Zhirinovsky's Russian Empire
- Thread starter Pellegrino
- Start date
PART FIFTY THREE: RATS LEAVING A FLOATING SHIP
PART FIFTY THREE: RATS LEAVING A FLOATING SHIP
PART FIFTY THREE: RATS LEAVING A FLOATING SHIP
Well, we finally have some answers as to what happens with some of the other radical fringe elements in the Russian right: namely Pamyat and Nazbol. In OTL these groups were somewhat unified in the early 1990s but soon splintered into dozens of meaningless fringe parties. Would the same happen hear? Well, Zhirinovsky is half Jewish so it is hard to see Pamyat sticking around. But Incognito and Belle did bring up a valid point; there is an uncharacteristic reliance on fascist salutes that were less associated with the LDPR then with these fringe elements and which would seriously alienate the vast majority of Russians. I decided to address that issue in this update as well.
Some new names in this update:
National Bolshevik leader Eduard Limonov:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eduard_Limonov
The National Bolshevik Party:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Bolshevik_Party
The fictional memoir by Eduard Limonov called "It's Me, Eddie" in which he describes living in New York:
http://www.amazon.com/Its-Eddie-fictional-Eduard-Limonov/dp/0394530640
Pamyat:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pamyat
Dmitri Vasilyev:
http://articles.latimes.com/2003/jul/18/local/me-passings18.1
Ernst Rohm:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernst_R%C3%B6hm
UIS Presidential Candidate Vladimir Putin in an interview with the BBC on August 1, 2011.
Discussing the emergence of radical right wing parties opposed to Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
BBC: The defeat of the communists led to, ironically enough, a radical upheaval in the Liberal Democratic Party of the UIS. Eduard Limonov refused to remain part of the Liberal Democratic Party after Zhirinovsky formed a coalition government with the reformist block. He instead formed the National Bolshevik Party, which became a staunch critic of Zhirinovsky up until 2003. Similarly, Dmitri Vasilyev also chose to end his organization’s tepid support for the LDP-UIS. Pamyat broke all ties to the LDP-UIS in February of 1994. Why did Zhirinovsky allow the core radical block of his party to leave?
Putin: He had little choice. There would be no negotiating with them. Remember, the NBP was staunchly Stalinist, even though they were fascist. They opposed private enterprise and were staunchly critical of Zhirinovsky’s partnership with the capitalists. And Pamyat never accepted Zhirinovsky’s Jewish heritage. They kept quiet, but once he sided with the reformists they turned on him overnight.
BBC: Some have called Zhirinovsky’s response to the loss of the Pamyat block and the Limonov block as a wasted opportunity. Former Vice President Andrei Zavidiya famously compared Limonov and Vasilyev’s break from Zhirinovsky to ‘rats leaving a floating ship’. However, you have a different theory as to why Zhirinovsky never was willing to accept the loss of Pamyat and Nazbol.
Putin: Yes. The junta needed to have a strong dictator who was ‘ordering them’ to commit the war crimes that they were committing all over the former Soviet Union. If Zhirinovsky accepted the loss of the fringe groups, the danger was that Gennady Burbulis, the new Prime Minister, would emerge stronger and more powerful than Zhirinovsky. If that were the case there would be no way we could blame everything on Zhirinovsky. Then the charade would be up.
“My Russia- An Autobiography by former Russian Prime Minister Gennady Burbulis”
Published by Interbook, © 1998
CHAPTER FIFTY EIGHT
I could tell Vice President Zavidiya was unhappy and irritated. He sat in his chair with his arms crossed, seldom adding anything to the discussion. At times he would lift up his arms before settling back into his chair without actually saying anything. He did not approve of how the communists were unceremoniously purged and was angry that Zhirinovsky elected to form a partnership with us, with the reformists.
“Mr. President,” I said as I picked up a folder, “we need to discuss how we are going to address the issue of Dmitri Vasilyev and Pamyat.”
“Don’t worry about Vasilyev,” he said dismissively, “he’ll come around. He just needs time to work things out.”
“That’s what I wanted to address Mr. President,” I said firmly, “I think we need to take advantage of this opportunity and condemn both Pamyat and Vasilyev. When you address the Duma next week you will have a tremendous amount of goodwill from many of the reformists. Let’s capitalize on that by severing ties with the extremists.”
“Perhaps we can file criminal charges on them as well,” Zavidiya said, unable to hide the excitement in his voice, “we can charge them for their role in the Israeli embassy crisis!”
