Cont.:

The Hanseatic League leaped into action at this opportunity. A force of 300 men, primarily from towns along the Southern coast of the Baltic Sea, financed by Brabantian towns and endowed with weapons manufactured further South in Nürnberg, sailed to Bakailaoa and began to turn Harriguzki and a new town, Robbenstein, into forts. For the better part of three years, they conducted a punitive campaign against the Beothuk, which took them across much of the island, helping greatly in carthographying it. It thinned the native population out further, even though every third Hanseatic soldier died to Beothuk arrows, knives and spears, too. When the leader of the Hanseatic force, a certain Gustav Riemenschneider of Stettin, decided to end the campaign, the native population of the island had been further thinned out. Yet more Beothuk had fled in boats across the sea to the nearby mainland, of whose existence the Europeans learned at around this time, too, while a few native groups held out in remote regions of the inland.

Another frontal assault on a settlement like at Babesberri was excluded for the moment, but movement across the inland parts of the island would still not be entirely secure. The Hansa`s military presence would remain – especially since the heavy investment would have to pay off now.

In this regard, the persecution of the Beothuk had produced a great setback; now, there were no longer any furs to be obtained by trade from Bakailaoa. Turning into hunters themselves was unpractical, given the Europeans` individual backgrounds and skills and their limited knowledge of the place. What was needed, thus, were other, friendly natives.

They were found in the Illnuasch (Basque: Illnuatx). Living in a much larger territory, they showed much less internal coherence than the insular Beothuk had; thus, some Ilnuasch groups had maintained friendly relations to the Beothuk, offered their refugees asylum, and were hostile to the new arrivals, while others had had hostile relations to the Beothuk and were quite ready to co-operate with the Europeans and hunt furry animals on Bakailaoa, too, in addition to selling them furs from their own territories. The latter became official commercial partners of the Hansa, for whom Bakailaoa and nearby Nittassinan on the continent became their no. 1 source of furs, for which they mostly paid with all sorts of iron- and glassware and with beer, which, after a few failed attempts, the Germans were finally able to concoct and brew from what they could grow on Bakailaoa.

Although the Basque, and increasingly also the Breton and English, were more numerous in Bakailaoa`s villages, the Hanseatic Germans quickly assumed a hegemonial role thanks to their military background, and increasingly also due to their close relations with the Innuasch. For while the Basque refugees – and some of the fishermen who took up permanent residence on Bakailaoa, too – had mostly come with their families, the Hanseatic mercenaries were exclusively male. The fishermen had not enough daughters, by far, to meet these demands. And so it did not take long until the first mixed German-Innuasch marriages occurred – with the wives often having held important positions in their native communities, or being the daughters of such persons. These ties secured the Hanseatics` position of greater power vis-à-vis the other European settlers, as did the document in which Harriguzki`s and Babesberri`s surviving inhabitants had accepted the sovereignty of the Hanseatic League over the Island of Bakailaoa. (It was the first territory which the entire Hansa, not one or several of its member towns and not even one of its “quarters” held in common. The Hansa was not quite used to such a situation, which added to the near-total autonomy which their appointed governor enjoyed anyway because of the great geographical distance.)

As settlements and trans-Atlantic trade volumes slowly grew, though, Hanseatic control would not remain uncontested. When England consolidated politically under King Edward, attempts were made to wrestle the control at least over the fishing and whaling businesses, if not the fur trade, from the Hanseatic monopolists. This was no difficult task to achieve because Hanseatic trading privileges in England were still very important to the League, and the ongoing protection by English ships and access to English ports were vital if the Hanseats did not want to risk losing their hegemonial role in the North Sea like they had in the Baltic. Thus, a Hansetag in 1478 grudgingly accepted the exemption of all English subjects from the tolls and staple regulations which the League had begun to establish on Bakailaoa. (With Normandy, Brittany and Gascony all controlled by the English crown, this applied to a majority of non-German Bakailaoans by 1478, the large exception being only those Basques who were subjects of the King of Navarra.)

Increased English involvement in Bakailaoan trade attracted Scottish suspicion, of course. Robert IV., King of Scots and heir to William II., was the first Reformed monarch who involved his country in the affairs concerning the new lands in the far North-West. Attempting to profit from his country`s ideal geographic position for trans-Atlantic trade, he sent out missions to sail around Bakailaoa and see if any new islets could be claimed for Scotland without giving England, which served as one of the Hansa`s indirect protectors, another reason to invade Scotland. The voyage made by Arthur MacLeod in 1484 may not have been the first European discovery of the New Skye [2], but it established a Scottish claim to the otter-rich island, which would be corroborated by the foundation of a small fishing colony in the following years. It had to be fortified from the beginning, for the Innuasch, who also used to hunt otters there, were not exactly pleased by the Scottish presence. And so, throughout the 1490s, tensions began to grow between the Innuasch-Hanseatic-English faction on one side, and the few Scots, who were increasingly joined by fellow Reformist Norse especially from Hjaltland [3].

* * *

In comparison, Novgorodian explorations and expansions into the North-Eastern parts of the Vast North were much more uncontested. With their ships of the koch type, they possessed a unique nautic advantage in these ice-ridden waters. Throughout the 15th century, new Pomorsk outposts were established as far as Mangazeya. [4] What drove these expansions was primarily the struggle between the Novgorod Republic and the Khanate of Kazan. Pomors fulfilled a vital role in the Novgorodian-Kazan War of the 1460s, in which the Republic caught the self-proclaimed and Kazan-backed polity of "Great Perm" in a vice, its ushkuyniki launching two-pronged attack from the North and the West which crushed Permian resistance, forced the insubordinate natives back under the Novgorodian yoke, and reached deep into Kazan`s heartlands. Subsequently, Novgorodian outposts served the purpose to secure this control in the future. The reason why these barren Northern regions were important enough for Novgorod to break its alliance with Kazan, which had served the Republic well in previous wars with Lithuania [5], over it was not dissimilar from the reason which made the distant North-West attractive for the Hansa, the English and the Scots: an abundance in furs.

[2] Anticosti Island

[3] Shetland Islands

[4] IOTL, it was only established in 1600.

[5] More on that in one of the next updates.

The last updates focusing on specific countries / parts of the world in the second half of the 15th century are going to be 1) on Austria/Hungary/the Hussite core lands and 2) on Lithuania, the Eastern ex-Rus`, Novgorod, Kazan, the Ottomans and the question of what became of the Byzantines.
 
Well this is interesting.

