Rosa's Reich - Red Germany

I'm impressed by this thread. Could I help?

Thanks!
I'll shoot you a DM if the need arises

It focuses more on the direct conflict between the Reds and Whites, but the Radio War Nerd episode on the Russian Civil War might be useful for you. I haven't read all of it but the memoir of William S. Graves, who commanded the US expeditionary force in Siberia, could be worth checking out as well, it's available as a free PDF download online.

Awesome! Thanks for the find
 

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What about Mussolini? Would his ideals along with those of proto-fascists cause a more polarized civil war? Or is he with the syndicalists?
 
What about Mussolini? Would his ideals along with those of proto-fascists cause a more polarized civil war? Or is he with the syndicalists?

Mussolini was kicked out of the PSI (which was much less radical than the PSI at this point ITTL) in 1914 for his pro-war stance. By 1917 he was fully on the right and was in fact being paid by MI5 to distribute pro-war materials. Suffice to say he won't be on the socialist side in this war.
 
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A pro war stance during WW1 would doom you in the eyes of any worker movements, for good reasons.
What about Kropotkin? He supported the Entente, and was critized heavily at the time by contemporary socialists, but he is still regarded as one of the most important anarchist thinkers.
 
Just wondering what’s the reaction to this wave of European revolutions in the United States? Are local American socialists and workers unions performing strikes in solidarity with the European workers, or is there a negative reception?
 
Just wondering what’s the reaction to this wave of European revolutions in the United States? Are local American socialists and workers unions performing strikes in solidarity with the European workers, or is there a negative reception?

Probably both depending on where you are.
 
Just wondering what’s the reaction to this wave of European revolutions in the United States? Are local American socialists and workers unions performing strikes in solidarity with the European workers, or is there a negative reception?
Perhaps the second Red Scare has started early?
 
Just wondering what’s the reaction to this wave of European revolutions in the United States? Are local American socialists and workers unions performing strikes in solidarity with the European workers, or is there a negative reception?

There'll be a chapter touching on this in once the year turns over 1920.
 
There'll be a chapter touching on this in once the year turns over 1920.

Nice! Maybe we'll even see a more robust membership and equivalently increased position in the US labor movement for everyone's favorite radical union...

P.S: I just finished reading your TL, mate. Fantastic job, I'll definitely want to see where you take this from here.
 
Another question: what kind of flag does Rosa’s Worker’s Republic of Germany fly? A simple red flag? Or maybe a design incorporating a hammer and sickle?
 
Another question: what kind of flag does Rosa’s Worker’s Republic of Germany fly? A simple red flag? Or maybe a design incorporating a hammer and sickle?

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Chapter I (1918) | Part V
 
Chapter V: Grand Coalition
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Time Period: October 15th - November 1st, 1919

Italy

The time is now, comrades!” shouted Antonio Gramsci, a revolutionary and writer that joined the leadership council of the Syndicalist Union camp. “First Petrograd, then Berlin, now Rome!” The votes were tallied and a vast majority agreed.

Between the nights of October 15th to October 25th, a manifesto to represent the unified interests of the Syndicalist Union and clandestine Italian Socialist Party (PSI) was drafted and adopted as the creed of a newly formed Council Communist Party of Italy. Taking many key features of the German Luxemburgist Manifesto, such as the rejection of party vangardism, and championing the creation of factory based worker’s councils to serve as the foundation of the socio-economic order, they hoped to cajole the same participatory mass action that had occurred in Germany. At the same time, in order to mitigate the potential intra-party conflict between the unified groups, the position of Chairman was left to be filled by a vote while the remaining directorial positions were split evenly between the former PSI and Syndicalist Union members. On October 26th, Antonio Gramsci was elected as Chairman based on the merit of actions with L’Ordine Nuovo during the Turin factory insurrections.

“We know a reactionist army marches north to crush the worker’s revolution,” he said during his first address to the newly formed party hierarchy. “Therefore we must direct our entire efforts to hasten the arming of our compatriots across Lombardia, along with our comrades in Piemonte. If we can successfully defend our position, we will use that prestige to declare our Worker’s Republic and march on Rome!”

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I thought it might be helpful to link this since if one wants to imagine what the Italian Workers' Republic under Gramsci's leadership would look like in terms of structure, what better guide than the man himself:

A vast field of concrete revolutionary propaganda would open for communists organized in the party and in the district circles. The circles, in agreement with the urban sections, should make a census of the labour forces of the area, and become the seat of the district council of the workshop delegates, the ganglion which ties and concentrates the proletarian energies of the district. The electoral systems can be varied according to the size of the workshops: however, the aim should be to elect one delegate for every 15 workers divided by category (as is done in English workshops), arriving, by gradual elections, at a committee of factory delegates which includes representatives of the whole labour complex (blue collar, white collar, technical). The district committee should also aim to include delegates from the other categories of workers living in the district: catering, haulage, trams, railways, refuse, white collar, self-employed, shopwork, etc.

The district committee should be an emanation of the whole working class living in the district, legitimate and authoritative, able to impose discipline, invested with power, spontaneously delegated, and order the immediate and complete cessation of all work in the whole district.

The district committees will be enlarged in urban commissions, controlled and disciplined by the Socialist Party and by the trade federations.