“I am not going to turn on my allies!” Zhirinovsky screamed as he pounded his fist on the table, “I may not see eye to eye with Vasilyev, but his supporters have been in my corner from the start!”
“You realize that Vasilyev called you a ‘Jew in Jews’ clothing’” I replied, “he said, and I quote, that ‘Zhirinovsky proved with no uncertainty that he is little more than another filthy Jew, looking to turn over the Russian nation to his Zionist overlords in Israel.’”
Zhirinovsky’s face became contorted with anger, and for several seconds he resembled a small infant about to erupt in a tantrum. It was almost comical, but I knew I needed to keep a straight face. Zhirinovsky had grown predictable and he seldom could control his anger. All I needed to do was get him angry enough at Dmitri Vasilyev and maybe we could be rid of the fascist elements in the Liberal Democratic Party…maybe.
“How dare he!” He finally screamed, “I am the leader of the Russian Republic! I…I…”
“Mr. President,” Zavidiya said, interrupting him, “I received word that Eduard Limonov is rallying members of the LDP to join him in forming a new political party as well. He is opposed to the privatization of state industry…among other things. We may be able to limit the impact of his departure by forestalling some of these plans for privatization.”
I was excited when I heard that news. To be rid of Limonov and Vasilyev would have been a gift from heaven! How could those fools be so stupid to leave the party fold when it was obvious that they had a kindred soul in the President? Did they honestly think they were going to be anything other than a fringe party? But I worried about the possibility that privatization would be forestalled.
“Mr. President,” I replied, “I don’t think we need to do that. Mr. Limonov is not a serious threat to weaken the Party. In fact, if we are rid of him, it would strengthen the coalition government that we formed with Arutyunov and the reformists.”
“Are you suggesting that we ignore him?” Zavidiya said sarcastically, “and let him pillage the Party? I hardly think that is a good idea.”
Zhirinovsky was still riled up over being called a “filthy Jew” and he paid little attention to us, still mumbling under his breath about having Vasilyev shot. Still, the idea that Limonov would dare betray him added fuel to the fire.
“Limonov is a filthy sodomite!” he screamed, “I read his book, that filthy book he wrote in New York! He brags about having sex with men in it! He brags about it! On page 106 he talks about-“
“I don’t think we need all the details Mr. President,” General Lebed said as he interrupted Zhirinovsky, “let’s just get back to the subject at hand.”
“I will tell the world what sort of filthy pervert Eduard Limonov is,” Zhirinovsky added, “I will denounce him in front of the entire Duma! I will call him Ernst Röhm! He is no different than Ernst Röhm and I will make sure everyone knows it!”
“Are you a juvenile?!” Zavidiya said angrily as he jumped out of his chair, “you are not going to call Eduard Limonov Ernst Röhm during your speech at the Duma.”
“Why not?!” Zhirinovsky fired back.
“Because that would make you Adolf Hitler you goddamn idiot!”
Zhirinovsky’s face was bright red as he glared at Zavidiya. He jumped out of his chair and looked like he was prepared to attack him for just a moment before gathering the papers in front of him and storming out in a huff. The wheels were in motion, and all we could do now was to wait for his speech to the Duma the following week. Would he denounce Pamyat and Limonov and side with the reformists who now controlled the Duma? Or would he try once again to woo those who would always hate him because of his ethnicity? I sat down in my chair, hoping that I had planted enough a seed to motivate Zhirinovsky to do the right thing for once. But I knew his insanity could destroy everything. Nobody could ever know what he was going to do, and sadly for the Russian nation, we were all hostage to Vladimir Zhirinovsky’s identity crisis.
Eduard Limonov at a press conference announcing the formation of the National Bolshevik Party (AP)
Russian President condemns ‘fascist groups’, calls for investigation of Israeli embassy crisis
The Scotsman
January 21, 1994
In front of a the first democratically elected Duma in Moscow since the rise of Vladimir Lenin, Russian President Vladimir Zhirinovsky surprised many in the West by publically denouncing the right wing Pamyat movement as well as calling on the Duma to “help him cut away the cancer of fascism eating away at the heart of the Russian nation.” The move was widely seen as an attempt to forge stronger ties to the reformist block within the Russian Duma, as well as an attempt to ease fears in the West in regards to another Zhirinovsky term as president. Zhirinovsky also called for a special prosecutor to investigate the role Pamyat played in the Israeli embassy crisis and the Polish embassy crisis of 1992.
