported Johann and the Reform Council, but when the popular rebellion farther South broke out, they had sided with the Sankt Jörgenschild. In retaliation, they – and the Markgrafschaft Baden, which had pursued a similar course – were attacked from all sides in a concerted effort of the Schwäbische Bund, the Konzilsschildbund, the Niedere Vereinigung and the Rheinische Bund. Consequently, part of the county`s territory was allotted to the Schwäbische Bund cantons of Reutlingen, Esslingen, Gmünd, and Heilbronn, while most of the rest became a Common Dominion.

The Burgundian Confederacy, marked in turquoise, consisting of its traditional members Freiburg im Üechtland (T), Avenches (T), Solothurn (T), Payerne (T) and Biel (T), all of whom made some inroads into the Free County of Burgundy after the latter had fallen in one of the last battles of the Hundred Years War, as well as the Counts of Neuenburg / Neuchâtel.

The “Freistaat der Drei Bünde” (Free State of the Three Alliances), consisting, like OTL, of the Grauer Bund (L), the Gotteshausbund (L), and the Zehngerichtebund (L).

In a somewhat looser state of membership, we find the “Rheinische Bund” in the North, marked in green, with its members Speyer (T and C), Worms (T), Mainz (T), Frankfurt (T) and Gladenbach (T). Initially, this alliance of Free Imperial Cities and Reformed Bishoprics spanned farther North along the Rhine, including Köln and Trier. Fights with anti-Reformists like the Archbishop of Mainz in their own heartlands as well as a Burgundian offensive down the Rhine had serious consequences for the Rheinische Bund. They prevented the Rhinelanders from participating in the conquest spree against the Free County and Duchy of Burgundy in the South-West, which meant they are the only members of the Bund der Bünde who do not get to share in the revenues and the administration of these conquests. This also drove a wedge between the other, more Southerly members, and the Rhinelanders, who were never able to consolidate their position. In turn, the Rheinische Bund kept a very close alliance with the Reformed Palatine of the Rhine and the Angevin Duke of Lorraine. Together, they defeated and annexed the Prince-Bishopric of Mainz and a number of smaller anti-Reformist territories, while coercing others into adopting Reformism and signing treaties with them, too, ultimately consolidating the wider Palatinate and Rhein-Main region after more Northerly members had been overrun and forcibly reconverted by Philip with the Bloody Hands.

Other traditional allies, like OTL, are the “Sieben Zende” of the Wallis. All allies are marked in light pink.

Common dominia are marked in dark grey. The most important of these are the former Burgundian possessions in the South-West.
 
Last edited:
correction: somewhere in the bottom left corner, we`re reaching the territory of Savoy. That is not a common dominion of anybody, it´s a loose ally, so it should perhaps be pink, or maybe white, but by no means grey.
 
Continuation of "Endgame II: The Eastern Theatre":

Vilnius was in tumult. Poland had started a war with Lithuania, hadn`t they? Many weren`t sure how to judge the situation. Foremost, though, was the question of who should lead Lithuania, its army but also the entire state, into this new challenge and into the future?

Švitrigaila had reigned rather successfully for fifteen years, but he had never paid much thought as to who should follow in his footsteps. He had died without offspring. And he had outlived all his brothers and sisters. There was no obvious candidate.

Švitrigaila`s reign had been marked by a (weakening) division between the pro-Polish faction around the formerly leading clergy and the Kęstutis branch of the Gediminids, who had been opposed to Švitrigaila`s usurpation and continued to oppose his policies, and the growing camp of his supporters. In the beginning, his strongest support base had been the Orthodox nobility of the Eastern provinces, who soon found themselves, very uncomfortably, in the same pro- Švitrigaila camp with the Strigolniki of Polotsk. With each conquest, though, Švitrigaila`s support base grew, and his enemies grew silent.

After Kęstutaitis` ill-fated Polish alliance and failed usurpation, and especially now after the Blood Night at Buda, virtually no pro-Polish voices were heard in Vilnius anymore, and the Kęstutis branch of the Gediminids was so tainted by their polophilia that any of its members were out of the question for Švitrigaila`s succession.

But who should it be? Among the rather large camp of Švitrigaila`s loyal followers, two men standing for two different strategies stood out.

Some of those who ascended with Švitrigaila during his militarily successful times and who had come to take on a worldview dominated by concepts like honor and glory insisted that war against Poland was the first priority now, and they chose an heir who, in spite of his absence from Vilnius, appeared the logical choice for them: Žygimantas Kaributaitis. The proven leader who, right now, held the line in Transilvania and whose path would inevitably cross that of Wladimir, the brazen boy who was responsible for the Blood Night and Lithuania`s immeasurable loss.

A larger group, though, preferred a calm approach which avoided entanglement in predictable confrontations in favor of controlling the situation and choosing what to do next. This group took a while to find a suitable candidate. When they did, they enjoyed the full support of the Orthodox East, and this clear majority of armed and alerted aristocrats in Vilnius imposed their choice against anyone else`s preferences:

The new Grand Duke of Lithuania would be Aleksandras Olelka, a grandson of Algirdas, currently appanage prince of Kiev. He was among the first to deny the inevitability of an immediate Polish-Lithuanian war – but not because of excessive caution or a pacifistic mindset. Aleksandras Olelka was a follower of the Orthodox rite with close ties to Ruthenian nobility both within and beyond the Grand Duchy, and he would give Lithuanian policy a decidedly Eastern focus.

While he did not sever Lithuania`s ties with Europe`s Reformist kingdoms and even married off one of his daughters to Jean II. of Anjou (who would become King of Naples and Duke of Lorraine), Aleksandras saw it as LithuanIa`s most important aims to secure hegemony over the Rus` against Novgorod` s increasing influence, and to keep the Golden Horde splintered and neutralized as long as possible.

