The Great European War and the Continuation War against the Ottoman Empire was of far-reaching consquences for Greece : even if the country had been formally defeated and had failed to conquer Constantinople. The balance was shifted from continental Greece, that would become underveloped and underpopulated in the continuing years (one example being the former capital of Athens, that would lose up to 40 % of his 1950 population by 2020), to the Aegean Sea, focusing, before the annexation of Constantinople and the proclaimation of the Hellenic Empire, on Smyrna (formerly Izmir).
The Metaxas Dictatorship, pursuing the irrendentist creed of the Megali Idea, conducted a large settlement program in Anatolia : as mosques were converted to Orthodox churches and the formerly Turkish cities returned to their Greek and Byzantine names (Izmir to Smyrna, Antalya to Attaleia, Izmit to Nicomedia), Greek emigrants were granted large lands for agricultural purposes and Greek companies had guaranteed loans from the government, in order to foster settlement ; in 1928, Metaxas pushed as far as proclaiming a Law of Return, that would guarantee immigrants from Greece ownership in Anatolia if they agreed to settle there ; an example as such being Efthemios Tsongas, a former immigrant to the United States who left to Smyrna, and the father of future Prime Minister Pavlos Tsongas. Alexandros Papagos, Metaxas’ successor, would only continue the policy, including after the proclaimation of the Hellenic Empire.
Nowadays, Greek Anatolia is one of the most populated and prosperous areas of Europe, but also one of the most diverse : along with Greek natives and immigrants, it has large Sephardic Jewish, Armenian, Levantine, Lebanese populations, along with Turkish inhabitants : along with the descendants of the people who didn’t wish to leave their lands after Greek Conquest, numerous immigration waves followed from Ottoman Turkey, Armenia, Kurdistan and Hashemite Arabia, coinciding with the conflicts and oppressions experienced there.
Nevertheless, even as Turkish and Islam are respectively the second most prominent language and religion of modern Greece, the Turkish-speaking population has been the poorest population in the country, with the large majority serving as labor in Greek-owned farms and factories, forming large slums in the vicinity of Constantinople, Smyrna or Nicomedia, being outranked in terms of per capita revenue by the inhabitants of proper continental Greece.
Political parties, since the democratization of 1978, have emerged to help foster a true representation for the Greek Turks, being splintered between progressive, republican Greco-Turkish Social Movement and conservative, islamist Great Union Party. The Tsongas Administration saw a progress in favor of Turkish rights led by both parties, but the Greek Rally domination from 1998 to 2008 saw a major setback, due to islamist terrorist attacks throughout the country, helping to a breakthrough of the Great Union Party. The election of the populist Greek Solution in 2008 proved even worse, with Turks being branded as a scapegoat for terrorism, insecurity and unemployment by the Stanissopoulou Administration, with the voting of the so-called Anti-Muslim Laws in 2012, that forbid observant Muslims from pursuing work in civil service and universities (needing state-issued “certificates of laicity”), along with inscribing Greek Orthodoxy as the official religion of Greece, thus stopping any chance for a state recogition of Islam. The passing of the laws led to international outcry and massive demonstrations in 2015 and 2016, along with an assassination attempt in 2012 against the Prime Minister. In 2013, 2018 and 2019, left-wing, venizilist and Turkish parties petitioned for a repeal of the laws ; the formation of a Grand Coalition in 2018 ended any debate on the Laws by members of the government, and the Turkish Question remains steady in Greece.