WI: United Italian City States

What is the Plausablility of the Italian City States, 1100AD, Unifying into a sort of 'United States of Italy'? and if so, how powerful would said State be?

Would it be Capable of becoming a expansionary and effective Mediterranean superpower? (remember, Rome started off like this:)
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Rome Republic vs Italian Republic:
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I don't see why it wouldn't have a decent shot. I doubt it will reach the heights it did before but it still could be quite the powerhouse.
 
The problem with this is that you need a strong, very very strong reason for these cities to stay together. Historically, each city state was embroiled in its own local politics, very distrustful of other city-states, and the Pope also had a stringent relationship with them, especially because Rome also had a faction which was party to a republican style of government, which the Pope was always at odds with (and in the period around 1200 was ruling the City while the Pope was "exiled" at Tusculum, technically still his dominion, but far from being St Peter's Seat). Venice also had its sights in a different place than the rest of Italy, and would be a difficult piece to swallow by the hypothetical "Italian League", while Genoa was more concenred with trade in North Africa and the Western Mediterranean.

You might need a Muslim invasion of Sicily and Naples, or a more powerful Hauteville Kingdom of Sicily which would gobble up Naples faster, or a more victorious Barbarossa similar to how Charles of France managed to unite many of the city-states against his own invasion of Milan.

And you'd need a charismatic and capable leader (or leaders). If you time it around 1000-1200, then you have the perfect recipe for a Joan of Arc style story, with a "blessed" leader who the Pope uses but ultimately may betray, semi-legendary companions (one of which may even become Bluebeard) and "national heroes" for each of the Italian regions.

It could become a sort of Trojan War narrative, fundational to the myth of the new nation, to which Rossini, Verdi and Puccini composed operas in 1880, of which Vivaldi and Monteverdi sang in the 1700's, about which epic poems and Renaissance murals would be commissioned in the 1600's...

Overall, an exciting prospect.
 
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The Lombard League was developing a confederal government (made up of delegates from the various city-states, with regulatory, tax and judicial powers) by the time it disbanded; if it had survived, for whatever reason, the Tuscan city-states could've joined it, and maybe even Sicily could've done so. Naples and the Papal States are a much harder nut to crack, however.
 
In 1100 AD, those Italian states were still a part of the Holy Roman Empire, all engaged in the long struggle between Guelphs and Ghibellines for Papal or Imperial control. Your map is from later, in the late 1400s.

The real problem in both of those eras is: where would they expand into? A particularly great Sforza type could subdue lots of city-states and form a proto-Italy, but throughout the Middle Ages, Italy was surrounded by established, powerful kingdoms. They could continue the Venetian and Genoese colonization of the Eastern Mediterranean, but there's a reason you don't see Roman Republic-style expansion of any European state in the Middle Ages.
 
In 1100 AD, those Italian states were still a part of the Holy Roman Empire, all engaged in the long struggle between Guelphs and Ghibellines for Papal or Imperial control. Your map is from later, in the late 1400s.

The real problem in both of those eras is: where would they expand into? A particularly great Sforza type could subdue lots of city-states and form a proto-Italy, but throughout the Middle Ages, Italy was surrounded by established, powerful kingdoms. They could continue the Venetian and Genoese colonization of the Eastern Mediterranean, but there's a reason you don't see Roman Republic-style expansion of any European state in the Middle Ages.

Well... I could totally see a expansion into North Africa (Zirid Emir, Banu Jami and Hammidites). T
he naval might of a United Florence, Pisa, Venice and Amalfi should be able to take and hold the Balearic Emirate and Malta Isles (don't know who owned it)

As for unification...
You might need a Muslim invasion of Sicily and Naples, or a more powerful Hauteville Kingdom of Sicily which would gobble up Naples faster, or a more victorious Barbarossa similar to how Charles of France managed to unite many of the city-states against his own invasion of Milan.

And you'd need a charismatic and capable leader (or leaders). If you time it around 1000-1200, then you have the perfect recipe for a Joan of Arc style story, with a "blessed" leader who the Pope uses but ultimately may betray, semi-legendary companions (one of which may even become Bluebeard) and "national heroes" for each of the Italian regions.
I was thinking something along the lines of a 'Suped-up' Crusades. Instead of the Levant and the near east, it would be directed at North africa.
 
Venice is your best bet I think. They could just keep expanding outside of Italy and get some lucky wanks.

Maybe they play nice with pope, France, and Austrian enemies in Holy Roman Empire. This keeps their borders in Italy somewhat more safe and secure for a time while they focus on trade, colonization, and going after Ottomans especially when they start looking weak. They even build up ties and union with Genoa when they start weakening and becoming desperate.

Venice builds up a nice system of alliances and plays people off each other. The increased ties with Genoa does lead to increased issues with France but Venice starts lobbying more with Spain.

Spain develops into a natural ally. They keep Portugal from taking any increased action against them for expanding out in Africa and Indian Ocean. They even allow them to take a few colonies in new world. Mostly otl British and French Caribbean and plus Florida. Venice helps Spain secure places like Sicily, Naples, and Sardinia. Spain helps Venice take more and grow in northern Italy just to help against France.

Venice colonization is mostly trade focused and strategic colonies. Besides Florida and north east coast of South America most of its new world colonies are islands. These being mostly cash crop and slave colonies but more urban then their European counterparts. Venice type of infrastructure might thrive in places like this or Florida especially with slaves building it.

In Mediterranean they mostly focused on Greek islands. They even have Crimea. They focused on taking choke points, trade routes, islands, and major cities. Stuff they can more easily defend with less numbers and more with its navy. In Eastern Europe they do ally with orthodox kingdoms more often to fight against Ottomans.

Unlike most catholic powers they are more tolerant and secular/pragmatic in thinking. They do play more nice with pope then otl but only when he gets pissy about something. They need orthodox Greek support to maintain new gains. Working with them is vital and pope can screw that up if he pushing too hard on catholic stuff. If Venice is able to show consistent gains against Ottomans that can used to hopefully get the pope off their ass about a lot of stuff when issues arise.