Perhaps the most surprising moment came when a Liberal Democratic Lawmaker interrupted the speech to scream “Slava Zhirinovskomu” while giving out a fascist salute.
“No!” the President screamed at his stunned colleague, “There will be none of that here in Russia! If you want to give glory, then give glory to the Russian people!”
The rebuke brought the entire Duma to its feet in cheers as hundreds of lawmakers began chanting “Glory to the Russian People” and “We serve the Union of Independent States.”
Washington Dismissive of speech
In Washington American Secretary of State Warren Christopher dismissed the speech and called on the UIS to end its occupation of central and eastern Croatia.
“Although we applaud President Zhirinovsky’s strong statements condemning fascism, ultimately actions speak louder than words,” Christopher said during a press conference, “and there has been no change in the actions of the Russian President, who promised not only to continue to occupation of central and eastern Croatia, but to expand his war of oppression into the breakaway Republic of Georgia.”
MSNBC interview with Walter Mondale, Former U.S. Secretary of State
July 16, 2008
MSNBC: Many Democrats criticized your successor, Warren Christopher, for his curtness in responding to Vladimir Zhirinovsky’s speech to the Russian Duma in January of 1994. Do you think he responded too forcefully?
Mondale: Not at all. He was correct. Actions speak loader than words. Zhirinovsky had fooled President Bush once, but President Kerrey was sure as hell not going to let him pull the same cheap trick on us after what we saw in Moscow in 1992.
MSNBC: So you don’t think Pamyat was responsible for the Polish Embassy Crisis?
Mondale: They took part, sure. But it was masterminded by Vladimir Zhirinovsky. And even in his so called progressive speech to the Russian Duma, he never changed his position on Croatia. Or Estonia. Or even Chechnya. And when he announced that he was only going to expand the misery, that he was going to send troops to Georgia on top of everything else, we knew that nothing really changed with Vladimir Zhirinovsky. He needed to kiss up to the reformists but at the end of the day he was still the same genocidal madman who tried to turn Russia into Nazi Germany in 1992.
PART FIFTY THREE: RATS LEAVING A FLOATING SHIP
Well, we finally have some answers as to what happens with some of the other radical fringe elements in the Russian right: namely Pamyat and Nazbol. In OTL these groups were somewhat unified in the early 1990s but soon splintered into dozens of meaningless fringe parties. Would the same happen hear? Well, Zhirinovsky is half Jewish so it is hard to see Pamyat sticking around. But Incognito and Belle did bring up a valid point; there is an uncharacteristic reliance on fascist salutes that were less associated with the LDPR then with these fringe elements and which would seriously alienate the vast majority of Russians. I decided to address that issue in this update as well.
Some new names in this update:
National Bolshevik leader Eduard Limonov:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eduard_Limonov
The National Bolshevik Party:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Bolshevik_Party
The fictional memoir by Eduard Limonov called "It's Me, Eddie" in which he describes living in New York:
http://www.amazon.com/Its-Eddie-fictional-Eduard-Limonov/dp/0394530640
Pamyat:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pamyat
Dmitri Vasilyev:
http://articles.latimes.com/2003/jul/18/local/me-passings18.1
Ernst Rohm:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernst_R%C3%B6hm
UIS Presidential Candidate Vladimir Putin in an interview with the BBC on August 1, 2011.
Discussing the emergence of radical right wing parties opposed to Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
BBC: The defeat of the communists led to, ironically enough, a radical upheaval in the Liberal Democratic Party of the UIS. Eduard Limonov refused to remain part of the Liberal Democratic Party after Zhirinovsky formed a coalition government with the reformist block. He instead formed the National Bolshevik Party, which became a staunch critic of Zhirinovsky up until 2003. Similarly, Dmitri Vasilyev also chose to end his organization’s tepid support for the LDP-UIS. Pamyat broke all ties to the LDP-UIS in February of 1994. Why did Zhirinovsky allow the core radical block of his party to leave?
Putin: He had little choice. There would be no negotiating with them. Remember, the NBP was staunchly Stalinist, even though they were fascist. They opposed private enterprise and were staunchly critical of Zhirinovsky’s partnership with the capitalists. And Pamyat never accepted Zhirinovsky’s Jewish heritage. They kept quiet, but once he sided with the reformists they turned on him overnight.
