The American Experiment- A Nullification Timeline

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Shippen, Anne. Red Blood, Brown Water. Saint Louis: Kringle, 2003. Print.

The Neutrality movement was indistinct and hard to enforce at the best of times. The western states of Kentucky, Missouri and Illinois promised to remain loyal and follow Federal laws, but would not support the war with blood or treasure. Could the needle truly be threaded that way? The complexity of taxes, trade, movement of men and money became even more greater on the waterways, the arteries of American trade in the West.


The steamboat trade had exploded in the decade or so before the outbreak of war. Hundreds of the dangerous yet vital vessels plied the waters from north of Pittsburgh to New Orleans. It was these boats that carried the corn, cotton, pork and wheat down the rivers to destinations worldwide, and had made New Orleans the fourth largest export city in the world. It was that trade that the western states were trying to protect with neutrality. While young fire-eaters like Abraham Lincoln or Stephen Douglas might talk about ‘popular sovereignty’, really it was the money that talked. Nearly all of the goods produced in those states was sent Southward to Southron ports. The age of the railway had not yet come, and commerce was firmly yoked to the rivers.
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New Orleans, major trade enterport for the world


The war itself increased the trade, of course. Demand on both sides skyrocketed with the needs of armies added to those of the homefront. Everything from cotton to timber to stone to beef was needed to fuel the armies. Columbia also needed these goods for export, offsetting the lack of hard currency. Even as the partial Federal blockade hindered commerce, blockade runners (both Southron and British) made a fortune smuggling goods in and out.


Neutrality muddied waters further with states arguing that trade should be allowed ‘unhindered’ by either side. Of course, this desire was only as good as their ability to enforce it. On land they managed better, but on the water President Jackson and local Federal officers refused to submit.


As soon as war was declared both sides took to the rivers, transforming freight steamboats into ships of war. These quickly impressed rickety craft were far from the acme of naval technology on the high seas, but desperate times made for desperate measures. Both sides loaded these dangerous craft, already liable to boiler explosions, with armor and cannon. The Columbian forces, even more ramshackle, were often forced to armor their boats with cotton bales, using the one resource they had in abundance. While these ‘cottonclads’ caught the attention of the public, they inevitably performed poorly in combat, with the cotton doing little more then stopping small-arms fire. Even a well-aimed rifle shot from the newer flintlocks could penetrate, to say nothing of the heavy cannon installed on opposing boats.

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Pictured is a standard steamboat of the area

To command these vessels, both nations looked to the locals who knew the ships and the river well. The United States Navy considered sending trained naval men, but such choices took time, and every trained officer was needed now to enforce the blockade at sea. Moreover, the Mississippi trade needed to be protected at once, not when an officer could finally be found who was surplus to the needs of the maritime blockade. As for the South, the lack of funds and an even greater shortage of trained personnel necessitated recruiting raw civilians.


For months, while famous battles raged in Virginia, on isolated islands and the high seas, blood was spilled in the brown water in the middle of the continent. Northern captains steamed southward to intercept and direct trade upstream, and Southron captains headed north to shepherd trade south. Meanwhile, the Western men, unable to field boats of their own, watched their fortunes slip away as trade withered.


Of course, in those early months of the summer and fall of 1837 the boats were often more of a danger to themselves than others. Steamboats, fragile vessels at the best of time, became downright deadly when loaded with heavy cannon and run by inexperienced crews hell bent on glory. Quite apart from running aground or simply sinking with all hands (the U.S.S Crane September 12), captains had a tendency to make excessive demands of the cheaply made boilers. Such tactics led to deadly explosions, often killing all onboard. This hardly dissuaded the steamboat men though. National glory aside, fortunes were being made.


The more numerous Northern ships soon captured much of the trade - capture being the operative word. Northern captains boarded any ship they could find, and sent most of the goods upriver to the ports of Ohio or Pennsylvania, and received a small portion of the goods’ value. It was a system that encouraged aggressiveness and violence. ‘No ship was safe from Pittsburgh to Memphis’ was a common rule, and more than one daring Northern captain, often flying under false colors, went even further south. On October 21st, Captain Jack Halloway of the U.S.S. Red River captured two vessels carrying cotton just north of Vicksburg, Mississippi.