So now we have the first European colonies in the New World. Let's see how many European nations will come to claim their stake in the Americas.
Now we have a few more. They`ll soon conceive of the new lands as much vaster. But their closest native connections and the mainland they`re dealing with now is to the North, in OTL´s Labrador, so the view of these new lands as part of a vast cold barren North may yet last a while. So far, no discoveries of moderate or even warm parts of America (for which there isn`t even a name yet), no gold, no silver, no civilizations. (Which is why I put North American colonization ostenatively into one update with Novgorodian expansion along the Arctic Sea.) As long as this doesn`t change, I think there won`t really be a "scramble for America", especially since the Great War has killed off enough people for there to be no population pressure in Europe well into mid-16th century.

Can't wait to see where you go with Lithuania.
:) There`ve been a few hints so far. The Grand Duke we`ll start with is going to have a different agenda than Svitrigaila...
 
Well this is interesting.

So now we have the first European colonies in the New World. Let's see how many European nations will come to claim their stake in the Americas.
I'm really hoping this leads to a much more diverse set of nations down the line in the New World. I'm rather upset we have such a limited amount IOTL :p
 
I'm really hoping this leads to a much more diverse set of nations down the line in the New World. I'm rather upset we have such a limited amount IOTL :p
Beside this being a preference of yours, would you say that the TL so far has provided more reasons than OTL to assume the plausibility of it?
 
Beside this being a preference of yours, would you say that the TL so far has provided more reasons than OTL to assume the plausibility of it?
Yeah, I feel like the fact that colonization is starting on an almost casual, private dimension first sort of gives me that feeling.
 
Yeah, I feel like the fact that colonization is starting on an almost casual, private dimension first sort of gives me that feeling.
True. I felt it should be more in continuity with how late medieval Explorations and colonisations elsewhere happened, from the novgorodian and Norse North over genoese and venetian possessions to portuguese establishments along africa's and asia's coasts. Neither are socio-political structures in TTL's colonising countries as centralised and proto-mercantilist as OTL's early 16th c. Spain; nor are the colonised societies thus far as centralised and exploitably wealthy as OTL's Aztecs and Incas. Bad weather only adds.

That doesn't say much yet about what TTL's 17th c. might look like or what happens once Europeans stumble upon mounds, pyramids, Gold and silver...
 
On @Augenis `s request, I´ve switched the order and start with Lithuania and the rest of Eastern Europe first. Here`s but the beginning (more will follow in a couple of days):


Eastern Europe 1440 - 1500

Lithuania`s Grand Duke Aleksandras Olelka was different in almost every respect from Švitrigaila, his predecessor. (Indeed, the grand-ducal character which Aleksandras at once admired and resented, and whose achievement he sought to surpass by reverting them, was Švitrigaila`s predecessor, Jogaila.)

Švitrigaila had been the pragmatic leader of a state which was not much more than an association of warriors who, when strictly necessary, also exerted the role of owners and nobles of various vast territories. He had neglected theological questions and the building-up of a bureaucracy. Instead, he had possessed a unique instinct for weakness among his neighbours, and he had led his followers into conquests of large new territories from the Teutonic and Livonian Orders. After the greatest defeat of his reign in the Muscovite Civil War, Švitrigaila had decided to stay out of the cabals of the former principalities of the Rus` in the East, and to focus on the West, on Central Europe, instead, where confessional divisions had weakened great powers.

Aleksandras, on the other hand, focused on efforts of state-building, and he had grown up and reigned as appanage prince in the Ruthenian East, as one of the many offsprings of marital alliances between members of the Gediminid dynasty and old Rus` nobility. He was a practicing Orthodox Christian. By 1439, this was no longer a problem in Lithuania, what with the confessional divisions in central Europe, the recent animosities with Poland, and Lithuania`s rather loose affiliation with the broader Reformist current, which at least in theory preached a dialogical approach towards other nations` customary ways of worshipping God.

But to Aleksandras, Orthodoxy was also a political agenda. In his efforts at building an efficient state apparatus, he relied on the Orthodox church and its educational institutions in the large Eastern part of the Empire a lot. Aleksandras entertained much less cordial relations to the Strigolnik-based city militias of Polotsk and a few other towns in the North. And in his attempts to rally the realm`s elites behind a new common agenda, now that the "adoption" of Lithuania`s most influential people into Polish noble families in the 1413 Union of Horodlo was generally seen as a big mistake which one should make forgotten as soon as possible, Aleksandras subscribed to the view that the Metropolit of Kiev had factually become, by now, the head of all Orthodoxy, and Lithuania the guardian state of the Eastern faith, the successor to Constantinople – a view heavily contested both at the Bosphorus, where the small fortified exclave still held out in the midst of Ottoman territory, and in Novgorod, whose Archbishops no longer accepted metropolitan authority ever since Lithuanian intervention had forced the transfer from Moscow back to Kiev.

A corollary to this – or maybe the main point of it? – was that Grand Duke Aleksandras of Lithuania not only saw himself, but was also viewed by a couple of petty Russian princes outside of Lithuania`s territory as the champion of the suppressed Orthodox people, the savior from the Tatar yoke. Lithuania had already colluded with the Ottomans in the breakup of the Golden Horde through the secession of the Khanate of the Crimea.

This would draw the Grand Duchy back into a protracted conflict. Around the middle of the 1440s, things began to escalate in the East again. A coalition of Russian principalities, led by Grand Prince Ivan Fyodorovich of Ryazan, refused to pay the tribute which the Grand Princes of Muscovy still collected for the Tatars, now for the new Khans in Kazan. They appealed to Aleksandras for assistance – and Aleksandras viewed it as his sacred duty to help.

For quite a while, the conflict remained on the diplomatic level, with both sides attempting to avoid a direct military confrontation. But in the end, the situation was too dangerous for Ulug Mehmet, the Khan of Kazan, who only held on to his power against various plots and conspiracies due to the memories of glory of his destruction of the Lithuanian party in Muscovy. Thus in the spring of 1449, the Lithuanian-Kazan war began with a swift Tatar campaign against Ryazan and the other insubordinate Russian principalities.

Even though the Lithuanians were prepared for such an attack, they still struggled for months to pin their enemies down and confront them – time in which the Russian principalities suffered terrible destructions and plunderings. When the armies of the Grand Duchy and the Khanate finally dueled near Murom, the Lithuanian victory was paid for dearly with a heavy blood toll. The marauding Tatars had been killed or chased away, but at the cost of thousands of dead Lithuanians and Russians.