The Pope is one of the main reasons Italy didn’t unify for over thousand years after Rome. The Pope always going to be weary of a growing local power so Venice needs to just focus north of them at first and when they start getting iffy about growing Venice they can use Spain and their gains from Ottomans to convince them not to worry.

Venice needs to organize more foreign or auxiliary forces from its new gains to support its military. This combined with Italian mercenaries and its own Italian military units eventually secure northern Italy to point they actually can push France back out of Italy and with help of Spain take everything west of Rhône River.

Spain starts weakening like otl sometime after this but Venice can now stand on its own a good bit. When Spain loses Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia they swoop in after. They even get Malta. With Spain slowly weakening and Ottomans being pushed out of Europe and falling apart themselves Venice is becoming major to sole power in Mediterranean at sea. They even start wiping out Muslim pirates and slavers in region.

The tricky part is what to do with papal state now. Venice being this strong would lead to them disregarding pope more. The point of taking everything east of Rhône is to prevent a French back Pope in Avignon coming up again claiming Rome. The Doge and Venice knows the significance of where they are at now.

A doge or Venice might try to claim the title of successor of Rome if they control this much. They probably go more republic those.
 
To say that the kingdom of Italy was not united, is as if to say that the US is not a country as it has certain delegated officials and representatives. Likewise, it is to impose a post-enlightenment reality upon elder peoples. We deny this.

Italy was united. It had as its liege and title holder, the King of Italy, the Emperor of Rome, who at various points, was also the king of Naples-Sicily. It also had as its secondary ruler, and its true ruler, the Papacy. This then included a diverse set of smaller states, all, aside from Venice, under the control of either the Papacy or the Kingdom of Italy in proxy of the Empire. Only in the period after the demise of Boniface VIII and the neglect that Italy endured following the Papal flight to Avignon and the neglect by the empire did Italy begin to drift away from its traditional roles and Venice rose to prominence in Terra Firma.

Anyway, all of this to say, the unity of Italy in a political sense, is otl when it comes to the Middle Ages.
 
I think a good POD would be Faidiva of Toulouse surviving instead of her brother, this would lead to Toulouse and later Provence down the line being inherited by Savoy but this would mean an Occitan speaking italy in the long term.
 
Venice is your best bet I think. They could just keep expanding outside of Italy and get some lucky wanks.

Maybe they play nice with pope, France, and Austrian enemies in Holy Roman Empire. This keeps their borders in Italy somewhat more safe and secure for a time while they focus on trade, colonization, and going after Ottomans especially when they start looking weak. They even build up ties and union with Genoa when they start weakening and becoming desperate.

Venice builds up a nice system of alliances and plays people off each other. The increased ties with Genoa does lead to increased issues with France but Venice starts lobbying more with Spain.

Spain develops into a natural ally. They keep Portugal from taking any increased action against them for expanding out in Africa and Indian Ocean. They even allow them to take a few colonies in new world. Mostly otl British and French Caribbean and plus Florida. Venice helps Spain secure places like Sicily, Naples, and Sardinia. Spain helps Venice take more and grow in northern Italy just to help against France.

Venice colonization is mostly trade focused and strategic colonies. Besides Florida and north east coast of South America most of its new world colonies are islands. These being mostly cash crop and slave colonies but more urban then their European counterparts. Venice type of infrastructure might thrive in places like this or Florida especially with slaves building it.

In Mediterranean they mostly focused on Greek islands. They even have Crimea. They focused on taking choke points, trade routes, islands, and major cities. Stuff they can more easily defend with less numbers and more with its navy. In Eastern Europe they do ally with orthodox kingdoms more often to fight against Ottomans.

Unlike most catholic powers they are more tolerant and secular/pragmatic in thinking. They do play more nice with pope then otl but only when he gets pissy about something. They need orthodox Greek support to maintain new gains. Working with them is vital and pope can screw that up if he pushing too hard on catholic stuff. If Venice is able to show consistent gains against Ottomans that can used to hopefully get the pope off their ass about a lot of stuff when issues arise.

The Pope is one of the main reasons Italy didn’t unify for over thousand years after Rome. The Pope always going to be weary of a growing local power so Venice needs to just focus north of them at first and when they start getting iffy about growing Venice they can use Spain and their gains from Ottomans to convince them not to worry.

Venice needs to organize more foreign or auxiliary forces from its new gains to support its military. This combined with Italian mercenaries and its own Italian military units eventually secure northern Italy to point they actually can push France back out of Italy and with help of Spain take everything west of Rhône River.

Spain starts weakening like otl sometime after this but Venice can now stand on its own a good bit. When Spain loses Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia they swoop in after. They even get Malta. With Spain slowly weakening and Ottomans being pushed out of Europe and falling apart themselves Venice is becoming major to sole power in Mediterranean at sea. They even start wiping out Muslim pirates and slavers in region.

The tricky part is what to do with papal state now. Venice being this strong would lead to them disregarding pope more. The point of taking everything east of Rhône is to prevent a French back Pope in Avignon coming up again claiming Rome. The Doge and Venice knows the significance of where they are at now.

A doge or Venice might try to claim the title of successor of Rome if they control this much. They probably go more republic those.
Great Ideas! I had the idea of The HR Emperor and the Pope working with the Italian City States to create a sort of Holy Roman Maritime empire.
 
The problem with this is that you need a strong, very very strong reason for these cities to stay together. Historically, each city state was embroiled in its own local politics, very distrustful of other city-states, and the Pope also had a stringent relationship with them, especially because Rome also had a faction which was party to a republican style of government, which the Pope was always at odds with (and in the period around 1200 was ruling the City while the Pope was "exiled" at Tusculum, technically still his dominion, but far from being St Peter's Seat). Venice also had its sights in a different place than the rest of Italy, and would be a difficult piece to swallow by the hypothetical "Italian League", while Genoa was more concenred with trade in North Africa and the Western Mediterranean.

You might need a Muslim invasion of Sicily and Naples, or a more powerful Hauteville Kingdom of Sicily which would gobble up Naples faster, or a more victorious Barbarossa similar to how Charles of France managed to unite many of the city-states against his own invasion of Milan.

