WI: McClellan given another month?

Lee mis-read Grant's plans during the Overland Campaign *frequently*, with May 11-12 at Spotsylvania being only the most famous (such as it is). To further @Arnold d.c.'s point:

While Lee surmised that Grant was planning to move out of the Wilderness on May 7-8, he was not sure of this (thinking a withdrawal towards Fredericksburg was also possible), and he never imagined Grant would move as far south as Spotsylvania, thinking Todd's Tavern was more likely. He ordered Anderson to move Longstreet's Corps to block this position, and only a lack of places to set up camp and bad maps kept Anderson marching through the night to arrive at Spotsylvania just minutes ahead of Warren and the V corps.

As Arnold may have said (I'm unsure which 2 occasions specifically he's thinking of), Lee failed to predict Grant would try to flank him out of Spotsylvania on May 14-15, and ultimately the V and VI corps were sitting on the Confederate right flank opposing 1 division, and failed to attack only because they were exhausted from the night march, and by the time they recovered Grant wrongly assumed that Lee would have reinforced this flank.

Then on May 18 Lee failed to predict that Grant would move the VI corps back towards the Confederate left flank, and repeat the May 12 assault but jumping off from the Mule Shoe line (now Union-controlled) against the new line at its base. Confederate artillery (in place this time) blasted the assault apart, but the attack itself was a complete surprise.

Lee utterly misread Grant's wide flanking move on May 20-21, and as a result had the II and V corps dozens of miles southeast of the Confederate position (now with Ewell emplaced at Stannard's Mill), and this failed to be a disaster only due to newly arriving Confederate forces under Breckenridge and Pickett, and again the Union's false supposition that Lee would surely be defending his right flank.

And then again on May 23, Lee thought that Grant would not possibly be pursuing so closely, and failed to fortify the line at the North Anna River. This resulted in a Confederate brigade surrendering (at Henegan's Redoubt) and the Light Division wrecking itself attacking the vastly more numerous V corps trying to force it back into the River. Lee's defense along the river was broken before it was even tested, and only him finding the inverted-'V' position saved his army.

Then on May 26-27 Lee was yet again fooled when Grant moved away from the River, marching some tens of miles downriver before recrossing. Lee was able to find the Totopotomoy Creek defensive line due to having a shorter distance to march, but it could have been a tie or a Union win in the race if they had moved with any dispatch after crossing the Pamunkey.

There was at least one more comparable lapse in Lee reading Grant in the Cold Harbor phase of operations, which I forget the details of at the moment (and don't want to look up Rhea's books to re-find). Arnold has already mention the surprise of the move to the James.

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Lee's strength in the Overland Campaign was in being able to make the best of a bad situation, and turn pretty much any line into an impregnable defense against frontal assault (missing artillery at Spotsylvania the exception that proves the rule); it was also in being able to bluff and counterbluff Grant's moves with strategic counterpunches, cavalry raids, and utilizing backroads and the terrain to its fullest extent. It was emphatically *not* predicting what Grant would do, because he utterly *failed* at this.

Good points (from Arnold DC) and I recall something about Cold Harbor as well (although the specifics escape me at the moment). I noted the surprise at the James River as well... if only Baldy Smith had pushed in those few hours at Petersburg! Although most likely Lee would still have found a way to keep disaster at bay a bit longer. Mule Shoe was one of those might have been's, indeed for a brief moment (until Lee managed to rally them), his Army was in deep trouble and in danger of route.

The point about Lee missing the Union movements is important here. There is criticism about the Union cavalry not doing its job in scouting for Grant. However the Confederate Cavalry isn't doing its job here either because it is busy trying to hold off said Union Cavalry elsewhere. So both Armies are moving through the second growth woods on the Wilderness without much of the way of scouting available, and thus a series of meeting engagements through the entire campaign.
 
For what it's worth, McClellan considered it possible to mount offensive operations with his own army in October, after a call for full mobilization in July. This shows a consistency in that he feels it's possible for full offensive operations to be possible after circa three months, including in the force troops raised more recently than that.