With regards to the Hungarian-Polish question, Aleksandras preferred to confirm and moderately support Žygimantas` position in Transilvania, just enough to keep his forces strong enough to hold their positions, but not enough for an all-out offensive – which was perhaps the wisest choice he made in his career. Ordering him to withdraw would have brought a disgruntled potential rival back to Lithuania, while sacrificing him without help would have damaged his position, and even the pursuit of such a policy would have unnecessarily rallied all of the anti-Polish war party forces against him.

So Aleksandras waited, and in the spring of 1439, the number of his enemies in the Hungarian theatre sank from two to one. Friedrich von Habsburg had used the wintertime for a massive mobilization of his army. In this pursuit, he was greatly helped by the emergence and growth of a popular movement across South-Eastern Germany. After some of its founders, the movement was dubbed “Kuttenberger”. The Kuttenbergers were in many ways a response to the Hussite Revolution. They were as nationalist as the Bohemians who had expelled them or their parents, and this grudge against the Bohemians fuelled a fiercely patriotic, anti-heretic, pro-Catholic sentiment. It found support not only among refugees from Bohemia, but also among the once-growing middle classes of the many towns in the German South-East. The very same segments of population which, only a few hundreds of kilometers to the West, built a revolutionary federation of federations, based on the ideal of equality, here formed the foundation of an aggressive, militant chauvinism, which merged with pre-existing trends of anti-Semitism, crusading spirit and a general self-concept of the superiority of the crafty skilled Germans vis-à-vis their Eastern neighbours.

Friedrich drew on this movement and supplemented his impressive Hungarian army, reformed by Sigismund, only slightly reduced by the defeat against Zsigmond and mostly retreated safely into Western Hungary or Croatia, with Austo-Bavarian forces in which knightly cavalry was no longer militarily predominant because of the sheer quantity of his infantry levies, which he endowed, at the very counsel of Kuttenberger leaders who had first-hand experience with modern Hussite tactics, with as many firearms as his army could get their hands on. In spite of his best efforts, he was not able to endow more than one in four soldiers with a Pistale, though – which is why his army combined the new weapons with a more traditional weapon of the infantry, the pike, into a blended strategy which would prove highly successful on the battlefields for several decades.

In their first challenge, King Frigyes` forces would not yet have to rely on these new assets all that much, though. In April 1439, Buda fell rather quickly, as every Polish man under arms could plainly see the sheer quantitative disparity between the few defenders and the many attackers.

Having to give up Buda and, implicitly, the claims to the Hungarian crown, was not the greatest humiliation Wladislaw would have to suffer in this annus horribilis, for him, though. As he retreated with his men to the North, towards Hungary`s border with his Polish kingdom, he had Frigyes` superior army at his heels. And he could not afford to lose a single day in a futile combat with anyone in these god-forsaken wooded mountain ranges. But, alas, someone stood in their way.

Behind Wladislaw`s back, the Slovakian Hussites / Bratrici had recuperated much of the terrain they had recently lost to Sigismund`s offensive, and now their forces formed a tight line along Hungary`s mountainous, Slavic-speaking Northern perimeter. When Wladislaw`s retreating forces met with the Bratrici, the latter took revenge for the symbolic humiliation they had had to endure in last year`s autumn, and, more important to them, they took advantage of a unique opportunity. They would grant Wladislaw and his valiant Polish szlachta warriors free and safe passage back to their lands and strongholds - but only if they handed over all their weaponry to them. The Bratrici really needed any armour, weapon, gunpowder, and horses they could get their hands on, since the continent-wide conflagration had made all of these military assets scarce and expensive. But to the Polish king and his proud aristocratic followers, dismounting, handing over their swords and having to walk or ride home in oxen-carts was the ultimate humiliation.

Wladislaw`s defeat in Hungary became quickly known across the continent, and it invited freeriders. Erik, King of the Kalmar Kingdoms, for example, conducted massive punitive raids against all those Prussian towns who, in spite of their and their Polish monarch`s oaths to conduct all their Westward Baltic trade with Scandinavia, had conducted freelance commerce with England, Burgundy and other Catholic powers of the North Sea. Brandenburg, likewise, seized the formerly Teutonic Neumark – a bone of contention between the two Reformist powers of Brandenburg and Poland – with Erik`s help.

Aleksandras, thus, was not coerced to engage in a costly struggle with his weakened and harmless Polish neighbor. He could devote Lithuania`s military, and even more so its diplomatic forces to preparing the coup which would clarify the situation beyond the Carpathians for the next decades.

To be continued.
 
Last edited:
So, @Gian and @Augenis , any feedback on recent developments in Super-Switzerland and Lithuania? Thanks for the helpful background input, by the way!

Here comes a short update, the rest hopefully tomorrow:

Cont.:

Aleksandras`s diplomatic coup was the alliance he forged with the Ottoman Sultan Murad II. It was an alliance which held over the next couple of years because Lithuania and the Ottoman Empire shared two common interests: both wanted to break up the Golden Horde and the Kingdom of Hungary, grab a piece each, and leave the rest in a state that would no longer present any threat. Regarding the Golden Horde, this was ultimately achieved two years later with the secession of the Khanate of the Crimea under Haci Girai, who had to thank both Aleksandras and Murad for support on several levels.

Regarding Hungary, Aleksandras and Murad presumably agreed on a partition, whereby the Northern parts would be ruled by King Zsigmond II. as a Lithuanian vassal state, whereas the Ottomans would do as they please with what was South of the Danube: annex it, vassalise it, plunder it, whatever.

Thus, when Friedrich/Frigyes set his army marching in a South-Easterly direction from Buda in the early summer of 1439, he would not merely encounter Transilvanian rebels and a few Lithuanian reinforcements. He would clash with the mighty army of the Ottoman Empire, or at least as much of this army as could be transported quickly enough to the North across now permeable Carpathian mountain passes.