Muscovy and Kazan now appealed to the Republic of Novgorod, for two decades Lithuania`s greatest rival in the former Rus`, for help – and Grand Duke Aleksandras activated his Ottoman and Crimean allies, turning the localized conflict into a major conflagration. In 1450, Ottoman, Lithuanian and Crimean forces moved up the Volga and devastated and plundered much of the Khanate before they were fought off in a failing siege of the capital. At the same time, a large Novgorodian army ravaged Lithuania`s Northern territories before a second Lithuanian army could be drawn together to fight them off only a hundred miles North of Vilnius.

As 1450 turned into 1451, Grand Duke Aleksandras was busy convincing petty Russian princes to accept his overlordship and contribute to a grand defensive scheme of modern fortifications and heavy artillery-based defense which he had devised for the protection of the Eastern Rus`. But then, Murad, Sultan of the Ottoman Empire and loyal ally of Aleksandras` s, died in Edirne, and his son, Mehmet, took the reigns.

To be continued.
 
Cont.:

Sultan Mehmet II. was a proud and ambitious young man. He disliked his father`s conciliatory style of leadership, which had treated many much weaker nations of infidels as equals.

Mehmet made peace with his namesake in Kazan and withdrew all Ottoman forces from the khanate`s territory – only to throw them into a campaign against Constantinople, the “apple”, the weak but once great city whose conquest would earn him glory beyond anything his father had achieved.

There was no particular casus belli; the Byzantines under their previous “Emperor” John VIII Palaiologos, and after 1448 under Constantine XI. Palaiologos, had been rather well-behaved during the past few years, not interfering in the Sultan`s business too much and contenting themselves, evidently, with what little they had in the Morea, in Trapezunt, Constantinople and a few Aegaean islands. The young Sultan simply demanded the cession of the last coastal Byzantine possessions in Thrace and a gesture of unconditional submission under his suzerainty which no Byzantine Emperor would have complied with.

When Constantine XI. predictably declined and politely asked for more favourable terms, Mehmet began his offensive in Thrace with the soldiers returning from the Volga, retaking the coastline from Varna Southwards which had already twice been conquered and ceded back to the Byzantines [1]. Marching South, Mehmet prepared the new attack on Constantinople by building a fort on the Western shore of the Bosphorus straits a few miles North of Constantinople [2] in 1452. Then, he demanded the surrender of the imperial city, and promised lenient terms.

Constantine XI. preferred not to trust the young sultan`s promises. He had only a very limited number of defenders and arms at his disposal, and virtually no resources to hire more. He begged with all major and minor European powers to support him in the defense of the imperial city and the last seat of a Christian Patriarch in the East against the Muslim onslaught.

From most European powers, he received declarations of sympathy and support, but not more. A ship or two with a few voluntaries and a handful of guns from Genoa and Venice, the two Christian rivals in the Mediterranean. Byzantine forces moved to the capital from the Morea [3] – not many altogether.

But one European leader was different. Lithuania`s Grand Duke Aleksandras. Aleksandras`s support for the defense of Constantinople was manifold and well-planned. And it had many motives. The grand duke himself would later portray it as acting upon his self-assumed duty as protector and guardian of Orthodox Christians. In all likelihood, that was the least important reason for his actions. He needed the Ottoman leadership back on his side – and he was sure that this was only possible if Sultan Mehmet was overthrown.

Also, Aleksandras now had forces to spare – ever since the Ottoman withdrawal, one Russian principality after the other, beginning with the Prince of Pronsk and ending with the Grand Prince of Tver`, jumped ship and returned to recognizing Kazan`s suzerainty. By 1452, Aleksandras realized that he had nothing to win in his campaign in the East, so he concluded a peace treaty with Khan Ulug Mehmet. Some of the military power which was freed he could throw to the Northern front against Novgorod, but the Republic had already withdrawn their forces from Lithuanian territory by the end of summer of 1452, satisfied with the result in the Eastern Rus´, which would not come under Lithuania`s influence.

To be continued.


[1] There`s been no crusade and Battle of Varna ITTL.

[2] Rumelihisan, basically.

[3] With no European offensive against the Ottomans, Constantine has stayed nicely and quietly in his Despotate until 1449; no Hexamillion Wall, no conquest of Athens. Basically, in 1452/3 the situation of the Morea is still that of 1440.
 
Cont:

But the first aid to reach Constantinople are two large Genoese ships with 700 mercenaries and a number of modern cannons in January 1453. Constantine XI., grateful and desperate, makes their condottiere Giancarlo Forlani responsible for the defense of the entire land-facing walls.

And these walls face a threat like none they had withstood before. The Great War of Europe has brought forth fast and massive advances in the engineering of heavy artillery. While Constantinople, unaffected by this conflict, has almost neglected these advances, the cannons arrived from Genoa being their strongest, Sultan Mehmet II. hires several of these European engineers. They forge cannons for him, so large that a man can almost climb into them, and others with a length of four meter. They shoot their granite balls for almost a mile through the air, and on their impact they throw up large craters. The sultan is excited about this new technology and has a whole corps of conscripted farmers drag them overland to the walls of Constantinople on oxen-carts in the spring of 1453.

In early April of 1453, Constantinople`s inhabitants watch with terror as the 21-year old sultan marches a mighty army to the gates of their city: janissaries, sipahi, ordinary Anatolian regiments, in addition to Christian auxiliaries, often forcefully pressed into service; cannoniers, armourers, military police – all in all almost 100,000 men under arms.

By that point, Mehmet II. has secured his control over Constantinople`s hinterland. Only 400 meters from the city walls, an enormous town of tents is erected. The Ottoman Army is perfectly organized. Flags mark the positions of the various contingents. Muezzins call the faithful fighters to the daily prayers. Mehmet`s army is ready. The siege of Constantinople begins.

Constantine XI. only has 8,000 defenders at his disposition. He and Forlani decide to man only the outer land wall entirely and to blockade the Golden Horn with a row of ten huge Italian trade vessels and a number of smaller galleys. Further to the East and South, they rely on the treacherous currents of the Marmara Sea. The walls facing the sea are manned only sparsely. The defenders are sure that the fate of the city will be decided on the land wall.

On April 12th, 1453, the frightening roar of canons, which can be heard over many miles, signals the beginning of the artillery attack on Constantinople. The white limestone of the outer perimeter is pulverized by the force of the enormous granite projectiles. Soon, even the enforcing volcanic stone begins to crack. Canonballs fly over the wall into the city, where they destroy buildings and kill civilians. Constantinople´s inhabitants are running around on the city´s streets frantically, trying to find shelter. Women are fainting. Hundreds of people flock to the churches in order to pray for their salvation.