If McClellan thought it was possible to go to full offensive operations after three months, then why did it take him from July 1861 to March 1862 to begin offensive operations?
 
Meade is definitely underrated as a general. Not quite in Grant or Sherman's class but certainly better than Sheridan.
Indeed, Meade was a very good general, and given the somewhat difficult position he occupied in 1864-1865, I cut him a bit of slack for some of the mishaps he suffered. He performed superbly at Gettysburg, competently for the fall of 1863 but gave a mixed performance for 1864.

After Lee withdrew across the Potomac, Meade pursued, and came within a hairsbreadth of cutting off Ewell's II Corps at Manassas Gap; thanks to "Blinky" French, Ewell got away. Meade planned a fall offensive, but got preempted by Lee in the Bristoe Campaign; not wishing to fight in a position that offered him no advantages, Meade retreated to Centreville to avoid being flanked after a couple of engagements, including one where A.P. Hill got badly bloodied at Bristoe Station.

About two weeks later, Meade succeeds in surprising Lee at Rappahannock Station and Kelly's Ford, capturing two entire Confederate brigades at the former engagement, and crosses the Rappahannock.

Later that year, Meade began the Mine Run Campaign, a planned surprise attack through the Wilderness with his entire army on Lee's divided army, targeting the flank south of the Rapidan River. Once again, French's III Corps ruined Meade's timetable by getting bogged down in fording the river. Lee managed to withdraw to prepared fortifications at Mine Run; II Corps commander Warren concluded they were too strong to attack, and after taking a look for himself, Meade reluctantly agreed, and pulled back before Lee could counterattack, which indeed he was planning to do. Meade deserves more credit for than he gets is the decision not to launch a pointless and suicidal attack at Mine Run. In many ways, Meade's situation at Mine Run was a lot like Burnside's at Fredericksburg; he was making the last offensive move that could be made that year, and he was under enormous political pressure to at least appear to be aggressive. Despite the political consequences for himself, he had the moral courage to call off the attack and pull back, unlike Burnside a year earlier. He never received any thanks for it, indeed losing his independence as a commander entirely for his trouble, but he made the right decision.

Meade, on the south side of the Rappahannock at this point, wanted to winter the army in Fredericksburg; by doing so, he can avoid the Wilderness the next year, and advance on Lee in open terrain where his artillery superiority can be used effectively. Halleck refuses however, probably believing Meade won't be able to screen D.C. from Fredericksburg.

It's difficult to judge him too much on his role in the Overland Campaign; he was often more hindrance to help, but it's an open question as to whether anyone else could have done better in his frustrating role. I think that's why Grant never uttered a word of criticism about Meade's role in his campaign; having been in a somewhat similar situation under Halleck for a while, he had some idea what it was like to be in Meade's position (Siege of Corinth).

May 1864 must have been a very frustrating month for George Gordon Meade. Though he was still the commander of the Army of the Potomac, he had been growling as Ulysses S. Grant intervened more and more in the army’s operations. Nor was he pleased with the performance of Ambrose Burnside, who headed the independent Ninth Corps under Grant’s direction as a sop to Burnside’s seniority. Thus far Burnside has proved a disappointment in the field. Meade had predicted that if things went well, the press would laud Grant, while if things went badly, it would be Meade’s fault. After the Battle of North Anna, Charles A. Dana, the assistant secretary of war, read a telegram from William T. Sherman expressing the hope that Meade’s army would achieve the same successes thus far enjoyed by Sherman, Meade snapped. Sherman’s missive, he fumed, was an insult to his men and himself: the Army of the Potomac needed no one to tell it how to fight. As a result, Grant was going to allow Meade to direct the operations of his army.

The two major failures, that I can fault him for, are the Battles of Cold Harbor and the Crater. While I must put Grant at fault for ultimately being in charge of Meade, Meade was exercising tactical control at that time, and both Meade and the corps commanders failed to follow Grant's orders to examine the ground before launching an assault, and they failed in coordinating it. Meade bizarrely boasted about ordering the attack in a letter to his wife. Grant should have called off the assault earlier than he did once it was apparent nothing was going right, but it was Grant who stepped in to call it off while Meade was still urging his commanders to press the attack.