This act caused outrage in Columbia at large and in New Orleans in particular. The river trade must be protected or the entire city would fall apart, not to mention it could soon bring the West into the war on the Federal side. The South had to control the waterways, both to show they were worth supporting, and to reap the obvious financial benefits of incoming goods.


To this end, eight cottonclads were gathered at Memphis and sent north to ‘give battle to the Yankees’ and win the river back for Columbia. This task force was even given an actual naval commander, Samuel Barron, at the insistence of powerful New Orleans traders and politicians. Barron, unused to river combat, proved a lackluster commander, and had soon lost one of his ships to the twisting shoals of the river. Nevertheless, he pushed on, confident his fleet was still larger than anything the North would send.


Barron was right. As news of the armada sped north, only five steamboats could be found in time to counter them. Under the command of David Jameson, an experienced steamboat captain recently turned naval officer, they rushed south, eager to ‘mix it up with the Rebels’, as Jameson put it.The two fleets met just downstream of Cairo, Illinois, where the Ohio and Mississippi joined. A thriving port, it was a natural place for a struggle over the entire watershed. The locals, powerless to interfere, simply watched the fight happen from the shore.


Belching black smoke and churning the brown water to a froth, the two squadrons met near noon. At first both fleets stood off and fired their main guns at each other. Poor gunnery and positioning led to minimal results. Only one ship, the C.S. John. C. Calhoun, was taken out of the fight, one paddlewheel smashed by fire. As it became apparent cannons wouldn’t decide the combat, the Northerners sped forward and engaged at close range. It became a wild melee of pointblank broadsides, fusillades of flintlocks and, in the end, boarding parties. Better organized, and apparently better watermen, the Federals had soon won the day, capturing three ships, sinking a further three, and allowing only one to flee south. Even this eighth ship was to capsize and be lost before its crew could reach safety.
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A very inaccurate and anachronistic picture of the Battle of Cairo. Note the unhistorical gun ports.

News of the Battle of Cairo took weeks to reach the East, but when it did it was lauded by all as an example of superior Northern ingenuity and technical skill. In the South it was mostly ignored, doubly so after the partial victory of Southron troops in the last major Virginian battle of the season at Chester Gap.


What the battle really did was drive a stake through the heart of neutrality. Here was open combat on the doorstep of a major neutral city. Neutral trade was being interdicted and routed to the war economies of both North and South. Federal spies and agents filled the entire West, reporting, plotting and organizing pro-Federal activity. With the state governments apparently so helpless as the tide of war rose, more than a few began to consider taking a side was a better approach then taking none.
 
Abacara, Manuel. Hispanic Views of the American War of Secession. Havanna: Estrella , 1990. Print.


To fully understand the Mexican reactions to the American War of Secession, it is important to consider the historical context of Mexican political and geopolitical realities. The state had had a rocky relation with the United States since the Louisiana Purchase, where Tejas was claimed by both countries. While that had not come to war, neither had it been an encouraging start.


By the 1830s Mexico was on the verge of disaster. Its vast northern holdings were distant, thinly populated and often politically dissented from the central government. The worst of these was Tejas, that rich and strategic province between the Red River and the Rio Grande. Chronically lacking in citizenry, the Mexican government had allowed and sometimes even encouraged American settlers to enter the territory. That trickle had swelled to a flood before Mexican officials could stop it, and by 1830 there were thousands of restive Americans living in Tejas. As early as 1832 there was violence between English-speaking American settlers and officials of the provincial government. With America distracted by her ongoing struggle over the tariff issue, and violence continuing to flare in Tejas, Mexico finally decided the incipient revolution had to be crushed.