But the attackers have problems, too. The heat and the pressure of the explosions create fissures in the guns` bodies. The canoniers are pouring warm oil over their weapons in order to prevent their breaking, but soon, the largest canons break and have to be held together provisionally with iron rings.

Also, the defenders are able to fill the gaps in the wall time after time. Under Forlani`s supervision, they drive large wooden posts into the breeches, then pour stones, wood, twigs, bushes, and tons of loose soil into them until they are covered. On top of the wall, soil-filled barrels are positioned. The provisional solution proves surprisingly resilient: The cannonballs penetrate the soft soil, but they can`t tear apart the whole construction in the process.

At the opposite corner of the city, the Ottomans are rowing over a hundred war galleys to the Golden Horn. They try to break through the defensive chain, which would force Constantine to man the sea walls, too, which would detract men from the defense of the land wall. The Ottoman sailors are shooting at the Italian ships with smaller guns, with crossbows and even with burning arrows, and they`re approaching them closely, trying to engage the defenders in close combat.

But the much larger Italian ships are at an advantage. With winches, the experienced Italian seamen are dropping large stone boulders onto the fragile hulls of the galleys. The small Ottoman galley canons, on the other hand, fail to penetrate the thicker Italian hulls. Around noon, the commander of the Ottoman ships decides to retreat.

On April 18th, Sultan Mehmet orders the first assault on a destroyed part of the land wall. But thanks to the untiring repair works, the breech is not large enough for the numerical Ottoman superiority to truly play out. Where man is fighting against man, the heavier Byzantine armour offers supreme protection, and even from the dilapidated wall, they are still in a superior position against the attackers who have to fight an uphill battle.

Mehmet is forced to stop and retreat. The next morning reveals a battleground covered in mutilated corpses, smouldering fires, and abandoned battering rams. In the city, the defenders are beginning to hope again.

And only two days later, their hopes are strengthened by another event. On the morning of April 20th, the guards on the sea wall are spotting the sails of four large ships in the Marmara Sea. Three of them are Venetian, their crew and cargo hired and sent by the Habsburg Archsteward Friedrich. At least the person who comes closest to being a successor to the Holy Roman Emperor has taken pity on the Byzantines. A fourth vessel, a Byzantine cargo ship which had acquired grain in Sicily, had joined the convoy.

Mehmet, irritated by the recent setbacks, orders his fleet captains “not to return”, i.e. either to capture the inimical ships, or die in the attempt.

In the early afternoon – the four ships have reached the South-Easterly tip of Constantinople –, the Ottomans attack. With a hundred galleys, they encircle the enemies` four ships. But the Ottomans cannot stop the considerably larger vessels. The four ships have almost reached the Golden Horn, and safety, when, all of a sudden, the strong Southerly winds subside.

Under the eyes of Constantinople`s defenders, who stand closely packed on the sea wall, an hour-long battle ensues now, in which the smaller Ottoman galleys encircle the larger ships. With axes, the defenders are cutting off heads or hands of Ottomans who climb up their ships` hulls; they extinguish the fires lit by countless burning arrows with water from their barrels; and they pour “Greek fire” on the galleys.

In the battle, the Ottomans are obstructing each other because their ships come so close that their oars cant. From the shore, the sultan shouts orders, threats and exhortations at his men. In his excitement, he rides his horse so far into the sea that it swallows water.

But then, without a warning, the Southerly winds resurge. The huge sails of the Venetians swell, their ships gather way, they break through the chain of galleys. When they enter the Golden Horn – the Byzantine defensive line of ships is opened for a short moment –, the church bells in the beleaguered city ring, and on the walls, the defenders jubilate.

Mehmet demotes the admiral and punishes him with a hundred whiplashes. His possessions are divided among the janissaries. His advisors are struggling to keep the sultan from executing his commander on the spot.

While defenders and attackers focused their attention on the sea South of the Golden Horn, another convoy arrives from the North. Its arrival puzzles both sides: Genoese galleys from the Crimea, full of Crimean Tatars and Lithuanian guns. The officers at the Ottoman checkpoint Rumelihisan were not expecting such an arrival. They send word to the sultan a few miles to the South – but in the midst of the fight on the Golden Horn, the news somehow gets lost. Either way, no news travel back to Rumelihisan, where the Crimean captains impress the Ottomans of the utmost importance of their quick and timely arrival, waving letters with (carefully forged) signatures of Sultan Mehmet in front of their eyes. And so the commanding officer at Rumelihisan decides to let the ships pass. The Lithuanians and the Crimean Tatars are their allies, aren`t they? Maybe they had no other ships and therefore they had to rely on the Genoese?

When the sultan ultimately hears about these ships, they have already fulfilled the first of their two missions. Now, they ostensibly join the Ottoman navy which Mehmet has his army carry overland into the Bosphorus.

For the defenders, the situation has worsened fast and dramatically. Now, a mixed Ottoman fleet, including large ships, lies only a mile North of the city. The Golden Horn, previously the city`s safest flank, has become a permanent danger now. And in the narrow straits, Mehmet can protect his galleys by canons from the North, so that Byzantine ships cannot attack them.

Now, the defenders have to fear Ottoman attacks from the North by day and by night, too. Constantine is forced to withdraw men from the land wall and enhance the defenses of the Golden Horn.

In the last days of April, the situation at the land wall has deteriorated dramatically, too. After two weeks of heavy bombardment, the outer defensive perimeter barely holds together. The defenders are permanently forced to reinforce the earthwork, and, in the pauses between artillery attacks, to clean the moat of all the rubble. And Mehmet has his men run one needle-prick attack after another in order to wear down the soldiers on the wall and to test if they are still able to fight at all.

And indeed, Constantine`s men are exhausted and starving. As April turns into May, the city`s food reserves are running out. Many soldiers have to leave their positions in order to rummage the city for food for their families.

And still, the defenders are holding out against back-breaking Ottoman superiority. On May 7th, they are fighting back a major attack on a very dilapidated middle portion of the wall in a three hour-long carnage. They destroy the tunnels, which Serbian miners have dug for Mehmet into the rocky ground on which Constantinople stands, in order to enter the city subterraneously. Over the next days, the defenders are positioning buckets and bowls full of water on the war: whenever the surface of the water creases, they know that someone is digging below.

The daily fights over the ducts are cruel. Discovered miners die in Greek fire; they suffocate when the defenders smoke out the tunnels; they drown, when the tunnels are flooded. When miners get caught, the defenders torture them until they give away the positions of other subterraneous ducts. Then, they`re beheaded. Mehmet orders the digging of 14 tunnels before May 25th. The defenders destroy each and every one of them.