When he received these bad news, Friedrich hesitated. Was it really wise to confront the Ottomans head-on, plus the peasant rebels, plus their Lithuanian allies? His generals, all of them from the Order of the Dragon, reassured him in his view, though, that combatting the heathen Turks, the schismatics and the seditious scum was what their glorious army was there for, and that a retreat in the face of such a powerful enemy might well mean a battle much farther to the West in the not so distant future. Among the rank and file, this position found even more support, or rather furious enthusiasm. From the zealous voluntary German infantrymen to the equally zealous improvised Serbian huszars, everyone was convinced that this would be the decisive battle in a holy war for a just cause.

Thus the two armies clashed in the epic Battle of Nagyvárad. 45,000 Austrian and Hungarian forces – the new, eager, but unexperienced pike-and-shot infantry, plus light and heavy cavalry and some artillery – against 30,000 Ottoman soldiers: disciplined janissary infantry plus sipahi cavalry, plus 10,000 motley Transilvanian rebels, plus 3,000-4,000 Lithuanian cavalry, with both Ottomans and Transilvanians bringing whatever artillery they could muster, which wasn`t much.

To be continued with the outcome of the battle…
 
Endgame in the East (II) - The Battle of Nagyvárad

Cont.:

The battleground, a few kilometers West of Nagyvárad, was almost flat except for two small hills, on the Eastern one of which were positioned the Transilvanian rebels under Budai Nagy Antal`s leadership, while Friedrich had positioned himself on the smaller Western hill, with some of his staff and guards, and in a wide semi-circle before them, Hungarian archers positioned behind their shields.

To the North of Friedrich`s command camp, the bulk of the Austrian and Hungarian infantry had been painstakingly arranged into their formations: the Austrians and other Germans in the shape of a huge triangle, with rows of pikemen on the outside and the “Pistaliere” hidden deeper within; the Hungarians in a similar system, but forming a semi-circular shield wall instead. On the farther side, from Friedrich`s point of view, beyond the infantry, was one cavalry flank: heavy Austrian men-at-arms and lighter Serbian huszars. Behind them flowed the quick waters of the Criş / Sebes-Körös river. The other, Hungarian cavalry flank waited close by Friedrich`s side at the Southern foot of the hill.

Their Ottoman enemies had formed not too far away to the South-East in their semi-circular shape, both slender sipahi wings closest to the enemy, while the thick janissary core waited in the centre, with the sultan in their midst. To their North, at the foot of the hill on which the Transilvanians had taken defensive positions, stood the Lithuanian cavalry commanded by Žygimantas.

Both wings of Murad`s sipahis opened the battle with their attacks, engaging both the Austro-Serbian and the Hungarian cavalry flank. Soon, the Ottoman right flank was enforced by Lithuanian cavalry, too, harassing the Austrians and forcing Friedrich`s left flank to spread over a wide range. Yet, neither side made any headway. The artillery of both sides, still relatively far away from each other, nevertheless fired, merely causing disorientation. As both armies engaged closer to the Austro-Hungarian core, though, the Austro-Hungarian cannons had a greater impact.

After less than half an hour, the sipahis retreated, while a small Lithuanian contingent attempted to circumvent their enemy`s left wing and attack the rear. The Hungarians and Serbs were familiar with this classical feigned retreat maneuver, and Janos Hunyádi, who led Friedrich`s right wing, fervently warned against falling for it. The Serbian huszars were busy fighting off the Lithuanians, though, and as the Ottoman sipahis retreated, the Austrian left began a slow advance, attempting to remain within firing range. Friedrich ordered specifically to target the Transilvanians, whom, with good right, he considered the weaker and less organized link in his enemy`s chain.

Austrian firearms, both light and heavy, proved indeed more forceful, claiming many enemy lives, more so than janissary arrows and Transilvanian crossbows could. Then, though, as the textbook dictated, more sipahis turned up out of nowhere, brushing thin enemy cavalry aside and assaulting the Austrian core head-on. At first, the Ottoman forces suffered considerable losses, for as long as the pike formation held and the Pistaliere behind them could fire freely, the sipahis stood no chance to break up their enemies` lines.

But the discipline of the very unevenly trained Austrian infantry corps did not hold long enough. When the panic began to spread, the formation began to loosen. His army was in motion, in disorderly motion, and Friedrich had only two choices: retreat or attack. Retreat would have been catastrophic, for in contrast to their opponents, who held Nagyvárad castle, they had no safe haven, and everyone could be massacred in a chaotic flight. Thus, one would have to attack. Running against the Transilvanians was out of the question, for that would have required fighting uphill. The only option was engaging the janissaries and hoping that they, too, had been worn thin enough by the Austrian shelling.

Within a minute, the formerly organized battle had become a melee, and like every melee, it was a bloodbath, a massacre, in which even the best-trained soldiers would know nothing but fear and frantic thrashing-about. The weapons of both sides were of similar quality, though the Austrian infantrymen were perhaps less skilled in wielding them. Nevertheless, as the bodies of the dead and wounded began to cover the ground and the ranks were thinning out, their enemies had to throw in all their forces, too, which meant that the much worse-equipped Transilvanians were joining in the thick of things, too, now. Hunyadi was heard shouting and commanding his side to surge towards where these ill-equipped peasant militiamen stood, and it was thanks to his great skills as commander that this attempt bore at least some fruit.

But he was not the only military genius on the battlefield, for the men fighting under Murad`s command were also directed by a sly leader with great oversight, who sought out the weaker spots in his enemy`s formations, too: Iskender Bey, the commander of an Albanian contingent whose performance stood out in the Battle of Nagyvárad.