And you'd need a charismatic and capable leader (or leaders). If you time it around 1000-1200, then you have the perfect recipe for a Joan of Arc style story, with a "blessed" leader who the Pope uses but ultimately may betray, semi-legendary companions (one of which may even become Bluebeard) and "national heroes" for each of the Italian regions.

It could become a sort of Trojan War narrative, fundational to the myth of the new nation, to which Rossini, Verdi and Puccini composed operas in 1880, of which Vivaldi and Monteverdi sang in the 1700's, about which epic poems and Renaissance murals would be commissioned in the 1600's...

Overall, an exciting prospect.
Assuming that these fueding Italian city States can get their act together, Do you have any idea of what their army might Consist of? Swiss Pikemen, Genoan artillery, ect? (I am aware that these units didn't exist, just some ideas)
 
To say that the kingdom of Italy was not united, is as if to say that the US is not a country as it has certain delegated officials and representatives. Likewise, it is to impose a post-enlightenment reality upon elder peoples. We deny this.

Italy was united. It had as its liege and title holder, the King of Italy, the Emperor of Rome, who at various points, was also the king of Naples-Sicily. It also had as its secondary ruler, and its true ruler, the Papacy. This then included a diverse set of smaller states, all, aside from Venice, under the control of either the Papacy or the Kingdom of Italy in proxy of the Empire. Only in the period after the demise of Boniface VIII and the neglect that Italy endured following the Papal flight to Avignon and the neglect by the empire did Italy begin to drift away from its traditional roles and Venice rose to prominence in Terra Firma.

Anyway, all of this to say, the unity of Italy in a political sense, is otl when it comes to the Middle Ages.

I think you're mistaken. When talking about political unity in the Middle Ages, the waters are very murky (after all, every lord was sovereign and voluntarily linked to a liege lord... in theory). But the theory, which you refer to, was far from practice.

Saying Italy was united is more like saying, in 2019, that Syria or Iraq are united countries, stable and whole. Sure, Bashar al-Assad is President of Syria, but there are vast swathes of the country which do not obey his laws and do not send him their taxes (the very essence of a State: collects taxes and enforces laws, in the present or in the past).

The HRE had theorical authority over it, but this authority was rarely enforced even before the 10th Century, and seldom considered after the 13th, even by the Emperor himself. The Pope sure wanted to fill that chair, but he couldn't. Which already tells us that what you said is wrong. Italy was not united. The "neglect" you cite from both the Papacy and the Empire were already symptoms of the Italian states considerable political disunion and autonomy. Rome was unconfortable for the Pope because of how politically unstable it was, because of how much the Pope became less and less relevant in local Italian politics, despite his enormous influence over kings and princes. The inner workings of Italian politics after the 1250's were so contrary to the Pope's interests that he simply found himself a more stable base of power under the wings of the King of France, who had newly gained sovereignity over Southern France and could redistribute power as he wished (itself another example of how much de jure ownership of land in the early Middle Ages meant very little; the King of France had to retake Southern France essentially from the lords of the Midi, who saw themselves as within France, but not under it, and certainly not vassals of the King of France, but I digress).

At the year 1200, not even Innocent III, the most powerful man in Europe (probably the most powerful Pope in history) had the capacity to consider Italy "under his tumb", and by 1250, after Barbarossa's defeat and Frederick II's abdication of German power and retreat to Naples and Sicily, Italy was effectively a land without external entanglements. All ready for Aragon and France to claw their way into it by the 1400's.
 
Well I dont think they're gonna let naples fall under aragones and later Spanish control (no idea how it happened, I only know it from eu4, but it apparently had something to do with provence)

And while I doubt it could play with the ottomans on land, Genoa would get some crimean territory at some point and it's position lends well to naval dominance. I actually doubt it would colonize mich at all because part of the reasons for otl age of exploration was italian monopoly on the med.

But that's centuries after your pod, and who knows, maybe these italian lords repell thr turks in Greece
 
I think you're mistaken. When talking about political unity in the Middle Ages, the waters are very murky (after all, every lord was sovereign and voluntarily linked to a liege lord... in theory). But the theory, which you refer to, was far from practice.

Saying Italy was united is more like saying, in 2019, that Syria or Iraq are united countries, stable and whole. Sure, Bashar al-Assad is President of Syria, but there are vast swathes of the country which do not obey his laws and do not send him their taxes (the very essence of a State: collects taxes and enforces laws, in the present or in the past).

The HRE had theorical authority over it, but this authority was rarely enforced even before the 10th Century, and seldom considered after the 13th, even by the Emperor himself. The Pope sure wanted to fill that chair, but he couldn't. Which already tells us that what you said is wrong. Italy was not united. The "neglect" you cite from both the Papacy and the Empire were already symptoms of the Italian states considerable political disunion and autonomy. Rome was unconfortable for the Pope because of how politically unstable it was, because of how much the Pope became less and less relevant in local Italian politics, despite his enormous influence over kings and princes. The inner workings of Italian politics after the 1250's were so contrary to the Pope's interests that he simply found himself a more stable base of power under the wings of the King of France, who had newly gained sovereignity over Southern France and could redistribute power as he wished (itself another example of how much de jure ownership of land in the early Middle Ages meant very little; the King of France had to retake Southern France essentially from the lords of the Midi, who saw themselves as within France, but not under it, and certainly not vassals of the King of France, but I digress).

At the year 1200, not even Innocent III, the most powerful man in Europe (probably the most powerful Pope in history) had the capacity to consider Italy "under his tumb", and by 1250, after Barbarossa's defeat and Frederick II's abdication of German power and retreat to Naples and Sicily, Italy was effectively a land without external entanglements. All ready for Aragon and France to claw their way into it by the 1400's.

Everything is in theory, nothing ever works in human politics as do clocks, checking at specific times. Eccentricity always exists and political legitimacy is always mired by dissent, decentralism and a level of inadequate ruling. We speak of many states of the past as unified entities, lords over great realms, as single units, undivided. Yet, for the Holy Roman Empire, due to the western mindset as of late, following the Enlightenment, a bigotry and flawed understanding of the Holy Roman empire has arose. Yet in the same breath, these speakers and thinkers, refer to the Abbasid caliphate and the Sassanid empire as if it is singular entities. Each of these are arguably less centralized than the Holy Roman Empire in Italy and less able to claim to be a singular entity. The Sasanid empire might best be called 12 different independent kingdoms who simply placed puppet rulers upon the throne. The Abbasid was a regime that could not even issue taxes upon the majority of its subjects and was dependent upon vassals to a degree exceeding even French monarchs in its height of noble power.