Even an attempt to storm the city with improvised siege towers fails. The wooden towers of the Ottomans are impressively high, but the Christian defenders are able to set them on fire which causes them to collapse.

The siege is about to fail. Over and over again, the Ottomans are forced to pile up the corpses of their deceased and burn them in order to prevent diseases. Their tent town is so huge that tons of faeces are being produced every day. Even with a perfect organization, the risk of an epidemic rises with the summerly temperatures.

On May 26th, Sultan Mehmet calls his advisors into a council of war. Grand Vizier Halil rises to speak: He warns of the dissatisfaction among the soldiers. He recommends to the sultan to demand a high tribute from the Byzantines and to withdraw. “You can increase your power better through peace than through this war”, he pleads.

But the generals opt for a last major attack. The defenders are totally exhausted, the superiority of their own troops would have to bring victory. At the end of the gathering, Mehmet orders his first in command: “Prepare the army for the fight!”

The Ottoman plan is simple: They want to attack in wave after wave, overwhelming the enemy with their sheer numbers. But there`s also no doubt that if this assault fails, the siege has ultimately failed.

On the evening of May 28th, one day before the battle, Mehmet speaks to his men: “Rejoice, children of Muhammad! For tomorrow, we will have so many Christians in our hands whom we can sell, and we will gain so many riches that we shall be all gilded over.”

On the city`s walls, the defenders hear the jubilations and the loud prayers. For 53 days, they have defied the Ottomans. They have suffered the heaviest bombardment of their times in their region – over 5000 shots from some of the largest canons built so far. They withstood assaults, destroyed tunnels and siege towers, they killed thousands of Ottomans. They are tired and hungry; of the 8000 men, only about 4000 are still able to fight.

Now, they take their positions on the outer wall. Eighteen meters behind them, the gates of the second wall close. Either the defenders hold their positions. Or they all die.

A few minutes past midnight on May 29th. With horns, drums and cymbles, the Ottomans have given the signal to attack. Christian soldiers, pressed into service, and hired adventurers compose the first waves of attack. They are poorly organized and insufficiently equipped. But Mehmet uses them to wear down the defenders. Behind them, he has positioned military policemen, who drive them forward with whips and clubs. Behind the military policemen, janissaries are positioned, who cut down every single soldier who attempts to flee. For two hours, the fighters are dying at the wall; only then Mehmet allows the survivors to retreat.

In the next wave of attack, Anatolian regiments join the battle: well-equipped infanterists, and ardent muslims. Inspired by the ambition to conquer the Christian city, they plunge into the battle; they burn alive when boiling oil is poured down upon them; they are crushed by rocks hurled down on them from above. One Christian chronicler notes: “O they were admirable, these beasts, their army was crushed, but, with unrelenting valour, they still pushed forward!” The Anatolians are climbing over their dead comrades in wave after wave of assaults. Only in the early hours of the morning, they retreat. The defenders have fought for five hours now.

The first two waves of Ottoman assaults have remained without major impact. Unrest simmers in the Ottoman camp. Hectically, messages are exchanged. Positions are moved. Mehmet, aghast at the unbroken Byzantine fighting power, has only one last ace up his sleeve: his elite corps. One hour before sunrise, the Sultan personally leads his 5000 janissaries towards the wall.

When even his best soldiers seem to fail to overwhelm the defenders, after about twenty minutes, as the assailing janissary forces appear to begin to abate, a crowd in red and green joins them with loud cheers and battle cries. Tatars from the Crimean Horde, who had arrived on the ships from the North, pour in from the back, mingle with rotating janissaries.

And then, all of a sudden, chaos breaks out. The Sultan is dead – apparently killed by Crimean Tatars, who had been able to penetrate deep into the sultan`s personal human shields before they were asked what they were doing, at which point they began to slash at the janissaries who defended the sultan and, ultimately, struck down Mehmet II., too.

The chaos does not last long. After two, maybe only three minutes – Constantinople`s defenders on the wall may not even have noticed just what had happened down below – a group of generals and the Grand Vizier Çandarlı II. Halil Pasha has gathered and taken a quick decision. Horns are blown again – this time signalling retreat.

When they realise that the Ottomans are not only stopping this day`s assault, but dismantling their tent town and withdrawing from Constantinople altogether, the city`s inhabitants shout and pray and cry with joy and relief. Once again, their eternal city has withstood the onslaught of an incredibly superior enemy. Once again, they have been saved. Church bells ring again, and they are repeatedly rung for days, as the Ottoman sea blockade is lifted and ships reach the city with grain, oil, and wine.

In the decapitated Ottoman state, Grand Vizier Halil is the most important man in the next hours and days – and in all likelihood, he had already been in on the assassination plan for quite a while. Halil had not only been opposed to the attack on Constantinople long before it began – he had opposed Mehmet`s entire policy change, away from coalitions and towards a more aggressive stance. Grand Vizier Halil was, we can say with considerably certainty, Aleksandras` s man at the Bosphorus.

Officially, Halil bemourns Mehmet`s death. But he spares the bulk of the Crimeans, having only half a dozen of them condemned and executed for the assassination, and speaking of “the betrayal of a small band of evil men”. And the policies which he has the Diwan adopt – with Mehmet`s eldest son and successor, Bayezid II., being only six years old, the Diwan is the most important institution holding the Ottoman Empire together now – clearly show his signature and belie any claims that Halil and the majority of the Crimeans wanted the siege to succeed, while Aleksandras, who had commissioned the Genoese ships and had them ostensibly deliver a few guns to Constantinople`s defenders, had had the rescue of Constantinople as his priority. In truth, Aleksandras, Halil and the Crimeans cared little about Constantinople, but they wanted to restore the alliance between their states which Sultan Mehmet had severed.

Now, after the siege had failed, Lithuania`s Grand Duke Aleksandras did not undertake any efforts to help the Byzantines to recover – and Constantine XI., apparently intoxicated by the successful defense, did not seek any such alliance, either, pursuing the hopeless strategy of maintaining and restoring an independent Byzantine power, around Constantinople, in the Morea, on various islands and in Trapezunt.

Instead, Aleksandras and Grand Vizier Halil agreed on a joint operation only one year after they had nominally been war enemies at the gates of Constantinople: The Austrian Archsteward and Hungarian King Friedrich / Frigyes of Habsburg had previously attempted to seize the opportunity of the Ottoman focus on Constantinople to regain ground in Panonia. In 1454, Lithuanians and Ottomans were, once again, fighting side by side, and successfully, against an Austrian army, which showed surprising strength and took great efforts to beat back.