As the day wore on, it looked like neither side could win the upper hand easily, or even with great effort. If anything, the Austro-Hungarian side appeared to fare slightly better.

But then, unexpectedly, another group turned up on the battlefield. Singing their religious war hymns, advancing orderly like a round wall of iron-shielded wood, arrived from the North between 4,000 and 5,000 Hussite fighters from various Bohemian and Moravian cantons and Slovakian Bratrici.

Even though they had marched, they were much less exhausted in comparison to everyone else on the battlefield, and they were still in formation. They targeted the best-organised pockets of the Austrians and Hungarians, disrupting the last bits of coordination, and killing Janos Hunyadi with a shot from a pištala. Some ten minutes after their arrival on the battlefield, Friedrich saw that he and his best men had only one chance to survive, which was to ride like the devil and flee from this hell of a battlefield.

Ottomans, Transilvanians, Lithuanians, and Hussites pursued the chaotically retreating enemies, massacring them by the thousands, before the last survivors managed to escape from them.

Towards the Peace of Szekesfehervar


The aftermath of the Battle of Nagyvárad changed the region`s political and confessional geography for decades. Ultimately, it would be Friedrich who sought the Peace of Szekesfehervar, because his enemies were now ravaging his kingdom and rapidly creating faits accomplis. Murad II. brought in more Ottoman reinforcements, and they plundered Bekes and the lands between Tisza and Danube, before they took on the string of border fortifications in formerly Serbian Syrmia. Once again, Iskender Bey proved a highly skilled commander in the storm of these castles. Soon, the now powerless Durad Branković gave up and offered to become a loyal Ottoman vassal once again. This time, Murad did not accept, though, and continued with the preparations for a full annexation.

At the same time, Friedrich was also faced with countless Hussite offensives from all sides. This did not only concern the Kingdom of Hungary. Praguers and Orebites banded together with Moravian Haná and Horacy and wrestled Znojmo from its Austrian defenders, while Taborites and Chodové successfully besieged Česke Budějovice and split up the Southernmost tip of Bohemia as a new dominion between them. Farther to the East, in Hungary, most of the Slovakian mountainside had already fallen, and now the Hussites began to take roots in the Ruthenian woods of the Carpathians beyond Slovakia. In the Maramaros, the two Hussite confederal hejtmans had sealed a close alliance, bordering on an association, with the Babolna Union. These were no longer self-organised Hussite peasant militia defending their homeland; these were men used to fighting, not only burning with the desire to spread the word and liberate as many people as they could, but also choosing their targets pragmatically, politically experienced, and well-versed in the art of grassroots counter-state-building.

Žygimantas had no choice but to assure them of their full independence and to accept and sanction the alliance between the Babolna union, which had called him into their land, and the Hussites, who were about to undermine his ability to establish a powerful centralized rule over it. At the same time, he also confirmed the far-reaching autonomies of the Saxon towns, which had been opposed to the rebellion so far and even now could only be convinced to remain quiet, but not to support him in his quest to establish control over as much of Hungary as he could. Lithuania`s Grand Duke Aleksandras Olelka rode to Žygimantas`s help, but the reinforcements he brought paled in comparison to what Sultan Murad II. brought in. Aleksandras had good reasons for his caution: Lord Novgorod the Great had just successfully concluded another intervention in the Grand Duchy of Muscovy, keeping Vasily II. in line and granting some of his Northern subjects even more autonomy (which meant nothing but a factual switch in vassalage to Novgorod), and now they threatened to destabilize Tver and drag it into their camp, too. Also, in the Baltic, a few Livonian knights appeared bent on taking their last stance against Lithuanian rule. And there was still Poland, where something had to be done to remove Wladimir. So Aleksandras only send modest reinforcements, little more than a large guard accompanying the grand duke to the peace negotiations which would certainly have to take place soon. Žygimantas`s greatest help were the Szekely who, under a self-elected count now instead of the Dragoner appointed by Sigismund, pledged allegiance to him in exchange for a restoration of their ancient liberties and privileges. While they held the line in Transilvania and helped prevent the inner political balance from tilting too much in favour of the foreign Hussites, Žygimantas and his liege rode Westwards to take control of the Kiskunság and the Jászság and have another stab at Pest and Buda Castle.

While Friedrich / Frigyes was able to levy more Hungarian troops under Sigismund`s reform law, he could not afford a military offensive to drive out the Ottomans and all the other invaders, for that would have required more Austrian reinforcements, too, and thus a complete abandonment of his German territories, which he would certainly lose to the Bündische and the Brunswick Concordance then. The forces he still had were barely enough to organize a defense of what could possibly still be defended. To his luck, most of the Bans of the realm had survived the disaster at Nagyvárad. To them, he entrusted the defense of Croatia and Slavonia, while he oversaw the improvisation of a defensive perimeter much farther to the North-West than he wished to. One which went straight across the Pannonian plains – with next to no natural defenses. He knew this was hopeless, and therefore it was him who sought the peace talks, which would take place in Szekesfehervar in September and October 1439. Friedrich hoped to recover at the green table what his military forces would never be able to achieve - at best, an Ottoman withdrawal from the Serbian defensive forts at the cost of a ransom and perhaps a tribute. (He had plans to ask Venice for a loan, perhaps pawning off some bits of Croatia to them?)

The Peace of Szekesfehervar would not contain such provisions, though. It bore the signature of the relative military strengths and the accomplished facts created after Nagyvárad. Friedrich had to cede Syrmia, Vinkovce, Bács, Bodróg, Torontal, Temes, Krasso-Szöreny and Hunyad to the Ottomans, thus handing over the entire defensible border to his enemy. He had to accept the breakaway of an independent Principality of Transilvania, with Zsigmond Karibut as the prince reigning from Kolosvár, and he had no choice but to cede large parts of Slovakia and a smaller part of Carpathian Ruthenia to various Hussite polities, while the rest of Carpathian Ruthenia would be annexed by Lithuania. (Aleksandras and Žygimantas had to accept, on the other hand, that future nominations of the Prince of Transilvania would have to be confirmed not only by Vilnius, but also by the Ottoman sultan in Edirne.)