Troops crossed into the now chaotic province in 1835 under Vicente Filisola. Mexican troops initially met with success, beating off the minor raids and small units of the rebels. Progress was slow, however, and the Mexican troops were poorly supplied. This lag gave the American settlers time to organize and ask for aid from a friendly United States. American men and weapons poured into the province, much of it staged in New Orleans. The ‘phrase Manifest Destiny burned hot on every tongue’, one local newspaper reported in early 1835.
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Talented general, and confirmed reactionary, Vicente Filisola


A haphazard council of locals met in Matamoros and placed Sam Houston in charge. Houston, newly arrived, was soon commanding forces in the field against the Mexican troops. While the American volunteers helped slow the Mexican advance, defeat at Goliad shattered rebel morale. The Mexicans pursued, but harsh weather and ongoing supply problems hampered their advance.


The winter passed and the local rebels did their best to import American supplies and volunteers. By this time, however, America was gearing up for their own internal struggle, and assistance was limited. For his part, President Jackson strongly supported the Americans, but refused to allow American officers to join the fighting. This lack of officers crippled the poorly organized rebels.


In spring the Mexicans were once again on the move, pressing north. Houston retired, seeking to use a Fabian strategy, and employing the sheer size of Tejas as a weapon. Finally, circumstances (and his own men) forced him to confront the foe at Bexar. The battle was a disaster for the rebels and essentially caused the Revolution to dissolve. For once Filisola vigorously pursued the so-called ‘Runaway Scrape’. Despite a few rear-guard actions, the rebels were soon a mob fleeing for the Louisiana border. Many important rebels were captured, although Sam Houston himself managed to avoid this fate.

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Sam Houston, one of the few Tejas rebels to make it back to American soil.

By July the revolt was over and Mexico had subdued the troublesome province, albeit at great cost. Many of the rebels moved to the United States, where they became a strong voice for American annexation of the region. However, with the onset of war their words went unheard, and in time they fell silent.


Yet rebellion was not merely limited to Tejas. In Alta California, the gigantic tract of land Mexico claimed on the Pacific coast, relations between rulers and ruled had long been strained. Distant and difficult to access, it had long been ignored by Mexico City and the governors sent were often the worst kind of political cronies, more eager to plunder than administer. Occasional revolts had simmered there for years, despite fitful attempts to reform (notable is the new Mexican constitution of 1824). Finally, in 1836, as Mexico was successfully dealing with Tejas , the citizens of Alta California rose up and replaced the governor with Juan Alvarado. Despite Alvarado declaring ‘total independence’, he soon went south to negotiate a truce with the victorious but weary central government. Peace was restored, but Alta California essentially became a de facto independent state of Mexico, ruling its affairs in its own ways.


So it was with relief that Mexico viewed the American War of Secession. The government hoped that the internal strife of their powerful and bellicose neighbor might at long length give them time to organize their massive northern holdings and prepare them against the eventual onslaught of American settlers. Filisola, now President of Mexico, announced a new road system that would extend to both Tejas and Alta California along with other modernizing infrastructure reforms (although with no political freedoms). Whether they would have time to come to fruition relied much on the ongoing war in the United States.



Mexico traded openly with both North and South, although trade to the North was limited due to distance. Columbia had a large proportion of those who still saw Tejas as god-given to white settlers. Still, Mexicans were generally happy America was tearing itself apart in war. Few saw that it was from Europe that the true danger lay.
 
Rodger, John. Naval Campaigns of the 19th century. Boston: Star Printing , 2000. Print.


Great Britain and France had mostly ignored the runup to the American War of Secession. While the United States was increasingly important when dealing with North American affairs (witness the Treaty of 1818 between the United States and Great Britain) it was still considered a minor power at best by the Concert of Europe. What happened to the nation internally was only watched by those few who had invested in the seemingly limitless scope of the American economy and the exporters who moved such goods. Even to them, however, such affairs were secondary.


However, when American President Jackson declared all Southron ports closed, it sent a ripple of uncertainty through the two trading powers. While the blockade was lackluster at first, suffering from poor organization and a lack of ships, the real fear of being sunk or boarded scared most Columbian shippers from even leaving port. As a result, goods piled on wharves and in warehouses from Richmond to New Orleans. Prices rose, Southron banks collapsed and for a while it looked like ‘Jackson’s Blockade’ would win the war all by itself.
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For awhile, Federal ships such as these seemed to mean victory

It did not, of course. Eventually Southron masters either sold the goods locally (mostly for the war effort) or smuggled them out in blockade runners. A considerable number of British and French vessels contributed to the latter, feeling no call to respect Jackson’s port closures. In the early fall, the pendulum swung the other way as the over-stretched and confused Federal ships let merchants of all nations slip in and out of Southron ports. While this lowered the effectiveness of the blockade against the South, it also minimized tensions between the US and the UK. Still, even then several British ships were board in waters not clearly American.