BBC: Some have called Zhirinovsky’s response to the loss of the Pamyat block and the Limonov block as a wasted opportunity. Former Vice President Andrei Zavidiya famously compared Limonov and Vasilyev’s break from Zhirinovsky to ‘rats leaving a floating ship’. However, you have a different theory as to why Zhirinovsky never was willing to accept the loss of Pamyat and Nazbol.
Putin: Yes. The junta needed to have a strong dictator who was ‘ordering them’ to commit the war crimes that they were committing all over the former Soviet Union. If Zhirinovsky accepted the loss of the fringe groups, the danger was that Gennady Burbulis, the new Prime Minister, would emerge stronger and more powerful than Zhirinovsky. If that were the case there would be no way we could blame everything on Zhirinovsky. Then the charade would be up.
“My Russia- An Autobiography by former Russian Prime Minister Gennady Burbulis”
Published by Interbook, © 1998
CHAPTER FIFTY EIGHT
I could tell Vice President Zavidiya was unhappy and irritated. He sat in his chair with his arms crossed, seldom adding anything to the discussion. At times he would lift up his arms before settling back into his chair without actually saying anything. He did not approve of how the communists were unceremoniously purged and was angry that Zhirinovsky elected to form a partnership with us, with the reformists.
“Mr. President,” I said as I picked up a folder, “we need to discuss how we are going to address the issue of Dmitri Vasilyev and Pamyat.”
“Don’t worry about Vasilyev,” he said dismissively, “he’ll come around. He just needs time to work things out.”
“That’s what I wanted to address Mr. President,” I said firmly, “I think we need to take advantage of this opportunity and condemn both Pamyat and Vasilyev. When you address the Duma next week you will have a tremendous amount of goodwill from many of the reformists. Let’s capitalize on that by severing ties with the extremists.”
“Perhaps we can file criminal charges on them as well,” Zavidiya said, unable to hide the excitement in his voice, “we can charge them for their role in the Israeli embassy crisis!”
“I am not going to turn on my allies!” Zhirinovsky screamed as he pounded his fist on the table, “I may not see eye to eye with Vasilyev, but his supporters have been in my corner from the start!”
“You realize that Vasilyev called you a ‘Jew in Jews’ clothing’” I replied, “he said, and I quote, that ‘Zhirinovsky proved with no uncertainty that he is little more than another filthy Jew, looking to turn over the Russian nation to his Zionist overlords in Israel.’”
Zhirinovsky’s face became contorted with anger, and for several seconds he resembled a small infant about to erupt in a tantrum. It was almost comical, but I knew I needed to keep a straight face. Zhirinovsky had grown predictable and he seldom could control his anger. All I needed to do was get him angry enough at Dmitri Vasilyev and maybe we could be rid of the fascist elements in the Liberal Democratic Party…maybe.
“How dare he!” He finally screamed, “I am the leader of the Russian Republic! I…I…”
“Mr. President,” Zavidiya said, interrupting him, “I received word that Eduard Limonov is rallying members of the LDP to join him in forming a new political party as well. He is opposed to the privatization of state industry…among other things. We may be able to limit the impact of his departure by forestalling some of these plans for privatization.”
I was excited when I heard that news. To be rid of Limonov and Vasilyev would have been a gift from heaven! How could those fools be so stupid to leave the party fold when it was obvious that they had a kindred soul in the President? Did they honestly think they were going to be anything other than a fringe party? But I worried about the possibility that privatization would be forestalled.
“Mr. President,” I replied, “I don’t think we need to do that. Mr. Limonov is not a serious threat to weaken the Party. In fact, if we are rid of him, it would strengthen the coalition government that we formed with Arutyunov and the reformists.”
“Are you suggesting that we ignore him?” Zavidiya said sarcastically, “and let him pillage the Party? I hardly think that is a good idea.”
Zhirinovsky was still riled up over being called a “filthy Jew” and he paid little attention to us, still mumbling under his breath about having Vasilyev shot. Still, the idea that Limonov would dare betray him added fuel to the fire.
“Limonov is a filthy sodomite!” he screamed, “I read his book, that filthy book he wrote in New York! He brags about having sex with men in it! He brags about it! On page 106 he talks about-“
“I don’t think we need all the details Mr. President,” General Lebed said as he interrupted Zhirinovsky, “let’s just get back to the subject at hand.”