The same applies to the Crater, though I can attribute more fault to Grant here. Grant and Meade lowered the probability of victory here by instructing Burnside not the use the USCT Division as previously planned.
 
Except that IIRC Pillow was so bad that he was released and sent back South, with the understanding that it was the best thing for the Union cause.:closedeyesmile:

Pillow fled from Fort Donelson to avoid capture. When Grant found out he apparently said "Oh, if I'd got him I'd let him go again. He would do us more good commanding you fellows."
 
Good points (from Arnold DC) and I recall something about Cold Harbor as well (although the specifics escape me at the moment). I noted the surprise at the James River as well... if only Baldy Smith had pushed in those few hours at Petersburg! Although most likely Lee would still have found a way to keep disaster at bay a bit longer. Mule Shoe was one of those might have been's, indeed for a brief moment (until Lee managed to rally them), his Army was in deep trouble and in danger of route.

The point about Lee missing the Union movements is important here. There is criticism about the Union cavalry not doing its job in scouting for Grant. However the Confederate Cavalry isn't doing its job here either because it is busy trying to hold off said Union Cavalry elsewhere. So both Armies are moving through the second growth woods on the Wilderness without much of the way of scouting available, and thus a series of meeting engagements through the entire campaign.
Given the importance of Petersburg for Lee, had 'Baldy' Smith captured Petersburg, it is very much likely that Lee would have to abandon Richmond and its industries and most of Virginia as his supply lines would be cut.

As for the Union cavalry Corps, I must criticize Grant and Sheridan for misusing it. Grant employed the Cavalry Corps as a raiding force and Sheridan failed to use the Cavalry Corps to its full potential. Had Sheridan won the Battle of Trevilian Station, Hunter would have succeeded in capturing Lynchburg because Early would have been forced to deal with Sheridan instead. With the Valley secured in Union hands, Grant could probably speed up the Siege of Petersburg. The VI Corps and possibly Hunter's Valley force would allow Grant to cut Lee's railroads at Petersburg with much greater force.
 
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Given the importance of Petersburg for Lee, had 'Baldy' Smith captured Petersburg, it is very much likely that Lee would have to abandon Richmond and its industries as his supply lines would be cut.

As for the Union cavalry Corps, I must criticize Grant and Sheridan for misusing it. Grant employed the Cavalry Corps as a raiding force and Sheridan failed to use the Cavalry Corps to its full potential. Had Sheridan won the Battle of Trevilian Station, Hunter would have succeeded in capturing Lynchburg because Early would have been forced to deal with Sheridan instead. With the Valley secured in Union hands, Grant could probably speed up the Siege of Petersburg. The VI Corps and possibly Hunter's Valley force would allow Grant to cut Lee's railroads at Petersburg with much greater force.

To repeat a question I asked someone else earlier, would the cavalry in general during this war have done better if used to harry retreating enemies more than they were? Armies did seem to get away unmolested rather often.
 
I think McClellan reputation was pretty much destroyed by Sears and McPherson. They are both great historians but reading their books they regularly pick favorites. Sears for instance likes to religiously defend Joe Hooker, don't ask me why, and blame everyone else for his defeat. :eek: The civil war needs more objective historians in my opinion.

EDIT: Sears also starts his McClellan book off by saying he is "delusional" which I think @Saphroneth will find funny.

"In the Peninsula, McCellan's hallucinations as to the overwhelming strength of the enemy in front of him continued". - Wayne Whipple, 1908

It didn't start with Sears and McPherson.
 
To repeat a question I asked someone else earlier, would the cavalry in general during this war have done better if used to harry retreating enemies more than they were? Armies did seem to get away unmolested rather often.

Cavalry was on its way out during the ACW. Rifles and rifled muskets basically made cavalry little more than targets.
 