Such a system of workers’ democracy (integrated with equivalent peasant organizations) would give a form and a discipline to the masses, would be a magnificent school of political and administrative experience, would assemble the masses up to the last man, habituating them to tenacity and perseverance, habituating them to consider themselves an army in the field which needs a firm cohesion if it does not want to be destroyed and reduced to slavery. Every factory would form one or more regiments of this army, with its corporals, with its communication services, with its officers, with its general staff, delegated powers for free election, not imposed authoritarianly Through the rallies, held inside the workshop, with the unceasing work of propaganda and persuasion developed by the most conscious elements, a radical transformation of the workers’ psychology would take place, would render the masses better prepared for and capable of the exercise of power, would diffuse a consciousness of the duties and rights of the comrade and of the worker, concrete and efficient because spontaneously generated by the living historical experience.
 
Chapter V (1919) | Part VII (UK in Flight)
Chapter V: Grand Coalition
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Time Period: November 1st - November 15th, 1919


United Kingdom

Prime Minister Lloyd George called an emergency meeting with his cabinet on November 2nd to discuss the ramifications of Clemenceau’s decision to support Denkin’s assault on Moscow. Not only had the Allied interventionists agreed that their actions in Russia would primarily be defensive in nature but Clemenceau had neither consulted nor warned the General Staff of the BEF of his machinations on the Odessa Front; this forced Lloyd George to reconsider his own level of commitment to the Murmansk theatre. Earlier in the year, the Northern Russian White Army, which the BEF had been supporting outside Entente occupied Archangelsk, we’re in dire straits. It was only by the British government’s decision in April of that year to remain heavily committed, due primarily to the alarming success of the German Revolution, that it had not completely been wiped away by the onslaught of Soviet Red Army offensives. However, escalating British losses within the ongoing campaign to defend the Hannover SPD government, coupled with the still active blockade of German ports had begun to put a significant level of strain on the British economy.

“I fear that if we allow Clemenceau’s actions to influence our own policy as it relates to the Russian expedition, we may draw ourselves further into this growing quagmire,” said one of his ministers. Lloyd George agreed.

“This war will see no end if we allow ourselves to be pulled further into this mess,” he said to his ministers.

After continued discussions, on November 4th both Lloyd George and the cabinet agreed that all BEF forces were to remain on the defensive in their current theaters until the outcome of Denkin’s offensive could be determined. No assistance would be sent to aid the assault on Moscow.

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Italy

Victor Emmanuel's punitive reactionary forces crossed into Lombardia via Cremonia on November 5th. Pausing to rest and equip itself with local police detachments and army surplus supplies, on November 7th they began their march on Milan. At the same time, the newly formed Council Communist Party of Italy (PCC) had been publically radicalizing as many Milanese factory workers as possible. In addition Party Chairman Antonio Gramsci had, through his extensive grassroots contacts throughout north Italy, continued to requisition clandestine arms for the coming battle; this resulted in the creation of a medium sized militia force of 20,000 lay factory workers by November 8th. Moreover, additional cadet branches of the main central Council Communist party were franchised out to several districts throughout Lombardia with the intention of spreading the moment the moment the Royal forces were beaten back.

“Prepare fortifications throughout the city! – We must to all we can to protect the homes of those who have dedicated themselves to our cause.” said Acleste De Ambris to a detachment of the militia force on the night of November 9th. With the reactionaries only a day’s march away from the city itself, Gramsci called a final meeting between the leaders of the PCC on the night of November 10th.

“The railways into and out of Milan have been cut; battlements have been constructed throughout the city; and a strong force of men and women dedicated to the cause of liberation stand at the ready. We have all that is necessary to defend the workers from the reactionary forces that have been sent to crush our movement. But more importantly we have the foundational elements in hand to shake the political landscape of Italia at its core – let us therefore use those elements to not only beat back the armies of the bourgeois regime in Rome, but light the spark of revolution for all the workers of Italy!”
Concluding his speech with a toast to victory with his comrades, Gramsci dismissed to them to their posts.

On the morning of November 12th, the battle for Milan began with an opening barrage of artillery fire from the Italian Royal Army. As shell began to reign down on the city, the PCC militia remained steadfast in their disparate defensive positions.
“Steel your hearts men,” whispered Filippo Corridoni to a small militia detachment under his charge as artillery burst exploded around his position. “Flee now and your families will be left to mercy of these beasts.”

After a full day of bombardment, on November 13th, the Royal Army began to advance upon the city. Fearing stiff initial resistance, an auxiliary division of the far-right squadrismo marched in front. Upon reaching the outskirts of the central district gunfire erupted from several positions atop buildings adjunct to the city’s main thoroughfare. “Take cover!” shouted squadristi Gabriele D’ Annunzio as several men under his charge were struck with bullets from the PCC militia.

Witnessing the carnage, the commander of the Italian Royal Army diverted their initial marching direction westward with the intention of entering the city from the south. At the same time the main body of the PCC militia was ordered to march forward to crush the far-right squadrismo in a rapid counterstroke.

Forward!” shouted Giuseppe Di Vittorio as he ordered his PCC militia detachment to fire directly into the beleaguered enemy ranks. At the same time the Italian Royal Army crossed into the south section of the city. Smashing through the weak defensive fortification they encountered along the southern roadway they began to make their way to center of the city. “We must seize the central government building at any cost!”
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