It was the last insult that meant more than the collapse of trade. British diplomats found little comfort in President Jackson, who privately said it was ‘fair turnabout’ for how the Royal Navy had impressed American sailors not so long ago. Still, with the blockade so pathetic, it could hardly cause a war, no matter how aggressively the Americans acted.


It was during this period that one of the more famous naval actions in the entire war occurred. The 74-gun Illinois had been captured in Virginia at the start of the war, quickly renamed the CS Southern Star. One of the heaviest ships Columbia possessed, it was tasked with countering frigates the Federals were sending to scout the Columbian shore for prizes.


On October 3 1837, the Southern Star spotted what it took to be a small Federal sloop. Confident she could take the smaller ship, she rushed to intercept, hoping to capture her. Indeed, she had taken several prizes recently, meaning she was severely under crewed. Still, she had more than enough cannon to obliterate the smaller ship, so no one aboard the Southern Star doubted the decision to take the sloop.


To her surprise the smaller ship, the USS Mongoose, fought back, and actually closed the gap between them. Even while his ship was sustaining heavy damage, Federal Captain David Farragut led a boarding party which swarmed aboard the vastly larger Southern Star. Battling to her colors, the boarding party cut them down. In the confusion, many of the inexperienced Columbians thought her officers had surrendered. In the chaos Farragut had soon captured the vessel. The action became famous throughout the North and helped catapult Farragut to lasting prominence while further cementing the notion of Federal naval superiority.


In addition to this famed action, the Federal navy also helped supply many of the small offshore forts and batteries that had not fallen to the Columbians. Before the war Jackson had ordered many of these forts reinforced, so more then a few had held out. All along the coast, from the Outer Banks to the Gulf Coast and Key West, bastions of American power stood firm. In addition to preventing Southron trade, ships were tasked with supplying these forts, either to help strangle the South or be used as footholds for later land assaults. Under the discombobulated direction of the Northern admirals, this cargo duty overshadowed the actual hard work of the blockade with predictable results.


By the winter of 1837-38, however, this was beginning to change. The Secretary of War placed Charles Morris, a veteran of 1812, in charge of the blockade. Morris, a highly capable officer, who had served from South America to North Africa, turned the blockade from a leaky sieve to a tight gauntlet, squeezing Southron trade. Morris ordered more ships, increased patrol times, empowered his officers to conduct more boardings no matter the nationality of the vessels. His changes got results, but they also caused outrage in London and Paris.


By New Year’s, tensions were increasing daily. Several British ships had been turned back in international waters by Federal captains, regardless of cargo. Even worse, news had reached Jackson that British firms had accepted orders from Columbia for ships designed to run the blockade. Being designed by John Ericsson, a young Swiss genius who had been one of the early proponents of the screw propeller, they would be some of the fastest and most technologically advanced ships afloat. That these ships were being openly sold to the rebels infuriated the American government. In retaliation, the blockade tightened, which further enraged the British. The stage was set for a true crisis if either side went much further.
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John Ecirsson, the engineering savant changing the face of naval warfare and hired by Columbia

In early January the crisis finally came. A Columbian spy named Francis Honeybrook had fled New York, being hotly chased by Federal agents to Liverpool. Fromt here Honeybrook had booked passage on a British ship bound for Mobile, a smuggling center for the South. His ship was intercepted on January 10th, 1838, by the USS Michigan. Finding the spy aboard (along with incriminating papers) they seized him despite the British captain's demands his rights had been violated.


The reaction in Britain were mixed. Few people actually wanted war with America. Memories of 1812, and moreso of Napoleon, were still fresh. With France expanding in North Africa and Canada revolting, who wanted another war with America? That said, the tone President Jackson had been taken alienated many friends of peace. Who was this backwoods general, who could not even govern his own people, to command where British ships could sail? Had not the Royal Navy defended freedom fo the seas and free trade for over a generation? How demanding would the Americans get?