Frigyes would remain the only king in Hungary, and he would be able to return to Buda, but he would only keep an amputated and defenseless kingdom, most of which lay West of the Danube now, with only a thin strip of land North of the Danube between Miskolc in the East and Pozsony / Bratislava / Pressburg in the West remaining under his control. Croatia would remain untouched, though, and so would be Slavonia West of Pozega. To the assembled Hungarian nobility, it was an unspeakable humiliation. To Friedrich, it was the clear signal to focus his last German forces on a final offensive which would bring him into a better position for negotiations for a peace within the Empire, for he would need peace in the West if he were to revise the harsh dictate of Szekesfehervar and push back his various enemies in his lifetime.

It took years, of course, to implement the provisions of the peace treaty, though. The Ottomans were faced with repeated local insurgencies especially in Serbia, and they could only devote their forces to them when their Eastern front in Anatolia was calm, which it wasn`t throughout much of the 1440s. But ultimately, their garrisons materialized themselves along both sides of the Danube North of the Iron Gates, and while cooperative and obedient Serbian and Hungarian landowners were allowed to keep their titles, if they provided hostages, boys for the janissary education, jizya taxes etc. etc., the lands of those who had put up resistance were realotted to Ottoman sipahis under the timar system.

The new Principality of Transilvania would experience politically and socially tumultuous times, but Frigyes would never be able to recapture this loss. Frigyes` new rump-Hungary would not be a calm country, either – resentment against the loss and the provisions of Szekesfehervar ran deep, and the divisions this resentment, hatred and bitterness created ran straight through the Order of the Dragon, too, undermining the foundation on which any centralized rule could have rested. Thus, the siege mentality in which the Hungarians and Croats saw themselves did not result in an absence of clashes between noble factions and power struggles, further weakening the already devastated Kingdom of Hungary.

And the Hussite confederacy? It was at the height of its power and glory in its golden decade of the 1440s. It absorbed important new influences from the East, and the strength and dynamics it exuded gave no hint as to the conflicts which would befall it in the second half of the Century of Reform.


I`ll try to post a map of Hungary and the Confessional Map of Europe on Monday, and then I´ll start writing on the Iberian installment, but I can`t promise to finish it before Easter break.
 
The map is insofar slightly inaccurate as Hussite strongholds, acknowledged as independent from the Kingdom of Hungary, would not really form a solid territorial block, but rather be more scattered, but so please imagine the North to look slightly more messy.
 
In case you wonder where the hell the Hussites came from: they were belligerents i the Hungarian Civil War from the start; and Friedrich was their enemy from day one, like his brother. Also, their relation to Lithuania is one of vague proximity.
 
And here is the confessional map of Europe 1450 CE, including a few minor spoilers.
1450confessionseuropecut.png

Bright yellow are Roman Catholic states.
Bright blue are Reformed states where Reform has been enforced.
Bright orange are Orthodox states.
Bright purple are Hussite cantons where the Hussite belief is dominant and its values enforced.
Bright green are Muslim states where Islam is enforced.
Lithuania and the Principality of Transilvania are painted grey because Aleksandras and Zygimantas will both pursue a policy not just of religious tolerance, but even of a sort of religious neutrality or plurality of the state, so to speak, at this point. That doesn`t mean they`re not religious themselves, or that religion plays a lesser role there, or that everyone`s getting on peacefully with each other. It´s just much less uniform. Same grey for Horde territories since Islam wasn`t really forced upon the population there, either.
Areas encircled in green with light yellow or light orange are states are Muslim empires (i.e. the Ottoman Empire) which tolerated Catholic or Orthodox majorities.
Likewise, areas encircles in orange with light yellow is the Orthodox Novgorod Republic, which tolerates a Catholic majority.
Areas in Greece encircled in yellow with light orange filling are Venetian, Genoese or various Order`s possessions / colonies, which haven`t made much headway into converting their Orthodox Greeks.
Areas encircled in Hussite purple but with light yellow or orange filling are recently acquired dominia of various cantons which haven`t begun to enforce Hussitism on their Catholic or Orthodox subjects.

I am not guaranteeing any of the religious majority paintings in the Greek / Anatolian religion, that isn`t my focus, either, so if there are any mistakes there, just ignore them, I´m not trying to convey any serious changes from OTL there.
Ah, also I´ve left the Kola peninsula white because I didn`t know if it was Scandinavian or Novgorodian by that time and also if there was any serious CHristianisation there yet. (Same goes for some of the Novgorodian territories up North - don`t take that orange too seriously, just suppose that the indigenous people there do what they did IOTL, too.)
 
Endgame (III): War of Brotherhoods on the Iberian Peninsula

Towards the end of the 1430s, the sparks of the civil war, which had started in the lands of the Crown of Aragon, ignited the rest of the Iberian peninsula, too, as it increasingly took on confessional and political overtones. The more important the Germandat General became on the side of the Aragonese rebels and the more Castile`s King Juan II. had to rely on similar militias, who needed good reasons to go to war against their neighbours, the more the nature of the conflict changed. It was less and less a protracted dispute between the Houses of Trastamara and Anjou, and more and more a true civil war.