The empire by comparison, as is argued by scholars who are learned in fields not pertaining to recent European history or revisionist dogma, we find in a world-wide basis, the Holy Roman empire and the French kingdom was actually symbols of centralism, especially in terms of theoretical ideology. Namely, feudalism implies a level of centralism in terms of ruling legitimacy that in some areas would be uncomfortable. Firstly, in feudalism we presuppose a liege-lord, who by either divine ordination, Papal confirmation, by noble lineage or tribal custom, is the master over a realm. As master of said realm, he distributes the lands to his vassals in the form of demenses and fiefs. He holds all lands by title and commits his allies to rule lands on his behalf. This supposes a singular authority and a conception that ever beyond one's post, there is another above himself. In other lands, such a conception was not always existing, yet they are termed by western scholars and rightfully so, as singular entities.

So regarding your notion that if a king does not rule exactly to theory or that the theory is not a Louis XIV model or some other modernist conception of firm handed rule, if this is your position, I would like you to admit or agree that under this view, we shoudl revise history to say the vast majority of states who have existed, were not truly so. Rather, they were just conglomerations of states and really did not rule them. It is hard to imagine for instance, claiming Assyria ruled Syria when they had to reconquer the land some dozen times (meanwhile such rebellions of this calibre never erupted against the Emperor's legitimacy to rule), while the Empire is some sort of mythic entity nonexistent outside of Heidelburg or Regensburg. My view is opposite of yours, it is that the Empire, while very decentralized, even for feudalism, was ultimately a singular entity, both in Lotharingia, Germany and in Italy. Its failures to hold onto Italy firmly, have less to do with its reigning ideology, but more to do with the various events that occurred in the Empire and Europe at large that made such universal empires less permissible in Europe, this is covered in detail by Giorgio Falco in his 'Holy Roman Republic.'
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Syria is a country in civil war, wherein many different parties question fundamental legitimacy of a particular ruler. Italian states at times rejected a particular emperor, but did not question the notion of the Kingdom of Italy or the Roman Empire. They also questioned the notion of how one was to attain an imperial throne. We call upon Dante and his 'De Monarchia,' wherein he made the claim that the Holy Roman Emperor was the divinely appointed and majestic master of Italy and in his opinion, of earth entirely. While simultaneously, Dante made an even stronger case for Imperial absolutism, claiming that the Papacy had no power over Imperial succession and that the electors of the Empire should only be advisory positions.

" If this is so, and there is none higher than He, only God elects and only God confirms. Whence we may further conclude that neither those who are now, nor those who in any way whatsoever have been, called Electors, have the right to be called;rather shoudl they be entitled heralds of divine providence. Whence it is that those in whom is vested the dignity of proclamation suffer dissension among themselves at times, when all or part of them being shadowed by the passions, they discern not the face of God's dispensation. It is established clearly, that the authority of the Emperor (he refers to the HRE) descends without mediation from the fountain of divine and universal authority.This fountain, pure and true, flows multifarious channels from the divine abundance of excellence." -Dante Alighieri espousing absolute imperial authority in Europe

" Wherefore a twofold directive agent was necessary to man, in accordance with the twofold end ; the Supreme Pontiff to lead the human race to life eternal by means of revelation, and the Emperor to guide it to temporal felicity by means of philosophic instruction." - Dante Alighieri espousing the two stars model

"Methinks I have now approached close enough to the goal I had set myself, for I have taken the kernels of truth from the husks of falsehood, in that question which asked whether the office of Monarchy was essential to the welfare of the world, and in the next which made inquiry whether the Roman people rightfully appropriated the Empire, and in the last which sought whether the authority of the Monarch derived from God immediately, or from some other. But the truth of this final question must not be restricted to mean that the Roman Prince shall not be subject in some degree to the Roman Pontiff", for felicity that is mortal is ordered in a fore measure let Caesar after felicity honor that Peter is immortal. Wherefore let Caesar honor Peter as a first born son should honor his father, so that, refulgent with the light of paternal grace, he may illumine with greater radiance the earthly sphere over which he has been set by Him who alone is Ruler of all things spiritual and temporal." -Dante Alighieri once more espouses the two star model of Charles I (the origin of this model).

The preeminent scholar of Italy for the time in 1300, understood the role of the Emperor and held with stern gaze, that the Emperor was the liege lord over Italy. We are dealing with a set of Italian states that rejected the Empire's right to rule, but rather an Italy that was assured of its certain liberties and were also of two-minds as to the custom of rule. Was the kingdom of Italy inherited as:

1. Inherited by the empire by right and as such he was divinely appointed by God. This is the opinion of the Hoehnstaufen clan, Frederick II and Dante.

-or-

2. Upon the demise of an emperor, the kingdom goes into flux as does Rome, with the Papacy inheriting the title and then redistributing the title back to the elected king of Germany or whom they choose, making the Pope the feudal lord of the Empire of Rome. This was the opinion of Innocent III, Boniface VIII and other advocates of true Papal Absolutism. It is also the view of the Papacy in the 8th century, John of Damascus outlined it well when he said:

‘….if any anyone attempts to teach you anything contrary to what the Catholic Church has received from the Scripture, Holy Apostles, the fathers and the synods, and that has kept to this day, pay no heed to him. Even if an angel, even if the Emperor tells you something other than what you have received from the Church, let them be anathematized.’
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Regarding the Papacy it would depend. At least many of Italy accepted the Papal feudal overlordship prior to Frederick I, when they accepted an Emperor over them that was confirmed by the Papacy. All of the Italian states also accepted the Papal powers of interdiction, which presupposes Papal feudal authority over said realm. Innocent III regarding Italy too was able to enforce councils upon them which affirmed the existing custom, that Italy was inherited principally by the Papacy and distributed by him afterward back to the Kingdom of Germany, this is the 'translatio imperrii.' Legally speaking, the Papacy was the land lord of Italy before Innocent III and after Innocent III certainly.