To be continued.

For this installment, I must admit to having stolen some intellectual property… it is, except for the alterations I´ve undertaken, a translation of Johannes Schneider`s “Entscheidung am Bosporus” (GEO EPOCHE 56/2012, S. 38-44) which describes OTL`s Siege of Constantinople, which I´ve decided, committing butterfly genocide, to change only where there were strict causal relations with alterations of the political situation.
 
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After the 1454 campaign against the Habsburgs, the Ottoman regency period of Grand Vizier Halil saw a revival of its old vassalage and client policies. Previous Ottoman sultans before Mehmet II., especially Murad II., had built a cordon sanitaire of dependent buffer states around their empire: Wallachia, Transilvania, Bosnia, Albania, and Athens in the West; and a number of Anatolian beyliks in the East. With the Principality of Moldavia and the Khanate of the Crimea, two buffer states had officially acknowledged the suzerainty both of the Ottoman Empire and of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In each of these client states, pro-Ottoman rulers were threatened whenever the empire turned away its attention for too long. Mehmet`s short reign had been such a threat to the convenient policy of indirect exercise of power through proxies. The Grand Vizier undertook to change this and sort out the mess he saw himself faced with.

Halil had only a short window of opportunity at his hands in which he could pursue a concerted Ottoman foreign policy. The janissaries were not happy with serving a child sultan, which meant that they were politically marginalized for the moment. Various self-declared uncles and half-brothers of Mehmet popped up and sought support for their bids for the throne. For a few years, the momentum of the failure at Constantinople, of the fact that Halil had been right from the beginning and his rivals had been wrong, carried his regency government. This momentum had to be seized before either civil war broke out or an immature boy would be forced to take over the reins.

The Ottoman Empire had three major enemies: Hungary in the North-West, Persia in the East and the Mamluks in the South. These rivals needed to be weakened, and the buffer states between the Ottomans and them had to be kept out of these rivals` spheres of influence. Halil and his network of “moderates” actually achieved a lot in this domain.

In the Kingdom of Bosnia, long-lasting strife between strong aristocratic factions had carried confessional overtones even long before the rest of the continent plunged into its War of Confessions. Aided by the Ottoman Sultan Murad II., the two mighty noblemen Stjepan Vukčić Kosača and Radislav Pavlović managed to install Radivoj Ostojić, who supported the independent Bosnian Church, as King of Bosnia, against Stjepan Tvrtko II., who had been supported by the Hrvatinić family, by the successive Hungarian kings Sigismund and Frigyes, the Dragoners, and the Republic of Venice. This happened two times: in 1432 and, once again, in 1443.

After Hungary`s defeat in the Battle of Nagyvárad and Tvrtko`s death, the Catholic (Hungarian, Venetian) party in Bosnia was in retreat, and King Radivoj would regain not only Srebrenica for the royal demesne, but also capture significant portions of the vast Hrvantinić possessions in the West. He never managed to capture and kill his principal opponents, though, and so resistance to Radivoj`s rule continued throughout the 1440s.

When Sultan Murad II. died and Mehmet succeeded him for the brief period of two years, the latter neglected his Bosnian ally Radivoj. He withdrew Ottoman troops, which were vital to Radivoj`s security, from nearby Southern Serbia except for a bare minimum, in order to throw them against Constantinople in 1453. During this time, King Radivoj joined the arc of the Reformed Churches in 1451 in order to garner additional support against his Catholic enemies. But this did not help him much in the short run. In spite of a bit of help received from Transilvanian Reformers, Radivoj`s internal enemies seized the opportunity for a Habsburg- and Venice-backed revolt which brought Stjepan Tomaš, Radivoy`s pliant younger brother, on the throne.

Thus, in 1454 and 1455, it was the primary aim of Halil`s diplomacy to bring Radivoj and his pro-Ottoman, pro-Bosnian Church party back into power. He succeeded, but only due to the deployment of one of the most capable Ottoman governors and commanders in the region, Iskender Bey, whose army decided this round of the Bosnian Civil War for their side for the time being.

In his pursuit of Ottoman imperial interests, Halil did not shy away from acting against the interests of his Lithuanian ally Aleksandras, too, if necessary. This was the case in Moldova. The principality, founded as a Hungarian outpost and then broken away from the Kingdom in the 14th century, had leaned on Poland in the first decades of the 15th century to assert their independence from Hungary. After the death of voievod Alexandru the Good in 1432, long internecine struggles ensued, in which different factions of boyars (their members occasionally switching sides) appealed to Dragoner/Hungarian, Polish, Ottoman and later also Lithuanian assistance in order to prevail over their adversaries. In this way, the Cronica Moldovenească counts no less than seventeen different voievodships by eleven different voievods between 1432 and 1443. From then on, voievod Alexăndrel, Alexandru`s grand-son, reigned for eight years with Ottoman support, which he obtained in exchange for ceding the commercially as well as militarily important port town of Chilia to the Turks.

With Murad`s death and Mehmet`s ascension, who neglected the alliance with Moldova, too, Alexăndrel`s position was immediately threatened. With Hungary weakened, and Lithuania`s Grand Duke Aleksandras pursuing pro-Orthodox policies, a group of rivalling boyars conspired to overthrow Alexăndrel with Lithuanian help and replace him with Petru, who as voievod would favour Lithuanian commercial interests in the region (over Ottoman ones) in the autumn of 1451. Alexăndrel was able to flee to the still solidly pro-Ottoman Wallachia.

After Mehmet`s death in the failed siege of Constantinople, Grand Vizier Halil undertook efforts to piece back together the Moldavian coalition in support of Alexăndrel and had the Ottoman governor of the Dobrugea advance on Moldavia in order to support Alexăndrel`s coalition in their coup against Petru. Together, they succeeded in restoring the voievodship to Alexăndrel in September 1455. Nevertheless, even with only limited Lithuanian involvement, Petru`s supporters were able to withdraw into the mountainous North-West of Moldova. And yet more trouble was brewing in this Principality…

But in 1456, the Ottoman regency government decided to turn its attention Eastwards for the time being. In Anatolia and on the Crimea, a dangerous coalition had formed over the past few years, consisting of Ismail Bey of the Isfendiyarids, Uzun Hassan, Sultan of the White Sheep Turkomans, Ioannes Megas Kommenos IV. of Trapezunt, Olubei, Lord of Theodoro, and the small beylik of Bafra. The secret coalition became known when, in 1456, the allies began concerted offensives in the North and the South. In the South, Uzun Hassan assisted Ishak of Karaman, son of Ibrahim, the Ottoman-loyalist Karamanid bey, in a coup against his father, which would bring the Karamanid beylik into the anti-Ottoman fold. In the North, Ismail, having secured peace on his Eastern border, threw all his forces into an offensive aimed at reconquering territories in the West which had been lost to the Ottomans under Sultan Murad II. Across the Black Sea, the Crimean Goths of Theodoro attacked the Genoese citadel at Yamboli – Genoa was allied with the Ottomans at this point in time. They attempted to regain control over the Southern coast of the Crimea from the Genoese. Their offensive was massively aided by a few Trapezuntines and a lot of Italian mercenaries on Venetian ships – Venice, which was hostile to the Ottomans, attempted to get a foothold on the Genoese-controlled Southern Crimea, too.