“I will tell the world what sort of filthy pervert Eduard Limonov is,” Zhirinovsky added, “I will denounce him in front of the entire Duma! I will call him Ernst Röhm! He is no different than Ernst Röhm and I will make sure everyone knows it!”
“Are you a juvenile?!” Zavidiya said angrily as he jumped out of his chair, “you are not going to call Eduard Limonov Ernst Röhm during your speech at the Duma.”
“Why not?!” Zhirinovsky fired back.
“Because that would make you Adolf Hitler you goddamn idiot!”
Zhirinovsky’s face was bright red as he glared at Zavidiya. He jumped out of his chair and looked like he was prepared to attack him for just a moment before gathering the papers in front of him and storming out in a huff. The wheels were in motion, and all we could do now was to wait for his speech to the Duma the following week. Would he denounce Pamyat and Limonov and side with the reformists who now controlled the Duma? Or would he try once again to woo those who would always hate him because of his ethnicity? I sat down in my chair, hoping that I had planted enough a seed to motivate Zhirinovsky to do the right thing for once. But I knew his insanity could destroy everything. Nobody could ever know what he was going to do, and sadly for the Russian nation, we were all hostage to Vladimir Zhirinovsky’s identity crisis.
Eduard Limonov at a press conference announcing the formation of the National Bolshevik Party (AP)
Russian President condemns ‘fascist groups’, calls for investigation of Israeli embassy crisis
The Scotsman
January 21, 1994
In front of a the first democratically elected Duma in Moscow since the rise of Vladimir Lenin, Russian President Vladimir Zhirinovsky surprised many in the West by publically denouncing the right wing Pamyat movement as well as calling on the Duma to “help him cut away the cancer of fascism eating away at the heart of the Russian nation.” The move was widely seen as an attempt to forge stronger ties to the reformist block within the Russian Duma, as well as an attempt to ease fears in the West in regards to another Zhirinovsky term as president. Zhirinovsky also called for a special prosecutor to investigate the role Pamyat played in the Israeli embassy crisis and the Polish embassy crisis of 1992.
Perhaps the most surprising moment came when a Liberal Democratic Lawmaker interrupted the speech to scream “Slava Zhirinovskomu” while giving out a fascist salute.
“No!” the President screamed at his stunned colleague, “There will be none of that here in Russia! If you want to give glory, then give glory to the Russian people!”
The rebuke brought the entire Duma to its feet in cheers as hundreds of lawmakers began chanting “Glory to the Russian People” and “We serve the Union of Independent States.”
Washington Dismissive of speech
In Washington American Secretary of State Warren Christopher dismissed the speech and called on the UIS to end its occupation of central and eastern Croatia.
“Although we applaud President Zhirinovsky’s strong statements condemning fascism, ultimately actions speak louder than words,” Christopher said during a press conference, “and there has been no change in the actions of the Russian President, who promised not only to continue to occupation of central and eastern Croatia, but to expand his war of oppression into the breakaway Republic of Georgia.”
MSNBC interview with Walter Mondale, Former U.S. Secretary of State
July 16, 2008
MSNBC: Many Democrats criticized your successor, Warren Christopher, for his curtness in responding to Vladimir Zhirinovsky’s speech to the Russian Duma in January of 1994. Do you think he responded too forcefully?
Mondale: Not at all. He was correct. Actions speak loader than words. Zhirinovsky had fooled President Bush once, but President Kerrey was sure as hell not going to let him pull the same cheap trick on us after what we saw in Moscow in 1992.
MSNBC: So you don’t think Pamyat was responsible for the Polish Embassy Crisis?
Mondale: They took part, sure. But it was masterminded by Vladimir Zhirinovsky. And even in his so called progressive speech to the Russian Duma, he never changed his position on Croatia. Or Estonia. Or even Chechnya. And when he announced that he was only going to expand the misery, that he was going to send troops to Georgia on top of everything else, we knew that nothing really changed with Vladimir Zhirinovsky. He needed to kiss up to the reformists but at the end of the day he was still the same genocidal madman who tried to turn Russia into Nazi Germany in 1992.
Last edited:
Orville_third
Banned
I liked the Rohm bit. And I wonder if Limonov will last long enough to try and reinvent himself as he's tried OTL.
MarshalBraginsky
Banned
Also, we can thank Lebed for stopping Zhirinovsky from going further in his explanation.