What you refer to as disunity in the Papal regime, can be broken into different types and for different times:

-The battle between specifically Roman clans.

-The protection of localism among the varied members of the Duchy of Spoleto and the former Byzantine province.

The second did not exist prior to the Papal flight from Rome to Avignon. The first, was an issue faced by any state..... Byzantium had constant sources of intrigue, none of which came from foreign entourage, but most came directly from its capitol. Yet we do not claim, 'Byzantium did not rule Constantinople.' Yet far more emperors of Byzantium found their end at the hand of their court and a bureaucrat, than did a Pope faced against the swords of the Roman barons. The Papacy fled from Rome though for two reasons:

-The danger certainly imposed by Roman barons who had become strong on account of treachery and the French state.

-An attempt by the Papacy to appease the French monarchy.

If both did not exist at once, they would not have fled. Byzantium never fled Constantinople due to no benefit gained from leaving it (this is a bit wrong, in that some emperors simply ruled from the frontlines or in Anatolia, rather than Constantinople; we could say this is what the Papacy did,, they never relinquished their rule over said Duchies). The Papacy however, by this flight, left Italy to divide itself and reach the state of the fabled 'shadow kingdom,' permitting the rise of local lords and the preeminence of Venice and other usurpers to Papal and Imperial legitimacy.

My point: it is too hasty to judge Papal monarchy and the Empire based upon the situation exhibited upon their fall and decline. It is as if we are to judge the Assyrian empire based upon its situation at its decline when it ruled only a few towns and villages. Such is not how we should conduct history.


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Naples and Sicily are not dejure Italian lands. The inclusion of them into our discussion is anachronistic, those lands were never part of the Kingdom of Italy as it was conceived.
 
The term "Italian" has always been used to refer to the Kingdoms of Italy/Lombardy, Naples, and Sicily. These were all "Italian Kingdoms" as in Kingdoms located in the Italian peninsula.

The reason for their non-inclusion in the "Kingdom of Italy" originally wasn't because they were not Italian, but because they were not under the HRE, the reason being that they were not included in Charlemagne territorial possession, nor Otto possessions at the time of their coronation, in fact, most of these lands were under Eastern Roman control or at least influence at both times.

Even so, these lands have always been considered "Italian", and the only real reason a unified Kindom of Italy encompassing the entire peninsula didn't come to be as soon as the HRE come to be, was the presence of the Pope lands splitting Italy in two.

If the Pope could be reduced to the region of Latium somehow, anytime post 800 or post 962, freeing the eastern coast from Pope's control, then the inclusion of the southern Italian territories in a medieval "Kingdom of Italy" becomes not only possible but likely to happen in matter of decades if not just a few years, in a more permanent fashion.
 
The term "Italian" has always been used to refer to the Kingdoms of Italy/Lombardy, Naples, and Sicily. These were all "Italian Kingdoms" as in Kingdoms located in the Italian peninsula.

The reason for their non-inclusion in the "Kingdom of Italy" originally wasn't because they were not Italian, but because they were not under the HRE, the reason being that they were not included in Charlemagne territorial possession, nor Otto possessions at the time of their coronation, in fact, most of these lands were under Eastern Roman control or at least influence at both times.

Even so, these lands have always been considered "Italian", and the only real reason a unified Kindom of Italy encompassing the entire peninsula didn't come to be as soon as the HRE come to be, was the presence of the Pope lands splitting Italy in two.

If the Pope could be reduced to the region of Latium somehow, anytime post 800 or post 962, freeing the eastern coast from Pope's control, then the inclusion of the southern Italian territories in a medieval "Kingdom of Italy" becomes not only possible but likely to happen in matter of decades if not just a few years, in a more permanent fashion.

Italian is defined in legal terms as regions within the kingdom of Italy. Geography is defined by political definition and narratives, in the medieval understanding, there was a clear division of kingdom titles. The legal masters of the day spoke of such. Even if there was no division in their borders, say Naples bordered the Imperial kingdom of Italy, and they entered as a single unit. They would simply be two separate kingdoms within the empire, as opposed to one absorbing the other for nationalistic purposes. This was a custom for lands other than Naples too. The Republic of Venice, was conferred and designated as a domain outside of the Kingdom of Italy and is a precedent for the nature that in a geographic peninsula, there is an allowance for multiple kingdom titles whilst all having like geography.

When there was a dispute over the election of the successor to Gregory XI, the people of the city wished to elect an Italian to the Pontificate, whilst the cardinals were divided on their opinion. Later, the French cardinals who rebelled some few months later at Agnani, would claim that the crowd forced them to elect an Italian. This Italian that they refer to, was Urban VI, from within the Kingdom of Naples. A through investigation was made in those days and in modern times as to these claims and it was displayed such was not the case at all.

1. The French cardinals did not elect Urban VI for his Italian birth, but in their own words, saw him less as an Italian due to his birth outside the Italian kingdom.

2. the crowd was not pleased by the election of Urban VI. Their appeasement came only by the the subsequent events, that Urban VI was an enemy of corruption, champion of Rome and the treachery of the Cardinals allowed the Papacy to reflect grievances from himself to the cardinals, who were blamed for the corruption of the Church and dividing Christendom.

This is but one example of what I refer to.
 
Everything is in theory, nothing ever works in human politics as do clocks, checking at specific times.

That's what I said. The crux of our disagreement is that you look at the theory and conclude "the Papacy and the HRE were the unifying factors in Italy, therefore Italy was united". I look at other Medieval kingdoms, more coherent within themselves, with common law and common institutions, and conclude that Italy was less united than Castile, Aragon, or England, around 1200, and it only went down from there.

Eccentricity always exists and political legitimacy is always mired by dissent, decentralism and a level of inadequate ruling. We speak of many states of the past as unified entities, lords over great realms, as single units, undivided. Yet, for the Holy Roman Empire, due to the western mindset as of late, following the Enlightenment, a bigotry and flawed understanding of the Holy Roman empire has arose. Yet in the same breath, these speakers and thinkers, refer to the Abbasid caliphate and the Sassanid empire as if it is singular entities. Each of these are arguably less centralized than the Holy Roman Empire in Italy and less able to claim to be a singular entity. The Sasanid empire might best be called 12 different independent kingdoms who simply placed puppet rulers upon the throne. The Abbasid was a regime that could not even issue taxes upon the majority of its subjects and was dependent upon vassals to a degree exceeding even French monarchs in its height of noble power.