On one side, mostly Catalonian commoners wanted to assert their traditional rights and govern themselves in the pragmatic way which was best for their business, instead of getting caught in the vice between Reformist Genoa and Catholic Castile. On the other side, the Trastamara king had assembled a loose and wide Castilian coalition, which stretched from major aristocrats over the militarily-minded religious orders so common in Castile (cofradías) to the various, equally militant civil associations, the hermandades. The more aid the Catalonians received from Genoa, Savoy and Naples, the more did the members of this Castilian coalition see their task as a crusade against Reformist heretics. And the more such a crusade managed to mobilise simple Castilians to take to the arms, the more did the pro-Angevin Aragonese rely on their foreign allies for additional aid.

Until 1439, this war seemed to go well for Castile. Of the Iberian lands of the Crown of Aragon, the Kingdom of Valencia was almost entirely lost and in the hands of the Trastamara-led coalition, while the pro-Angevin Aragonese had not managed to make any headway into Castilian territory. It seemed as if the weight of Castile`s greater numbers, resting on its much greater population size, would decide this war, in which more non-traditionally-knightly forces were involved than ever before on the Iberian peninsula over the last centuries.

But then, René d´Anjou brought two new allies to his camp. One of them was no big surprise: King Charles VII. of France, who had pushed back the Anglo-Burgundian offensive with borrowed Bündische power, turned his attention and his forces to the South, relieving the pressure on Aragon by attacking Castilian-held positions in Southern France. The French 1439 offensive in the Béarn was not much, and King Charles would even have to abandon it after only three months when he lost a power struggle against the increasingly self-confident états généraux, who defiantly insisted on their right to decide on any additional tax and on whose compagnies d´ordonnance he depended. But it was enough for the Catalonians to take a deep breath and gather enough forces once again to hold their positions and man the forts along the Castilian front.

The second ally was more of a surprise: Emir Muhammad IX. of Granada. It has often been speculated why the Reformers were so much more willing to ally themselves with Muslim forces in the Great War of the 15th century. The idealist explanation recurred to Cusanus` thinking and the idea of religious dialogue and rapprochement. It is shunned by most historians presently, who favour either of the following two explanations: the pragmatic or the structural one. The structural explanation emphasizes the difference between the Catholic Pope in Rome and the Reformist Pope in Avignon. While the former still was, to some extent, an authority in and of itself, the latter clearly was a political figurehead for the loose coalition which had elected him and to which he had made far-reaching guarantees, some of whose members didn`t really wholeheartedly care for Reformist theology at all, while others did, and one of their main tenets was Conciliarism, which meant the conviction that ecumenical councils, not a pope, were the supreme authority in clerical questions. Therefore, the Reformist camp was entirely multipolar from the beginning, lacking a strong centre. Its major players were free to pursue whatever policies they saw fit. Among the Catholic camp, though, Pope Eugene still exerted greater influence, and, like all his predecessors, he was no friend of alliances with Islamic powers at all.

The pragmatic explanation, on the other hand, simply claims that both Lithuania, who had concluded their alliance with the Ottomans, and counter-King René of Aragon, who sided with Granada now, came to their respective crossroads with too few forces of their own, having engaged strong Catholic champions.

Whichever explanation holds true, the alliance with Granada was a relief for Aragon, as the raids on Castile`s subsidiary Kingdom of Murcia required Castilian reaction and thus took yet more pressure off the beleaguered rebel strongholds. It made sense to Muhammad IX., too. Castile had tried to overthrow him, and it was only natural that he would seek to profit from the divisions among the Christian kingdoms on the peninsula. Also, Granada maintained excellent trade relations with the Genoese Republic.

But 1439 did not turn the tide so much in favour of the pro-Angevin Aragonese. France`s offensive was aborted after the first successes, and the Emir of Granada, who was himself caught in serious conflicts with his own nobility, did not engage in prolonged and reliable offensives, preferring instead to attack, plunder, and return to safety.

And so, from 1440 onwards, René began to devote all his forces on the Iberian theatre of the continental conflagration. (Having achieved some degree of stability in Naples, which he had inherited two years ago, allowed him this shift of focus.) This year also marks his greatest achievement in this war: Genoese mercenaries were able to capture King Alfonso and brought him to René.

But the war was not over. The Trastamara-led coalition was long fighting for more than just Alfonso`s claim on the Aragonese throne; they fought for the preservation of the Catholic Christian Iberia achieved by centuries of Reconquista.

To be continued.
 
Cont.:

In the absence of King Juan II., the Castilian coalition became even more dominated by militant Catholic monks and theologians, and by their allies in the leadership of the hermandades as well as within the nobility. A leading figure in this Castilian effort was Cardinal Juan de Torquemada, a Dominican friar. He embodied the shift in focus away from merely liberating Juan II. and reinstating Alfonso V., and towards driving the Reformers out of the Peninsula, out of Aragon, where they had grown roots by now, but also out of the Castilian realm. Torquemada oversaw the purges of the University of Salamanca in 1441 personally, and he was the inquisitor who condemned Juan of Segovia, the famous Conciliarist who had returned from Basle to spread the word of Reform on the peninsula, to death and had him burned at the stake.

Torquemada also formulated, for the first time, a coherent Catholic and papalist response to the challenges of the Reformers. Where the Kuttenbergers in South-Eastern Germany emphasized German revanchism, and the court poets, painters and philosophers of Philip the Great focused on glorifying their chivalrous prince and monarch, Juan de Torquemada emphasized the universal claim and role of the Catholic church. He defended the absolute personal authority of the one and only Pope. But, most of all, he painted a vision of society which appealed to many among the broader elites of the relatively prosperous Castilian realm. This vision of society, conservative to the bone, he would sum up in the two term catchphrase which became the rallying cry of Castile`s Catholic coalition: La fe y la vieja ley!

Fe, meaning faith, but also fealty, and confidence, too, embodied the values of any pious late medieval population, but of course it appealed specifically to the population of Castile, where conflicts with Islamic Granada continued and where the marginalization of Jews, Muslims, conversos and moriscos required a justification.