To repeat a question I asked someone else earlier, would the cavalry in general during this war have done better if used to harry retreating enemies more than they were? Armies did seem to get away unmolested rather often.
I'm still rather new to the Cavalry Corps so don't take my words as God's here.

The Cavalry Corps' primary role was to support the infantry and artillery, gathering intelligence, scouting, screening the movements of the army, and serving as the “eyes and ears of the army”. As the war dragged on, the Federal cavalry’s role changed. Instead of scouting and screening, the primary role became that of an offensive weapon.

At the start of the American Civil War, the Union Cavalry Arm was in shambles.At the start of the American Civil War in 1861, there were only five regiments of cavalry in the United States Army. Two were designated 'dragoons' and had seen extensive service on the Western frontier, and another was a mounted rifle unit. Cavalry militias, while they did exist, were a rarity in comparison to infantry militias as they were more difficult to finance.

Early Federal commanders did not make good use of the mounted arm. Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan, first commander of the Army of the Potomac, resented the volunteer cavalry, and didn’t trust it. McClellan believed that it would take five years to train volunteer cavalry and get it to a point where it would be a trustworthy fighting force. As a result, he assigned individual companies of volunteer cavalry to serve with infantry brigades. Instead of doing as cavalry was supposed to do, which was to scout and screen, it served primarily as messengers and orderlies. It was, overall, and extremely poor use for the cavalry.

The only cohesive cavalry unit McClellan utilized were the Regulars, which served together as a Cavalry Reserve Brigade. They were generally used poorly, although the 5th US made a brave but ineffective mounted charge during the Battle of Gaines Mill during the Seven Days’ fighting on the Peninsula during June 1862. McClellan only made one effective use of his mounted arm as part of a combined force operation commanded by G. K. Warren toward Hanover Courthouse in early June 1862. This expedition led to the destruction of bridges over the North Anna and caused Jackson to be late for the opening of the Seven Days’ battles. Unfortunately, McClellan had no idea how to make good use of his mounted forces. Ultimately, this poor use of the cavalry retarded the development of the Federal mounted arm for at least a year and a half, and this is the reason why the Confederate cavalry literally rode rings around the Northern army in the spring and summer of 1862.

The first U.S. army commander in Virginia to brigade volunteer regiments of cavalry and make effective use of them was none other than John Pope, who had only volunteer cavalry forces assigned to his command. In spite of harsh orders for his troopers to live off the land, they nevertheless performed quite well under adverse circumstances. Selecting Brig. Gens. George D. Bayard and John Buford to command brigades, Pope’s horsemen performed creditably. In particular, Buford’s troopers did a spectacular job of gathering intelligence, and they fought well, too. The first major mounted combat of the Civil War too place under Pope’s watch, and he deserves a great deal of credit for making good use of his mounted forces.

Under Joe Hooker, the Cavalry Corps was born. The result was a dramtic improvement in the performance of the Union Cavalry Corps, boosting the credibility and confidence of the Cavalry Corps.

In the Western Theater, there was very little cavalry available for Union commanders to employ. Grant used his cavalry force under Grierson to launch a raid to distract the Confederates during the Vicksburg Campaign (with great success). Rosecrans' innovative mind led to the formation of the "Wilder Brigade"- a sort of mounted infantry brigade armed with Spencer Rifles. At Chickamauga, Minty's "Saber Brigade" conducted one of the most effective delaying actions in the Civil War. Minty’s stand is especially impressive because his brigade fought all day, with 900 men, opposing the four infantry brigades of Bushrod Johnson, numbering roughly 5000 Confederates. Wilder's mounted brigade played an important role in holding the Confederates back at Chickamauga.

Back in the Eastern Theater, Meade did his best to interrupt Lee's retreat from Gettysburg as best as he could with his cavalry Corps. The issue was that:
1. The poor performance of his cavalry commander, Alfred Pleasonton. Pleasonton, who often turned in mixed performances, was also acting in effect as Meade's chief of staff at this time, so it's not surprising perhaps that his job wasn't performed well. Nevertheless, Pleasonton effectively moved an entire Union cavalry division (Gregg's) to a location where it would be of no discernible use to the immediate pursuit, and failed to make a concerted effort to block the Confederate withdrawal.