We're on the same page here.

Namely, feudalism implies a level of centralism in terms of ruling legitimacy that in some areas would be uncomfortable. Firstly, in feudalism we presuppose a liege-lord, who by either divine ordination, Papal confirmation, by noble lineage or tribal custom, is the master over a realm. As master of said realm, he distributes the lands to his vassals in the form of demenses and fiefs. He holds all lands by title and commits his allies to rule lands on his behalf. This supposes a singular authority and a conception that ever beyond one's post, there is another above himself. In other lands, such a conception was not always existing, yet they are termed by western scholars and rightfully so, as singular entities.

States' authoirty wax and wane, yes. The last decades have brought us an understanding that the Roman Empire pre-Dominate was much more of a loose federation of city-states than an Empire the way we today understand it, and that the Dominate itself had precisely the problem of trying to enforce a level of control greater than the means at its disposal allowed. I've been a big defender of the idea that the Late Roman Empire, including the Byzantine, was much more of an idea than a reality, a fiction that people believed in, and therefore it existed, at least while it was useful. They obeyed laws, they sent taxes, but it was fragile; as soon as problems arose, many parts of the Empire stopped sending taxes, started proclaiming new laws, and no Imperial agents or armies ever came to make the fiction of Empire a reality.

But to claim that feudalism implies a high level of centralism is strange. If anything, feudalism demands high decentralisation. Of course, there isn't one single concept of feudalism, but by broad observation, every lord has legislative, judicial and executive powers, every lord commands his army (the much debated ban includes all of those); in essence, every Medieval kingdom was a collection of states bound by personal oaths and tradition.

So regarding your notion that if a king does not rule exactly to theory or that the theory is not a Louis XIV model or some other modernist conception of firm handed rule, if this is your position, I would like you to admit or agree that under this view, we shoudl revise history to say the vast majority of states who have existed, were not truly so.

They were not modern states. I will concede that Medieval Europe is a very complex tapestry of states and laws and traditions, where it's difficult to say what is and what isn't a state, and while some Medieval kingdoms managed to coalesce and create common law and institutions, others did not. Poland, despite being disunited for a long tract of its history, was bound by common law and institutions. England did the same. In Germany the same process stalled until strong units formed within it and broke the tapestry.

Rather, they were just conglomerations of states and really did not rule them. It is hard to imagine for instance, claiming Assyria ruled Syria when they had to reconquer the land some dozen times (meanwhile such rebellions of this calibre never erupted against the Emperor's legitimacy to rule), while the Empire is some sort of mythic entity nonexistent outside of Heidelburg or Regensburg.

Did Syria send taxes to Niniveh, and obey the laws of the Assyrians? If so, they were under the rule of the Assyrian king, and a part of the Assyrian state. Did the Italian states pay to the Holy Roman Emperor, and obey his laws? Only in part, and without any huge revolts to speak of, like you said. The Emperor's rule in Italy was fine as long as it meant no hustle. Once the Emperor tried to act in Italy, especially after the Xth Century, many Italian states reacted against it. It happened to every emperor after Otto III. They had to give something to the Italian nobility to maintain power, more and more, until Imperial authority was only that of the armed soldiers that accompanied him.

Of course, it's not black and white, but you must admit, Italy was a very blurry territory to paint of one or another color on a map. When I see one of those "maps of Medieval Europe" that separate each of the Iberian crowns, but paint all of France in blue and all of Germany and half of Italy in grey, I squint, because, as you said, it imposes modern sensibilities of what a state is into an era where they make no sense.

My view is opposite of yours, it is that the Empire, while very decentralized, even for feudalism, was ultimately a singular entity, both in Lotharingia, Germany and in Italy. Its failures to hold onto Italy firmly, have less to do with its reigning ideology, but more to do with the various events that occurred in the Empire and Europe at large that made such universal empires less permissible in Europe, this is covered in detail by Giorgio Falco in his 'Holy Roman Republic.'

I agree, it was a singular entity, but tenuous. Ideology was not the culprit of the Emprie's fading, circumstance was. Through sheer ideology many Popes also claimed dominium mundi, and that was not so. Because stronger states emerged that challenged both Imperial and Papal claims to universal dominion.

Italian states at times rejected a particular emperor, but did not question the notion of the Kingdom of Italy or the Roman Empire. They also questioned the notion of how one was to attain an imperial throne. We call upon Dante and his 'De Monarchia,' wherein he made the claim that the Holy Roman Emperor was the divinely appointed and majestic master of Italy and in his opinion, of earth entirely. While simultaneously, Dante made an even stronger case for Imperial absolutism, claiming that the Papacy had no power over Imperial succession and that the electors of the Empire should only be advisory positions.

They didn't deny it, but they mostly ignored it. Isn't, in essence, the same?

Dante is debating political theory, and is using the tried Papal argument for world dominion, but he gives no indication that his dissertation is based on the observation of reality. Medieval literature is usually very idealistic. I don't claim Dante was wrong, and people in Italy certainly must have thought that their sphere was that of the Imperial kingdom of Italy, not that of the King in Naples or in Paris or that of the Emperor in Constantinople. But there's a very wide leap from "Italy is a loose theoretical idea owned by the Emperor and sometimes it's relevant" and "we are subjects to the Emperor and when he calls, we respond".

+++

Regarding the Papacy it would depend. At least many of Italy accepted the Papal feudal overlordship prior to Frederick I, when they accepted an Emperor over them that was confirmed by the Papacy. All of the Italian states also accepted the Papal powers of interdiction, which presupposes Papal feudal authority over said realm. Innocent III regarding Italy too was able to enforce councils upon them which affirmed the existing custom, that Italy was inherited principally by the Papacy and distributed by him afterward back to the Kingdom of Germany, this is the 'translatio imperrii.' Legally speaking, the Papacy was the land lord of Italy before Innocent III and after Innocent III certainly.

[...]