Challenged on so many fronts, the Ottomans were only able to push back because they could rely on some of their allies and temporarily bring new ones into the fold. The Diwan, led by the Grand Vizier, decided to concentrate its main military effort on the beylik of Karaman. Here, they sent 20,000 soldiers of their Anatolian regiments, who could be deployed quickly. After another one of Halil`s diplomatic coups, they were soon joined by a similarly large number of Mamluks, who were interested in the annexation of Çukurova, in the siege of Konya. When Ottomans and Mamluks triumphed in open battle over the Aq Qoyunlu who sought to relieve the Karamanid capital, and Konya fell after four weeks, Ottomans and Mamluks divided the Karamanid beylik among them as negotiated. The larger Western part was turned into an Ottoman eyalet.

From Konya on, the tide had turned, and the coalition soon began to fall apart. In Sinop, Ismail fell victim to a coup which brought his brother Ahmet “the red” into power. Ahmet immediately ordered a withdrawal from the territories in the West, sent a letter to Edirne in which he expressed his regret vis-à-vis the violation of Ottoman territory and property, and asked for forgiveness. The Grand Vizier, who had plotted to make Ahmet bey, wisely provided lenient terms.

In the Crimean theatre, though, the Ottomans had to rely on the Genoese to fend for themselves. Ottoman artillery shot from Rumelihisan, which Constantine XI. still had not attempted to take back, at Venetian ships which attempted to cross the Bosphorus, though, while letting Genoese ships pass.

Venice, fearing a heavier and heavier imbalance of naval power in the Black Sea against them, chose attack as their best defense. In the Sea Battle of the Dardanelles, the largest fleet Venice was able to gather, including help from the Johannites of Rhodes and even pirate ships from the Duchy of Naxos, attacked the large Genoese ships which were sailing for the Bosphorus and on to the Crimea. While numerically at an advantage, their lack of cohesion caused the Venice-led coalition to miss important opportunities, thus allowing the Genoese to break free from the encircling and make their way on to the Bosphorus with greater Venetian than Genoese losses. While by no means a fatal blow to Venice`s Mediterranean sea power, the Dardanelles nevertheless established a clear Genoese hegemony on both seas over the next decade.

In the Black Sea, this meant that the relief for Yamboli came through without hindrance. Soon, the citadel was taken back from the Crimean Goths, and a sack and an annexation of Doros was avoided only by the payment of a crippling sum of reparations.

By the end of 1456, the regency government had improved the Ottoman position after the disaster at the gates of Constantinople dramatically: Bosnia and Moldova had been brought back into the Ottoman orbit, and Wallachia was kept firmly there. The Karamanids were defeated, the Isfendyarids emasculated once again, and the Aq Qoyunlu weakened, too. As a crowning jewel in this chain of victories, the Ottoman general and sanjakbey Gedik Ahmet Pasha was dispatched against Trapzeunt, landing there with a force of over 40,000 men. The capital of this Easternmost Byzantine state only withstood the siege for five days before their walls were overcome and the city sacked. John IV. died in the defense of Trapezunt. He would be remembered as the last “Emperor of Trapzeunt”; his small state being transformed, together with the beylik of Bafra, which was also conquered and dissolved, into the Ottoman eyalet of Trabosan.

But then, the window of opportunity closed. In the absence of an active sultan, both the Western and the Eastern campaigns had brought great fame to their leading generals, Iskender and Gedik Ahmet. Both men had also learned from the example of Halil – the man who stood in the way of their further ambitions – that one could exert an incredible amount of power within the Ottoman state without having the blood of Osman running through one`s veins.

In 1457, both men would try their luck, one closely followed by the other.

To be continued.
 
Since my update intervals are rather long these days, people may have forgotten background info in the meantime. Thus, a few short comments on my reasonings behind the latest goings-on and their connections to the Hussite core of the ATL:
1) Given the confessional divisions in central Europe ITTL, Catholicism has much less of a pull factor for the Lithuanian leadership. They`re nominally in the Reform camp even, but that, too, is mere strategy and doesn`t have much of a relation to what`s happening on the ground, except maybe for fringe movements like the Strigolniki, with whom even favourable Grand Dukes like Svitrigaila had an ambivalent relation naturally. That`s why I found it plausible for Olelka to give Lithuania a more Orthodox outlook. As such, and with all the opportunistic gains of the recent decades, it was to be expected that Lithuania intervene in some form in the fate of Constantinople and in the Balkans.
2) IOTL, the Bosnian Church was in retreat in the 15th century, yet the question of whether one supported the confession of the rapacious Venetians and Hungarians or stuck with one`s own fringe variety was still drawn upon in the aristocratic rivalries of OTL´s Bosnia. ITTL, the Reform-aligned Bosnian Church is bound to have more faith in its future, so the confessional overtones are likely to be stronger. Other than that, most things are close to OTL, except that Hungary is weaker after Nágyvarad ITTL.
3) Hungary`s influence in Moldova is bound to be weaker than IOTL because Hungary got beaten to a pulp earlier by the Ottomans and Lithuanians and Hussites. Thus, no Stephen the Great later in Moldova, and no Vlad Dracul`s reign in Wallachia. After the Blood Night of Buda, Poland enters a phase of difficulties and weakness, while a more Orthodox Lithuania is, of course, an excellent (but also dangerously strong) neighbour for the Orthodox Vlachian / Romanian elites of Moldova.
4) Murat`s Anatolian policies had been mostly of a marital nature. Young Mehmet was different and much more aggressive. IOTL, he later grew up to be one of the better sultans, but ITTL, because of the intervention which stabbed him in the back, he has no chance for that, and so the Anatolian beyliks are somewhat feeling more insecure.
5) John IV Megas Kommenos was rabidly anti-Genoese. With Constantinople fallen and Mehmet taking a more self-confident political look on things IOTL, Genoa was on the defense and decline in the Black Sea, though. ITTL, it`s still going strong, especially with all the resources it has at its disposal because of its opportunistic gains in the Western Mediterranean. The Principality of Theodoro was nominally still a vassal of Trapzeunt / Trebizond, which is why I brought them into the picture, too, especially since they were sandwiched between the pro-Ottoman Crimean Tatars and the pro-Ottoman Genoese.