2. A magnificent performance by the Confederate cavalry in screening the retreat. Some historians have called the retreat "Stuart Redeemed", his performance during the retreat was unquestionably excellent. The performance of cavalry brigade commander John Imboden at Williamsport effectively saved the Confederate army. By stalemating Buford for long enough, Imoboden gained Lee the time to turn Williamsport into a virtual fortress, not to mention protecting the army's ambulance train.

During the Overland Campaign, Sheridan's military record as the cavalry commander for the Army of the Potomac was fairly dismal; he failed to provide proper reconnaissance or screening for Grant during the Overland Campaign, with his failure at Todd's Tavern directly leading to Grant losing the race for Spotsylvania Court House. His Richmond raid did not serve any strategic purpose and was thus a failure.

Sheridan's usage of combined arms in the Valley Campaign did prove useful. I would need a further study into this for more information though.

To conclude, the Union Cavalry arm evolved throughout the war. I am not quite certain about how I should answer your question. The Union Cavalry arm did its best at Gettysburg and still failed at preventing Lee's escape thanks to Stuart's intact cavalry division. Armies during the American Civil War were not easy to shatter in campaigns. A single intact force could easily disrupt the pursuit of an army. The pursuit of retreating armies by cavalry often resulted in the retreating army being slowed down but never destroyed.
 
Cavalry was on its way out during the ACW. Rifles and rifled muskets basically made cavalry little more than targets.
I wouldn't say that about the cavalry. The cavalry was still very much useful in delaying (Buford at Gettysburg) and interdiction (Wase Hampton and Fitz Lee at the Overland Campaign) of infantry corps.
 
Cavalry was on its way out during the ACW. Rifles and rifled muskets basically made cavalry little more than targets.
Interesting interpretation, considering that combat by and large took place at similar ranges to the Napoleonic period, and produced similar rates of casualties.
 
I'm still rather new to the Cavalry Corps so don't take my words as God's here.

The Cavalry Corps' primary role was to support the infantry and artillery, gathering intelligence, scouting, screening the movements of the army, and serving as the “eyes and ears of the army”. As the war dragged on, the Federal cavalry’s role changed. Instead of scouting and screening, the primary role became that of an offensive weapon.

At the start of the American Civil War, the Union Cavalry Arm was in shambles.At the start of the American Civil War in 1861, there were only five regiments of cavalry in the United States Army. Two were designated 'dragoons' and had seen extensive service on the Western frontier, and another was a mounted rifle unit. Cavalry militias, while they did exist, were a rarity in comparison to infantry militias as they were more difficult to finance.

Early Federal commanders did not make good use of the mounted arm. Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan, first commander of the Army of the Potomac, resented the volunteer cavalry, and didn’t trust it. McClellan believed that it would take five years to train volunteer cavalry and get it to a point where it would be a trustworthy fighting force. As a result, he assigned individual companies of volunteer cavalry to serve with infantry brigades. Instead of doing as cavalry was supposed to do, which was to scout and screen, it served primarily as messengers and orderlies. It was, overall, and extremely poor use for the cavalry.

The only cohesive cavalry unit McClellan utilized were the Regulars, which served together as a Cavalry Reserve Brigade. They were generally used poorly, although the 5th US made a brave but ineffective mounted charge during the Battle of Gaines Mill during the Seven Days’ fighting on the Peninsula during June 1862. McClellan only made one effective use of his mounted arm as part of a combined force operation commanded by G. K. Warren toward Hanover Courthouse in early June 1862. This expedition led to the destruction of bridges over the North Anna and caused Jackson to be late for the opening of the Seven Days’ battles. Unfortunately, McClellan had no idea how to make good use of his mounted forces. Ultimately, this poor use of the cavalry retarded the development of the Federal mounted arm for at least a year and a half, and this is the reason why the Confederate cavalry literally rode rings around the Northern army in the spring and summer of 1862.