My point: it is too hasty to judge Papal monarchy and the Empire based upon the situation exhibited upon their fall and decline. It is as if we are to judge the Assyrian empire based upon its situation at its decline when it ruled only a few towns and villages. Such is not how we should conduct history.

Papal overlordship is a tricky thing. If the Pope went to war, would all the Italian states come to aid the Pope in arms? Most Medieval European states affirmed feudalism links with oaths of military support. When Edward I went to Scotland, he mustered less than one tenth of the available fighting force his vassals could gather (feudalism...), but still he managed to make his oaths valid throughout all of his realm. And Edward I was a monarch at the top of Medieval authority. Which comes to say that this is a very complicated matter, and I may have been too hasty in letting out big words and concrete statements.


Naples and Sicily are not dejure Italian lands. The inclusion of them into our discussion is anachronistic, those lands were never part of the Kingdom of Italy as it was conceived.

The Classical idea of Italy included them, so I don't see why Renaissance scholars like Valla or Pontano wouldn't jump to the conclusion that if Roman Italy inluded Naples, why wouldn't their own idea of it?
 
That's what I said. The crux of our disagreement is that you look at the theory and conclude "the Papacy and the HRE were the unifying factors in Italy, therefore Italy was united". I look at other Medieval kingdoms, more coherent within themselves, with common law and common institutions, and conclude that Italy was less united than Castile, Aragon, or England, around 1200, and it only went down from there.



We're on the same page here.



States' authoirty wax and wane, yes. The last decades have brought us an understanding that the Roman Empire pre-Dominate was much more of a loose federation of city-states than an Empire the way we today understand it, and that the Dominate itself had precisely the problem of trying to enforce a level of control greater than the means at its disposal allowed. I've been a big defender of the idea that the Late Roman Empire, including the Byzantine, was much more of an idea than a reality, a fiction that people believed in, and therefore it existed, at least while it was useful. They obeyed laws, they sent taxes, but it was fragile; as soon as problems arose, many parts of the Empire stopped sending taxes, started proclaiming new laws, and no Imperial agents or armies ever came to make the fiction of Empire a reality.

But to claim that feudalism implies a high level of centralism is strange. If anything, feudalism demands high decentralisation. Of course, there isn't one single concept of feudalism, but by broad observation, every lord has legislative, judicial and executive powers, every lord commands his army (the much debated ban includes all of those); in essence, every Medieval kingdom was a collection of states bound by personal oaths and tradition.



They were not modern states. I will concede that Medieval Europe is a very complex tapestry of states and laws and traditions, where it's difficult to say what is and what isn't a state, and while some Medieval kingdoms managed to coalesce and create common law and institutions, others did not. Poland, despite being disunited for a long tract of its history, was bound by common law and institutions. England did the same. In Germany the same process stalled until strong units formed within it and broke the tapestry.



Did Syria send taxes to Niniveh, and obey the laws of the Assyrians? If so, they were under the rule of the Assyrian king, and a part of the Assyrian state. Did the Italian states pay to the Holy Roman Emperor, and obey his laws? Only in part, and without any huge revolts to speak of, like you said. The Emperor's rule in Italy was fine as long as it meant no hustle. Once the Emperor tried to act in Italy, especially after the Xth Century, many Italian states reacted against it. It happened to every emperor after Otto III. They had to give something to the Italian nobility to maintain power, more and more, until Imperial authority was only that of the armed soldiers that accompanied him.

Of course, it's not black and white, but you must admit, Italy was a very blurry territory to paint of one or another color on a map. When I see one of those "maps of Medieval Europe" that separate each of the Iberian crowns, but paint all of France in blue and all of Germany and half of Italy in grey, I squint, because, as you said, it imposes modern sensibilities of what a state is into an era where they make no sense.



I agree, it was a singular entity, but tenuous. Ideology was not the culprit of the Emprie's fading, circumstance was. Through sheer ideology many Popes also claimed dominium mundi, and that was not so. Because stronger states emerged that challenged both Imperial and Papal claims to universal dominion.



They didn't deny it, but they mostly ignored it. Isn't, in essence, the same?

Dante is debating political theory, and is using the tried Papal argument for world dominion, but he gives no indication that his dissertation is based on the observation of reality. Medieval literature is usually very idealistic. I don't claim Dante was wrong, and people in Italy certainly must have thought that their sphere was that of the Imperial kingdom of Italy, not that of the King in Naples or in Paris or that of the Emperor in Constantinople. But there's a very wide leap from "Italy is a loose theoretical idea owned by the Emperor and sometimes it's relevant" and "we are subjects to the Emperor and when he calls, we respond".

+++



Papal overlordship is a tricky thing. If the Pope went to war, would all the Italian states come to aid the Pope in arms? Most Medieval European states affirmed feudalism links with oaths of military support. When Edward I went to Scotland, he mustered less than one tenth of the available fighting force his vassals could gather (feudalism...), but still he managed to make his oaths valid throughout all of his realm. And Edward I was a monarch at the top of Medieval authority. Which comes to say that this is a very complicated matter, and I may have been too hasty in letting out big words and concrete statements.




The Classical idea of Italy included them, so I don't see why Renaissance scholars like Valla or Pontano wouldn't jump to the conclusion that if Roman Italy inluded Naples, why wouldn't their own idea of it?
Feudalism and medieval era are just a nicer way of saying warlords. That’s what many of them were. Warlords who had a clusterfuck of a legal system and church playing most centralized authority. They didn’t even listen to kings or laws sometimes. If you had a big enough army and enough money you could even sometimes tell the church to screw off in your own lands(usually not a smart decision getting excommunicated). Or you could bribe priest and local religious figures way from church.

In Africa or China we would call these warlords or petty kingdoms under a confederation type system.

The reason classical minded people criticize system is because what came before and after it was better. Rome being what came before and rise of modern nation states after. Both of which proved much more beneficial and vital to European success over what came between(church and Holy Roman Empire).

Empires in Asia often just had a few generations or sometimes one of a strongman taking power and rapidly expanding. Their empires often stagnating and falling apart after. How many caliphates have their been and how long they usually last?
 