In my next very short update, I´ll issue another poll because I´m utterly at a loss as to how to let events proceed in the Ottoman Empire ;-)
 
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Both Iskender [1], the victor at Nágyvarad and recently again in Bosnia, and Gedik Ahmet, who had triumphed in Karaman and Trapezunt, had recently acquired great fame as military commanders of armies in a time when the office of the sultan was practically absent. Both Iskender and Gedik Ahmet came to be called by the new epithet beylerbey (“lord of lords”). Both men detested and admired Grand Vizier Halil at the same time. And both men feared each other – feared that the other would remove them as a dangerous rival in the ploys they suspected each other of (because they harboured such plans themselves).

Iskender was the first to make a move early in 1457. He extended feelers to the Palaiologian rump state and managed the transfer of Prince Orhan, Bayezid`s uncle, from Byzantine into his custody. (The rulers of Constantinople had hoped for such a moment of inner-Ottoman disruption for quite a while.) Iskender marched his powerful Danubian army, 40,000 strong with many sipahi cavalry among them, to Edirne, at whose gates they met Orhan, the contender who had a powerful army at his disposal now.

The Ottoman capital was taken with relatively little bloodshed on May 2nd, 1457. The janissary corps, nominally the sultan`s personal slaves, was not too unhappy with the turn of events, so very few of them put up any resistance, while other leaders were already negotiated the corps` role under a new Sultan Orhan. The young sultan Bayezid, former Grand Vizier Halil and a number of military leaders and eunuchs who had been most closely associated with the former fled Edirne, allegedly minutes before they would have been captured. A new diwan would acknowledge Orhan`s rule, while Iskender assumed the position of Grand Vizier.

But the new men in power, who based themselves on their networks in the Western half of the Ottoman Empire, would not have a quiet and uncontested reign. By June 1457, Gedik Ahmet reacted to the news which had reached him. Nominally with the mere aim of restoring Bayezid to his birthright, he gathered an Anatolian army of some 50,000 men, and marched to the West. Gathering this army was easy enough for him – the legitimacy of his goals and his personal fame both helped, and so did sly slanders of Iskender, the Illyrian crypto-Christian who must not be trusted. Also, as events were turning into a civil war, it was clear that many timars would become free and available in the future… a factor which motivated both sides. On their way, they met with Bayezid and Halil, whose former positions Gedik Ahmet nominally fully acknowledged, while he himself remained in sole military control of his forces. On July 11th, their army crossed the Bosphorus on pontoon bridges, and from there to Edirne, at whose walls the two armies would clash on July 19th.


Who shall prevail? Do we…

A) get to see alt-Skanderbeg as the triumphant shadow leader of the Ottoman Empire or

B) witness his downfall, a backlash against those who supported the usurpers which puts today`s Recep Tayyip Erdogan to shame, and the rise to new heights of this young man, who then won`t become merely a leader of the Ottoman navy?

Please participate in the poll, which closes on Wednesday!

(1) Gjergj Kastrioti, the guy OTL knows as Skanderbeg, remember?
 
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While Iskender`s and Gedik Ahmet`s armies were numerically of equal strength, their composition greatly differed. Gedik Ahmet`s Anatolian regiments consisted of the traditional Akıncı light cavalry and Azap light infantry, with only a limited number of Sipahis. Iskender`s army, on the other hand, had already been a mixture predominantly of heavily armed Sipahis, somewhat lighter Cebeli cavalry, and Christian Voynuk auxiliaries. Since the conquest of Edirne, the elite janissary corps had joined Iskender`s service, too.

Both armies engaged each other head-on. Both generals sent their least experienced infantry against the other in a first wave of attack, which, as usual, claimed high death tolls on both sides. When the first assailants were utterly spent, cavalry rode into the chaos, soon engaging their counterparts in a battle which, to an observer from one of the participant countries in the Great War, would have seemed weirdly atavistic. Horse against horse, Gedik Ahmet`s forces proved more mobile and, each time they had come under pressure, dispersed and formed anew, but Iskender`s sipahis were better equipped and more often than not prevailed in close combat. Even though Iskender`s forces were less mobile, Gedik Ahmet was unable to break through his enemy`s centre, where Orhan the Usurper had assumed his position surrounded, as was custom, by his janissaries.

After hours of exhausting fights under the burning sun of summer, Gedik Ahmet was forced to retreat, his army battered but not crushed. Iskender`s relative victory, which had cost him dearly, too, was not a decisive one. His opponent was able to move back across the Bosphorus – and Iskender did not dare pursue him there without clear numerical superiority and in an environment which was unerringly loyal to the young Sultan Bayezid. A stalemate was reached.

From 1457 to 1460, the Ottoman Empire was factually partitioned in a Western, Rumelian Empire led by Sultan Orhan and his Grand Vizier Iskender, and an Eastern, Anatolian Empire led by Sultan Bayezid, who established his provisional court in Bursa, and his general Gedik Ahmet Pasha. While both sides sought foreign recognition of the legitimacy of their rule and, if possible, support (Iskender and Orhan from the rump Byzantine Empire, from a number of vassal states along the Danube and in the Balkans, and from the Khanate of the Crimea, Gedik Ahmet and Bayezid from the Mamluks, the Qara Qoyunlu and the last remaining independent Anatolian beylik of Dulkadir, as well as from Lithuania), they also had to deal with internal turmoil and revolts, often sponsored by their rival. Especially Gedik Ahmet sought to undermine Iskender`s rule through conspiracies and rumours about Iskender`s alleged Christianity and homosexuality – a plan which did not succeed due to the growing support which Iskender enjoyed especially among the janissaries. With a more solidly muslim population, Gedik Ahmet and his followers in Bayezid`s diwan positioned themselves as the defenders of Sunni orthodoxy and the good old traditions. Iskender and Orhan, on the other hand, pursued much more pluralistic approaches, which not only acquiesced their predominantly Christian populace, but also found the support of the Bektashi, who were omnipresent among the janissary corps.

To be continued tomorrow.
 
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