La vieja ley, the Old Law, was another slogan used by everyone in that period, from Catholics over Reformists to Hussites and the Orthodox, let alone Jews. Torquemada specified what this meant in the present circumstances, though: The Cortes were not there to decree new laws and create a ruckus, like the French états généraux were doing; their role was to make sure nobody else would overstretch their competences, either. The King was not to amass more and more power, like the Portuguese kings of the House of Aviz were doing, how René of Anjou had done in Naples, and how Charles VII of France had attempted, or how Erik was trying in Scandinavia. The nobility, while featuring importantly in his worldview, was not to depose kings, like the Catalans had done. Together with the clergy, its role was to guide and lead the population on the path of a society imbued with “fe”. The loyal, faithful commoners featured prominently in Torquemada`s worldview, too: they, too, should organize and form their own brotherhoods, but not in order to seek civil power for themselves or quarrel among themselves, like the Hussites did, but with the purpose to maintain order and defend “fe and la vieja ley”. It was Torquemada`s idea, too, to rebrand the Castilian “Hermandad General” as the new “Santa Hermandad”. In contrast to the Catalonian rabble-rousers, Torquemada emphasized, the Castilian Brotherhood was to be imbued with sanctity. It was not to overthrow the order, but to restore, maintain and perpetuate it.

Castile`s Catholic coalition was not only a problem for Aragon. It became a danger for the fellow Catholic neighboring Kingdom of Portugal and the Algarve, too. In 1438, King Duarte I. had died of the plague. He was succeeded by his son, Afonso V., but because the latter was still minor, a regency government was installed, led by Duarte`s brother and Afonso`s uncle, Pedro .

Pedro continued the centralization policies of the two kings Duarte and João. He relied on the Cortes for a modernization of laws concerning commerce and trade, and to obtain funds for the institutions of education and the maritime expeditions which his brother Enrique patronized. He also used the regency council`s temporary function as supreme institution of appeal to discipline several large clerical landholders, who had blatantly abused their privileges and mistreated their tenants. And he returned to the Cortes again to obtain yet more funds for enlarging the royal guard, both in response to the dangerous situation in the rest of the peninsula, and to defend Ceuta. Overall, Pedro was immensely popular with the urban population, which had already affirmed their important role in the Revolution of 1383, as well as with both the lower gentry and the simple peasantry.

However, his policies were not quite as popular among the upper ranks of the clergy and the higher nobility. In 1443, a conspiracy had formed. It had assured itself of Castilian support, where Pedro`s policies were seen as violating the new ideological hegemony of “fe and la vieja ley” and where Pedro was even accused of attempting to bring his Kingdom into the Reformist realm – something which Pedro never had in mind, and never did, either, being the pragmatic ruler that he was: He did not need Reformist as a justification for centralization, like Charles of France had needed, and first of all, he was not willing to threaten Portugal`s strong commercial ties with Catholic Flanders and England and the political alliance with the latter, too.

The conspiracy comprehended Pedro, accusing him of usurping the powers of the young monarch and intending to prevent the latter`s ascension to the throne.

After public protests and riots in Lisbon and Porto, the conspirators around the Duke of Braganza were forced to release Pedro. Pedro, who was not willing to simply ignore the event, immediately had his guards chase after the conspirators in order to detain them and bring them to court.

This escalated the situation to an extent Pedro could, perhaps, not have been aware of. Many of the conspirators, among them the Duke of Braganza, escaped to Castile, and they convinced the young king Afonso V. that he, too, was threatened by Pedro, and that he would have to join them. While Pedro was consolidating his position in Portugal and condemning those traitors he could get his hands on, Afonso of Braganza, his young namesake liege and the rest of the conspirators managed to convince a delegation of the Castilian nobility, cofradia and hermandades leaders to prepare an invasion of Portugal with the aim to restore King Afonso V. to his throne and “prevent Portugal from falling into the hands of the heretic Reformers”.

Pedro, who had no such heretic leanings, assured his long-standing English allies and their Burgundian associates as well as the papal legate of his sincere Catholic and papalist convictions. While the former reassured him of the legality of his proceedings, but abstained from directly interfering in Iberian matters, Eugene`s papal legate was less conciliant and demanded to oversee the resolution of the dispute himself. Pedro politely declined, then he convened the Cortes once again. This time, a general levy would be on the agenda.

But the Castilian coalition, already mobilized and militarily active for more than half a decade now, acted faster. They invaded Portugal close to Badajoz, devastated Èvora, when the city would not give themselves in, and reached Lisbon before more than sparse local defenders could confront them. Lisbon, too, fell on October 13th, 1443. Pedro and many of his closest supporters escaped Northwards to Coimbra.

To be continued.
 
Good update, Salvador! :)
Juan of Segovia, the famous Conciliarist who had returned from Basle to spread the word of Reform on the peninsula, to death and had him burned at the stake.
I think having Juan of Segovia as a reformist enphasizes the catholic nature of the reformists, in comparison with OTL later reformists.
La vieja ley, the Old Law, was another slogan used by everyone in that period, from Catholics over Reformists to Hussites and the Orthodox, let alone Jews. Torquemada specified what this meant in the present circumstances, though: The Cortes were not there to decree new laws and create a ruckus, like the French états généraux were doing; their role was to make sure nobody else would overstretch their competences, either. The King was not to amass more and more power, like the Portuguese kings of the House of Aviz were doing, how René of Anjou had done in Naples, and how Charles VII of France had attempted, or how Erik was trying in Scandinavia. The nobility, while featuring importantly in his worldview, was not to depose kings, like the Catalans had done. Together with the clergy, its role was to guide and lead the population on the path of a society imbued with “fe”. The loyal, faithful commoners featured prominently in Torquemada`s worldview, too: they, too, should organize and form their own brotherhoods, but not in order to seek civil power for themselves or quarrel among themselves, like the Hussites did, but with the purpose to maintain order and defend “fe and la vieja ley”. It was Torquemada`s idea, too, to rebrand the Castilian “Hermandad General” as the new “Santa Hermandad”. In contrast to the Catalonian rabble-rousers, Torquemada emphasized, the Castilian Brotherhood was to be imbued with sanctity. It was not to overthrow the order, but to restore, maintain and perpetuate it.
I fear that this might lead to stagnation and decline later.