In response the British government sent a special envoy (led by an aged Granville Leveson-Gower, 1st Earl Granville) to Washington D.C. with two tasks. The first was to get a formal apology from the Jackson administration for boarding neutral British vessels and taking British goods without pay. Secondly, it was to get assurances that such actions would only take place if British ships were in direct violation of the port closures and were in American waters. Even then, the envoys were to make clear that Her Majesty’s government did not take favorably to foreign warships watching her vessels. The reception they met was cold. While Daniel Webster, American Secretary of State was an Anglophile and tried to ease tensions, Jackson himself had never forgotten either the American Revolutionary War or the War of 1812. He made the envoy’s wait weeks before seeing them, and when he did dismissed their concerns. The envoys appealed to Webster, who tried to make Jackson see reason.


The President, tired of Webster’s pro-British leanings, asked for his resignation. Astonished, Webster refused, stating that Jackson had agreed to keep his Cabinet full of Whigs. Incensed, Jackson simply went over the man’s head and dismissed the envoys. The move angered London to the point where it became unofficial policy to increase blockade runners to Columbia, to receive Columbian diplomatic agents and extend loans on favorable terms to the Southrons. Most importantly, the government sent once-disgraced and now legendary Thomas Cochrane to Columbia, superficially ‘on leave’. He arrived first in Havana then in Mobile, Alabama on April 23rd 1838 and began to directly coordinate with Columbian naval agents.

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Thomas Cochrane, aged but still impetuous British naval commander


Jackson, outraged, looked for a way to counter the British moves in his war, which was going poorly enough as it was. The American Lion saw his chance to the north, in the troubled Dominion of Canada.
 
Somebody shoot Jackson, please. Have the nutjobs guns not jam, have him die in a pointless duel, anything really. Just, people in an alternate timeline that lived nearly 2 centuries ago, find a way to kill this man.
 
If there is o
Not so much total lack but he has a very ingrained distrust of the British. Besides how bad could it get.....
If there is one group of people Andrew Jackson hates the most... Beyong the Natives. Beyond the Mexicans. Beyond Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun... Is the British...

Shit's gonna hit the fan real soon...
 
All the British need to do now is recognize the Columbians as a legitimate state and allow them diplomatic recognition. Send barristers, bullets and bankbooks.
 
I wonder what the impacts of this will be on the American political system, and the legacy of Andrew Jackson. The Whigs, being involved in government, might get some blame; but the very fact that Daniel Webster tried to smooth things over between the US and the British is going to give them some cover. I wonder what this entire debacle will do to Jackson's legacy, it could destroy the Democratic Party.
 
All the British need to do now is recognize the Columbians as a legitimate state and allow them diplomatic recognition. Send barristers, bullets and bankbooks.

That's not a good precedent to set. If they recognize Columbia, then it legitimizes the US to recognize Canada and Ireland, to say nothing of any potential colonial revolt.
 
That's not a good precedent to set. If they recognize Columbia, then it legitimizes the US to recognize Canada and Ireland, to say nothing of any potential colonial revolt.
What effect would "recognising" Canada have, without Canada having an armed revolt and organised government? Or Ireland, likewise?
 
What effect would "recognising" Canada have, without Canada having an armed revolt and organised government? Or Ireland, likewise?

Tai-Pan explicitly mentioned Canadian unrest as part of why Britain was lukewarm about war. If they recognize Columbia, then that opens up the path for the US to intervene in Canada with precedent.
 
I wonder what the impacts of this will be on the American political system, and the legacy of Andrew Jackson. The Whigs, being involved in government, might get some blame; but the very fact that Daniel Webster tried to smooth things over between the US and the British is going to give them some cover. I wonder what this entire debacle will do to Jackson's legacy, it could destroy the Democratic Party.

This is an avenue that WILL be explored. You also have to recall many of the southerners are Democrats (or were, anyway). The brand has been tarnished pretty thoroughly, whatever Jackson's personal popularity.
 
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