@Cèsar de Quart

I will address each point you made by numerals, from first to last.
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1. Perhaps, I do prefer to look into matters of theory and generally accepted titles. As opposed to, understanding states as regions of mutually accepted legal custom and institution. If I was to view things exactly as you do though, in this regard, my opinion would ultimately lean to he view given by Giorgio Falco and others. That the Papacy was the sole ruler of Europe, that Rome never fell, only separated into varied states and were recovered by the authority of Papal interdiction, excommunication and edict; united by Papal cathedra and ruled as something like a Shogunate-like structure. This is how the Islamic world viewed Europe in the Middle Ages for instance.

We take precedence from Bayezid I, who whence he defeated the Imperial-Hungarian-French army in Bulgaria, mocked the French and Europeans:

'Bayezid was courteous, but made clear his intentions; to make his horse eat corn upon the seat of Saint-Peter. He knew that victory was imminent as the lands of Christendom were divided between two rulers! These Saracen had made great marvel at the suffering ...was to be felt by the Lords and Kings for this division of leadership of their lands.' -John the Fearless upon returning to Paris, to report the grand and apocalyptic defeat.

The Muslim states understood their enemy, was ultimately never the king of the Franks, Lords of Germany or Masters of Italy, but always the unifying figure rising from the mass of Rome, the Papacy. At least in the case of their enemy who was Latin, that is, they understood other enemies, such as the Eastern Emperor or the states in more eastern locales.

Anyway, we perhaps are moving off-topic there.

Addendum: Common legal practices and institutions are important, surely, but they are not the mode that I would prefer for determining the status of realms in the past. Partly as such is not appropriate for most of the rest of the world, it would nullify much precedent and standards regarding historical study of myriads of ancient and medieval states across the world. Surely we can at least compromise on some aspects however.

2. I stand by the claim that feudalism implies a level of centralism that is unprecedented for much of the world.

As I pointed toward, feudalism implies a central figure (whether God, the Papacy or the King-Emperor-Duke) for which duties are to be given and from whom the titles-fiefs are given unto. When a land was to be conquered by the Kingdom of France, such as say, the 'divine fief' that Louis IX spoke of, it was understood that the crusade upon Africa if land was captured, it was captured in the name of someone. Namely, it was captured on behalf of Louis IX, even if he was not there. He then, would distribute the lands to his loyal allies, into demenses based upon his discretion or custom. There however, was never a true dispute as to whom one waged war on behalf, even if there was a conflict of interest, it was always an understanding that there were hierarchies, of which there stood the liege lord at the top.

In the case of true decentralized realms, we look to the Sassanid empire at its height. It was a kingdom based upon dynastism, the notion that a set of nobility, tribal lords or otherwise powerful and ancient ruling elite ruled their lands and possessed their powers not as grants by the liege, but their powers precede said ruler. In other words, the Sassanid emperor, was the 'king among kings' that is, he was just a king who resided among other kings. They held their power prior to him and ruled their lands without his consent or privilege and it was they, that appointed or confirmed the monarch. This system implied no common law across the empire, no common taxation or any of such. The Sassanid emperor received his income through free-cities and his own demense, and was permitted to request military aid from the nobility who were rewarded by joining said wars, not by land grants or wages, but by the permission to loot and take the loot to their own noble holdings.

This system was common in Iran after the fall of the Seleucid empire, the Caucasian mountains, the Kushan empire, among the varied Scythian realms in India, Assyria within its main crownlands and the dual-monarchy (Assyria-Karduniash//Assyria-Babylon) and so forth. It derives from large patriarchal agnatic clans dominating lands prior to the existence of any state conception.

This is what I am comparing feudalism to, not that feudalism is centralized in comparison to the Late or Early Roman empire or so forth. In describing the situation of the Caucasian mountain folk and the system of governance for instance in Urartu or others, there was a description given that feudalism was a result of the decline of bureaucratic governing in the Latin world, thus it is a middle-ground, between statism (in reference to bureuacratism) and that of dyanstism, wherein the state is simply a confederacy of same sized swords and no true singular legitimacy other than the concept that an empire exists.

3. Assyria did not levy taxes upon the regions of Syria, not int he way we consider it. Their conception was that:

The world was created for the sake of the Great Gods, they instructed the creation of a universal empire at Kish, whose divine mandate, was the conquest and acquisition of resources for the sake of the interior land of the Great Gods, that being the Duranki and Assyria-Karduniash-Sumer. Early on, the Assyrian empire invaded these lands to loot, pillage and capture lands and wrap them into a domain that acquired their resources and forced their submission to Assyria. Not as part of a civic empire that understood these lands as part of their domain and hence taking in taxes. It is somewhat of a complex topic and I would need to expend more time on this and go off-topic though.

There are many examples of states that ruled regions and people who were ruled with the understanding that they possessed their own liberties, freedoms and powers. I do not agree that this is a basis to revoke the notion that the Holy Roman Empire was a unified ruler over the area, they had no other ruler other than the Papacy.

4. I would agree that the situation is blurry as you say. But only so much as the ruling status of the Kushan empire, the Sassanid empire and Arsacid empires were blurry. It does not invalidate Sassanian rule over Iran due to their inability to impose anything upon the nobility.

5. Ignoring is not the same as rejection, no. They are distinct. One may ignore a particular ruler's mandates but are still within that realm in terms of titles and ignorance of such depends on how they ignore it. The idea that an Italian duke ignores an imperial call to war, yet does not reject his right to call said war or does not reject his imperial prerogatives to do this, is different. One is a legal nullification and opinion, the other is an act out of preference and convenience.

I did not assert that Dante understood the empire to be this way, but the fact that he is appealing to the Holy Roman emperor as the focal point for his idealism, to me, proves the legitimacy understood in terms of the kingdom of Italy. He did not opine upon some grand new Italian kingdom, but the universal Holy Roman Emperor.

6. Regarding the definition of Italy, see my post in reply to another post above^ .
 
I have taken a look at some of history and found that the Pisa worked with various Hispanic Kingdoms to raid and attack Islamic Hispania (and invade the Balearic islands islands). Would the United Italian Republic be Capable of having a more successful time in aiding the Hispanic kingdoms retake Islamic Hispania? (Almoravids)
 
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