Under Joe Hooker, the Cavalry Corps was born. The result was a dramtic improvement in the performance of the Union Cavalry Corps, boosting the credibility and confidence of the Cavalry Corps.
.

Great post but I'll push back a little in regard to McClellan and Hooker. Hooker did not start the centralization process it began under McClellan. For the Antietam campaign McClellan centralized the cavalry into a division, not a corps yet, but still a progressive step. During the campaign the cavalry proved effective at screening movements the OP shows this at work. The cavalry then was dispersed under Burnside but then recentralized again under Hooker. So McClellan did some preliminary work that was expanded and improved by Hooker.
 
Great post but I'll push back a little in regard to McClellan and Hooker. Hooker did not start the centralization process it began under McClellan. For the Antietam campaign McClellan centralized the cavalry into a division, not a corps yet, but still a progressive step. During the campaign the cavalry proved effective at screening movements the OP shows this at work. The cavalry then was dispersed under Burnside but then recentralized again under Hooker. So McClellan did some preliminary work that was expanded and improved by Hooker.
I suppose so. The Union cavalry actually performed quite well in the Loudoun Valley during this period. Day after day, the Federal horse took on Jeb Stuart’s vaunted cavalry, and fought it to a standstill.

EDIT-I would note that John Pope did centralize his volunteer cavalry into brigades during the Second Bull Run Campaign and did fine job of screening, intelligence gathering and raiding.
 
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Interesting interpretation, considering that combat by and large took place at similar ranges to the Napoleonic period, and produced similar rates of casualties.

The rifled musket had a much longer range than the musket, distances started opening up. Despite what Seph might say both sides more and more recognized that the longer range of the rifled musket was useful. The later the period in the war the longer ranged it got.
 
McClellan's three estimates for Yorktown were:

17th March: Wool puts force at Yorktown at 15-18,000 and 18,000 at Norfolk - http://ebooks.library.cornell.edu/cgi/t/text/pageviewer-idx?c=moawar;cc=moawar;q1=15,000;rgn=full text;idno=waro0014;didno=waro0014;view=image;seq=0014

3rd April: To Sumner, 15,000 entrenched at Yorktown - http://ebooks.library.cornell.edu/cgi/t/text/pageviewer-idx?c=moawar;cc=moawar;q1=15,000;rgn=full text;idno=waro0014;didno=waro0014;view=image;seq=0066

7th April
: Wool says McClellan estimated 30,000 at Yorktown that day - http://ebooks.library.cornell.edu/cgi/t/text/pageviewer-idx?c=moawar;cc=moawar;q1=30,000;rgn=full text;idno=waro0014;didno=waro0014;view=image;seq=0078

20th April
: To Burnside he says there has been a general concentration and "in and around" Yorktown is over 80,000 - http://ebooks.library.cornell.edu/cgi/t/text/pageviewer-idx?c=moawar;cc=moawar;q1=80,000;rgn=full text;idno=waro0014;didno=waro0014;view=image;seq=0117


We know what the units consisted of as of 30 April, and the arrival times.

http://ebooks.library.cornell.edu/c...14&q1=wise+legion&view=image&seq=481&size=100
for the strengths. Note these are effectives, not PFD, as per normal Confederate custom - McClellan was probably estimating PFD or AP as that's how his own force was viewed - and discount the sick, which was apparently about 10%.

On April 30, Magrudner had 17,302 effectives. This proves that McClellan's April 7 estimate of 30,000 was a near doubling of Confederate forces and McClellan's April 20 estimate of 80,000 Confederates "in and around Yorktown" is completely divorced from reality.

This is one of the best examples I've seen of how quickly enemy forces multiplied in McClellan's mind. Your own sources disprove your position.
 
The rifled musket had a much longer range than the musket, distances started opening up. Despite what Seph might say both sides more and more recognized that the longer range of the rifled musket was useful. The later the period in the war the longer ranged it got.
Do you have evidence that combat was actually taking place at longer ranges?
 