I think he might, but not in the way he does in OTL. But we see he ends up in Kazakhstan before long. The question is did he go willingly, or was he sent kicking a screaming like the Communists in Kunashir?
It is official! Zhirinovsky's Russian Empire won the Turtledove Award!
I really am humbled by this, and I deeply appreciate all of the votes!
I want to thank Tongera and Jonathan Edelstein for nominating this TL as well as all of you who have supported it over the last year. I have had a really hard time trying to explain to my friends and family what I have been doing with my life these last few months, and my description of getting nominated for the Turtledove didn't exactly clarify things with them. But I will admit, this award really means a lot to me and I am thankful. And I want to say, I was in there with some serious competition, I don't know if there has ever been a race with so many great TL's going head to head, and I am just proud to have been mentioned in the same breath as those TL's.
I really am humbled by this, and I deeply appreciate all of the votes!
I want to thank Tongera and Jonathan Edelstein for nominating this TL as well as all of you who have supported it over the last year. I have had a really hard time trying to explain to my friends and family what I have been doing with my life these last few months, and my description of getting nominated for the Turtledove didn't exactly clarify things with them. But I will admit, this award really means a lot to me and I am thankful. And I want to say, I was in there with some serious competition, I don't know if there has ever been a race with so many great TL's going head to head, and I am just proud to have been mentioned in the same breath as those TL's.
Many congratulations, Pellegrino! It's well-deserved. I've only gotten into reading this TL recently, actually, but that was all I needed to vote for it in the polls without hesitation. A detailed, haunting, and captivating read all the way from the first page. Keep it coming!
Congratulations! This TL truly deserve for it! I wont be original if I said it is very well written and well researched, with amazing level of details
. I especially like focusing on stories of ordinary people. It realy made TTL so realistic, so it is not only alternate history, it is masterpiece of political-fiction
One question, did we see PAYMAT or National Bolsheviks participation in Batic Wars?
Congratulations! This TL truly deserve for it! I wont be original if I said it is very well written and well researched, with amazing level of details
I especially like focusing on stories of ordinary people. It realy made TTL so realistic, so it is not only alternate history, it is masterpiece of political-fiction
One question, did we see PAYMAT or National Bolsheviks participation in Batic Wars?
Of all TLs this one felt the most "real" to me.
It is not just the fact it is so well written, it is the fact how it is written (As you have pointed out).
Most TLs I have read feel rather "dry" to me, they might be appealing, but this is one of the few that actually pulls you in, the one where once you start reading you have a hard time imagining this is actually fiction.
Your style truly has elevated the premise of this TL to something sublime.
Once I got into it I knew this would get a Turtledove, it was bound to happen: you have raised the bar here.
Well done Pelligrino! Shots all around
Na z drovye!
Thank you all!
I really appreciate all of your support and kind words! I feel very invested in this TL now, and knowing that it has a fan base helps me keep the batteries charged if you will!
I know it sounds like a cliché, but I owe much of this TL's success (and some great ideas that went into it) to all of you! From Dan1988 asking about what happened to the Israeli embassy during the 1992 riots (which led to the Righteous General Update) to DrakonFin bringing up the issue of Finland acting out of character (which led to the Lost 300 Update) to MarshalBraginsky, Alex1guy and Tongera giving me some great ideas over the course of this TL I really owe a lot of this to all of you. (And a special thanks to all of you who have caught my occasional typo as well!) I look forward to continuing this TL through the year and also getting some great input from everyone as well. Although I have some ideas as to where this TL will go, at the end of the day, all of you have a big say in it as well and we wouldn’t be here now without your input!
Congratulations! This TL truly deserve for it! I wont be original if I said it is very well written and well researched, with amazing level of details
I especially like focusing on stories of ordinary people. It realy made TTL so realistic, so it is not only alternate history, it is masterpiece of political-fiction
One question, did we see PAYMAT or National Bolsheviks participation in Batic Wars?
Thank you again Belle! I really appreciate your input and kind words!
As for the Baltic Wars, we did get some reference to that fact. In one of the earlier posts we hear that the UIS is having a serious problem with recruits to the military due to the flood of radical Russians (who might normally be strong candidates for joining up to serve in Chechnya or Georgia) now going to the Baltics to join militias there. I do plan to deal with how this "crackdown" on PAMYAT and NAZBOL may lead to a flood of radicals storming into Estonia (note, the war in Latvia ends in 1994, but Estonia continues until 1995)