Castile`s Catholic coalition was not only a problem for Aragon. It became a danger for the fellow Catholic neighboring Kingdom of Portugal and the Algarve, too. In 1438, King Duarte I. had died of the plague. He was succeeded by his son, Afonso V., but because the latter was still minor, a regency government was installed, led by Duarte`s brother and Afonso`s uncle, Pedro .

Pedro continued the centralization policies of the two kings Duarte and João. He relied on the Cortes for a modernization of laws concerning commerce and trade, and to obtain funds for the institutions of education and the maritime expeditions which his brother Enrique patronized. He also used the regency council`s temporary function as supreme institution of appeal to discipline several large clerical landholders, who had blatantly abused their privileges and mistreated their tenants. And he returned to the Cortes again to obtain yet more funds for enlarging the royal guard, both in response to the dangerous situation in the rest of the peninsula, and to defend Ceuta. Overall, Pedro was immensely popular with the urban population, which had already affirmed their important role in the Revolution of 1383, as well as with both the lower gentry and the simple peasantry.
Having Prince Pedro is like having a jackpot, he was much better than Afonso V.
Where it reads Enrique, it should be Henrique.

The conspiracy comprehended Pedro
I think you meant apprehended.
 
Good update, Salvador! :)
Thanks! :)

I think having Juan of Segovia as a reformist enphasizes the catholic nature of the reformists, in comparison with OTL later reformists.
Theologically, you can really put it that way, in OTL`s terms. ITTL, "Catholic" will come to mean something different in the end, though, I think.

I fear that this might lead to stagnation and decline later.
That is a possibility. By now, it´s going to be something that defines a Castilian identity, more than it had ever existed before. And it´s going to bring forth a very different Castile from the one that we know (as most of "Spain") in the 16th century ff., if no major turnaround occurs.
Also, I´m not 100 % sure on stagnation and decline here. I`m thinking of how strong US emphasis on keeping their original constitutional design sometimes is, how little their constitution really developed, and yet they`re doing rather OK as a country overall. Torquemada is basically envisioning the Middle Ages to never end, although of course by that time, nobody would call it that way or even be able to think of it that way. It´s a lot of idealism and very underdetermined on the structural side, and I´m wondering how far the concepts can get streteched over time.

Having Prince Pedro is like having a jackpot, he was much better than Afonso V.
I can`t cripple all of Europe, can I? ;-) But Portugal is in some trouble now anyway, we`ll see how that goes.

Where it reads Enrique, it should be Henrique.
I think you meant apprehended.
Thanks for the corrections, much appreciated.
 
Just a very short update before Easter - happy holidays to everyone in advance!


Cont.:

The Northern parts of the Portuguese Kingdom were the strongholds of the anti-Pedro conspiracy. So, when Pedro gathered as many troops as he could in order to retake Lisbon and push the Castilian invaders out of the country, he was often doing so in an at least partly hostile terrain. Ultimately, Pedro was forced to confront the aristocratic rebels in a series of clashes, the last of which were concluded in the Serra da Estrela. All of them went well for Pedro, and by the beginning of 1444, his army marched for Lisbon.

In the Southern half of the Kingdom, where the Castilian invaders were letting off steam, the population of several cities had risen in revolt against the invaders in the meantime. Faced with plunder and violence on a scale never before encountered in their lifetime, the townfolk, loyal to Prince Pedro, had begun to pursue methods of guerilla warfare and formed secret irmandades.

These acts of sedition met with utmost cruelty from the Castilians, in whose eyes such deeds confirmed their suspicions about Portugal`s leanings towards heresy and a reversal of the natural social order. Caught rebels were tortured to death on public places by armed groups of men. Their typical appearance – white garments from the pointy hat down to the feet – became a loathed symbol of terror.

But Portuguese resistance would not be eradicated so easily, and so terror and counter-terror continued to haunt the once-peaceful and -prosperous lands of Europe`s utmost South-Western corner. So horrible were the tales of oppression that even Prince Henrique, Pedro`s inquiring, erudite and utterly un-militant brother, left his safe haven in Terçanabal with a few dozen followers, whose focus had previously also been on the sciences, seafaring, commerce and diplomacy instead of swordfighting or archery. Henrique and his men rode for Lisbon in December 1443, four week before Pedro reached the city with his strong army, in order to support the valiant subjects and citizens who resisted Castilian aggression with their meager means.

His mission, brave and chivalrous though it undoubtedly was, ended in utter tragedy. With every single one of his men – among them promising men like Afonso Gonçalves Baldaia, Nuno Tristão and Antão Gonçalves –, Henrique was slain by a much more numerous Castilian horde on December 24th, 1443, on Bloody Christmas Eve, as the day remained burned into the country`s consciousness.

When Pedro`s army arrived on January 17th, they found the country`s capital in chaos and despair. Their enemies, though, fled back Eastwards after a first decisive defeat. Behind them, they left yet another trail of destruction, just like they were used to doing for years in Aragon.

Pedro did not pursue them far. He did not want to get caught on unfavourable terrain and sacrifice his best knights and courageous commoners in a hopeless attack for the heart of Castilian power.

Instead, his army boarded ships and sailed for the North, where he knew of a particularly weak spot in Castile`s realm.

To be continued after Easter.
 
Top