Fine, then - there's two examples I have ready to hand.

(1) The "18 hours delay" myth, which has shown up already on this thread, was essentially Sears' invention. This is because he said that a telegram record with a date of "12M" meant "12 Meridian" when this was not standard practice, and the fair copy of the telegram (sent to Lincoln) did indeed say "12 Midnight". Sears subsequently claimed that the "idnight" was added later on as a deliberate forgery.

(2) His translations of the journal of the Comte de Paris are either poor or mendacious, changing the meaning so as to support his thesis that McClellan could not handle hardship and that he was derelict of duty during the Galena incident.

You claimed "Sears has been confirmed making things up to fit his narrative".

1) Sears does not claim that there was any forgery in the fair copy given to Lincoln. Sears does show that the primary copy and its carbon showed 12M. Sears also shows that the copy made of it that was sent to Lincoln says 12Midnight, with Sears believing the added letters were in a different hand. You claim that 12M does not mean 12 Meridan (noon), offering no evidence for your claim. Even if you are correct, that would prove that Sears was mistaken, not "making things up to fit his narrative".

2) I'm guessing you are referring to Sears quoting the Compte de Paris in To the Gates of Richmond. If Sears has got it wrong, please link to a reliable historian or the actual diary to show that Sears got it wrong.

And speaking of the Comte de Paris, who was a member of McClellan's staff, he said that Magruder had "eleven thousand men" and that "on the arrival of McClellan before Yorktown with his fifty-eight thousand men, not a single soldier had as yet been sent to reinforce Magruder" and that "A vigorous attack upon either of the dams, defended by insignificant works, would have had every chance of success". "When, therefore, after eleven days of reconnaissances and preparatory labors, McClellan determined at last to attack him, his [Magruder's] forces were doubled, and his line of defence completed. The numerical disproportion between the two parties, however, was nearly as great as before; for the one hundred thousand men embarked at Alexandria were at last assembled on the narrow extremity."
 
Do you have evidence that combat was actually taking place at longer ranges?

The compelling evidence is that small arms combat was typically limited to within 200 meters, due to drop (even from a rifled musket) because of the low velocity (relative to modern weapons) with shorter ranges being more common earlier in the war as there was lower percentage of troops equipped with rifled muskets instead of smoothbores. At Fredericksburg, with many of the Confederate troops still equipped with smoothbores they were firing with deadly effect at 125 yards (just over 100 yards).

in this blog there are links to three sources, which support this assertion (and two of those sources I own or have read myself)

http://www.brettschulte.net/CWBlog/2010/03/05/battle-ranges/

Of course modern 21st Century infantry assault rifles are rarely used beyond 300 meters, with infantry support weapons taking over the job after that. A modern sniper team rarely engage targets much beyond 2,000 meters unless they have specialized equipment.
 
What "delay after delay" happened at Yorktown that was unjustified? He sent orders to launch an immediate attack as soon as they made contact, so it's not that; before putting in a deliberate attack the line has to have recon done; it's only after that he goes for regular approaches.

"The line of defence they had adopted rendered it impossible for him to feel his way before assaulting them seriously. He could not compel them to show themselves except by crossing the narrow dams which intersected Warwick Creek. To attempt this operation he had deemed it proper to wait for the arrival of McDowell's three divisions, which were to turn the enemy's line by the left flank of York River." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"It may be urged that this should have been considered as an additional reason for hastening operations, as the chance of obtaining an important success was well worth the risk that might be incurred. The army needed a daring stroke (coup d'audace). Its morale would have suffered less from a sanguinary check than from the fruitless fatigues of a prolonged siege; such a success, in short, would have secured to General McClellan the efficient co-operation of his government. But he would not compromise the young army entrusted to his care in an enterprise which he considered too hazardous. Thinking that the national cause could endure delays and slow movements, but not such another disaster as that of Bull Run, he preferred to rely upon the superiority of his artillery in order to dislodge the enemy from his lines." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"The Confederates, always under arms, exhausted by continuous service, did not understand what could delay an attack the issue of which they had such good cause to dread. In the mean time, behind the trees which limited their view, on the southern bank of the Warwick, the whole Federal army was at work, erecting batteries and constructing long solid corduroy causeways through the marshy forests, to make a practicable passage for cannon. But the time which was thus spent was entirely to the advantage of the Confederates." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"When, therefore, after eleven days of reconnaissances and preparatory labors, McClellan determined at last to attack him, his forces were doubled, and his line of defence completed. The numerical disproportion between the two parties, however, was nearly as great as before; for the one hundred thousand men embarked at Alexandria were at last assembled on the narrow extremity." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"But instead of making the assault immediately after, the cannonade was prolonged for six hours, and thus Magruder was given ample time to prepare for defence wherever he might be menaced." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"The most difficult part of the task was accomplished, a foothold having been obtained on the other side of the creek; all that remained to be done was to take advantage of the surprise of the enemy to push regiment after regiment as rapidly as possible across the ford, to pass beyond the breastworks, to take possession of the redoubt, and thus to pierce the enemy's line; but the generals of various grades who had organized this demonstration had failed to agree beforehand as to the importance it was to assume, and much precious time was lost." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"For an hour the foremost assailants exhausted themselves without receiving any other reinforcement than five or six hundred men of the Fourth and Sixth Vermont. The enemy took advantage of this delay to mass all his available forces upon the point menaced:" - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"This unfortunate affair produced a sad impression on the mind of the soldiers who had seen their comrades sacrificed without any orders being given to go to their assistance. It was moreover the signal for new delays. On the following day, General McClellan decided to resort to the sure but slow means of a regular siege." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"Nevertheless, in spite of all their diligence, the time was passing away, precious time for military operations, for the winter rains were over, and the great summer heat had not yet set in." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

Yorktown is simply a very strong position without any real weak points.

"If the line of defence selected by Magruder was naturally strong, it was too much extended, since the Confederate general had only eleven thousand soldiers to occupy about twenty kilometres. He had placed six thousand men at Gloucester Point and at Yorktown, and in a small work situated on the James, so that he had only five thousand left to defend the whole course of Warwick Creek." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"A vigorous attack upon either of the dams, defended by insignificant works, would have had every chance of success. The enemy could have been kept in suspense by several feints; there were men enough to attempt three or four principal attacks at once; it was easy, in short, to harass him in such a manner that his line of defence would inevitably have been pierced at the expiration of twenty-four hours." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"...if the Federals had followed up the success of the Third Vermont, they would probably have pierced the line of Warwick Creek, and compelled Magruder to fight, without any point of support, the forty thousand men they could have massed on that strip of land." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

As for "skimpy garrison", it was already 15,000 in early March and was 20,000 by the 1st of April (both in Effectives). That's hardly skimpy, especially as it included over 2,000 artillerymen (enough for 100 or more guns) right at the start.

"The division with which he [Magruder] had been charged to protect the peninsula since the preceding autumn numbered only eleven thousand men. The military authorities of the Confederacy had not guessed or known in advance, as it was pretended at the time, the change of base of the army of the Potomac, or they were singularly careless and improvident, for after McClellan had embarked the greatest portion of his troops at Alexandria, Johnston with all his forces was still waiting for him on the Rapidan. Disturbed by the same fears which had beset Mr. Lincoln, the cabinet of Mr. Davis dared no more than he to uncover their capital; so that on the arrival of McClellan before Yorktown with his fifty-eight thousand men, not a single soldier had as yet been sent to reinforce Magruder." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America

"Magruder had begun to receive his first reinforcements two days after the arrival of the Federals before that place. When, therefore, after eleven days of reconnaissances and preparatory labors, McClellan determined at last to attack him, his forces were doubled, and his line of defence completed. The numerical disproportion between the two parties, however, was nearly as great as before; for the one hundred thousand men embarked at Alexandria were at last assembled on the narrow extremity." - Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America
 
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