Persia and nearby regions in the final years of 9th century
As the 9th AH century came to a close, the geopolitical landscapes of Greater Persian region and the nearby regions of Sham and Mwerunnehr went through drastic upheavals. The events were complex and often intertwined with each other that would have great consequences for the next centuries.
As the Ottomans were embroiled in a civil war between the sons of Kaiser Muhammad II, The Mushahsiya expanded to Kafkas region in Jumada Awwal 894 (April 1489). After 3 months of grueling campaign, the Muthaqi under Abdullah Bin Haris were able to conquer much of lowland Azerbaijan and besieged Baku. A Georgian relief army under Emir Ibrahim ‘the infidel’ arrived to dislodge the besiegers. Fierce fighting took place as the cavalry advantage of the Mushashiya was negated by terrain. The battle was a stalemate as the numerically superior shia army were able to rebuff the Georgian assault. Nevertheless the siege became untenable as they suffered heavy casualties.
Image: Battle of Baku
Further complicating the situation was a revolt in Tabriz by the heterodox sunni ferqa named Safaviyya. This meant that the precarious supply line from the south was disrupted. The Mushashiya tried to supply the besiegers by Hazar sea but this in turn caused further problems as unfavorable winds pushed the ships into Tatar territory. The ships were captured by Darugachi of Shumkhal who reported back to the Sanjkabeg of Astrakhan about strange foreign vessels from Persia.
The revolt in Tabriz was not just limited to the namesake metropolis but spread across the entire region. Safaviyya were a sufi ferqa of largely sunni inclined group that held several unorthodox views not supported by mainstream ulema. Nevertheless, their influence was being threatened by the extremely proficient dawah of the Mushahshiya. Imam Kasim Hamadani, the incumbent leader of the sufi order came into contact with ruler of Van, the Timurid Jahanbeg. As the Mushahsiya were embroiled in the Kafkas region, Kasim realized the opportunity and ordered his followers to spread dissent and hatred against the Shia cult. Cities of Tabriz, Ardabil, Araz and Urmia rose in rebellion. At the same time Jahanbeg advanced eastwards, capturing all of eastern Anatolia and expelling the pro Mushahiya emir of Mardin. His original goal was to expand until Mosul but the defeat of his suzerain Shehzade Musa in the battle of Maras
[1] in Rabiul Sani 895 (February 1490) dealt a blow to his eastern ambitions. Though not the end of the Ottoman civil war, this defeat forced Musa camp to shift their priorities and the Shehzade himself expressed the need to have all hands on deck during the next push into central Anatolia. This meant that the Safaviyya rebels were on their own now as Jahanbeg could advance no further. Without external support, the rebels were gradually being pushed by the Muthaqi. Imam Kasim made a last stand in Ardabil where the twelve forces massacred all the safaviyya adherents and subjected the local Sunni population to atrocities. This would not go unnoticed by the wider sunni world.
Image: Last stand of Safaviyya order
To the west in Sham, the pashas and proxy rulers were engaged in their own war in the backdrop of the main civil war. Particularly active was Dawud pasha of Damascus who supported a faction in the Darazi
[2] internecine conflict that predated the Ottoman interregnum. Dawud supported Mulzim Arsalan as the ruler of chouf area instead of the incumbent Buhturid emir Ajjaz. His aim was to increase his holding and become the sole ruler of Sham. Mulzim occupied Sayda
[3] and besieged Beirut. A beleaguered Ajjaz called Ali pasha Kastrioti of Masr for help. Though Ali pasha’s allegiance in the ongoing interregnum was unclear, historians point to his actions against the pasha of Damascus as a proof that his sympathy lay with the Musa instead of Mahmud. Ali pasha seized Sidon and Tarabulus
[4] which put the Arsalan faction in trouble. They retreated all the way to Halab
[5] where Dawud pasha was amassing his army. Though both sides were prepared for a rematch, it never came. On Shawwal 895 (September 1490), Musa launched his much anticipated offensive into Anatolia, thus forcing Mahmud to call his loyalist Pashas to the battlefield in Konya. This campaign was delayed by a Georgian foray near Trabzon. Musa defeated the Georgian army in battle of Rize and sacked Batumi. Emir Ibrahim sustained wounds in this battle that would render him lame. Musa scored an important victory in Konya where a lot of Mahmud loyalists perished, including the aforementioned Dawud. He pressed west and besieged the garrison of Ankara. Due to harsh weather the siege was lifted after a week. On their return, Musa’s army was ambushed by Mahmud who was hurrying to catch up with his rebellious twin brother. The battle of Ankara was indecisive and through iron discipline enforced by Musa, his army was able to retreat mostly intact. Now half of Anatolia belonged to Musa.
Image: Battle of Ankara in a 15th century AH depiction
To the east, Sanjakbeg of Samarqand received a letter from his subordinate Bartuk noyan who was in Ferghana. The content of this letter was quite strange as it described how Chinese envoys left Ferghana and they were now enemies with Alauddin due to his uncle trying to usurp the Chinese throne with a puppet. Bartuk asked for additional troops to protect the interest of Sarai in the light of Ming hostility. But this was not the only request for military aid Datu received. The Shaybanids requested for artillery and surplus gunpowder after failing to dislodge the Mushashiya from Nishapur. To make matters worse, Ahmed attacked Herat and Shaybanids were obligated to help lest the tentative marriage alliance concluded earlier falls in disarray.
Unlike his trickery, the letters that described the dire situation of Alauddin Muhammad were accurate this time. In Jumada Sani 896 (April 1491), Alauddin marched into Mongol steppes to face Balgan Khan, only for the latter to retreat further inland without a pitched battle. As days turned into weeks, the forced march through the desolate terrains caused Alauddin’s supply situation to gradually deteriorate. The foraging parties he sent out fared little better as northern Yuan cavalry would lie in wait to ambush them. After 2 weeks, Alauddin realized that the northern Yuan were fighting a war of attrition with him and decided to head back. Near the small town of Tsaagan Balgas, Alauddin’s retinue of 10,000 was ambushed by Balgan Khan himself. Despite being plagued by supply shortage and desertion, the Moghulistani troops put up a fierce fight as Alauddin used his gunpowder weapons on the two columns of Northern Yuan cavalry. But a third reserve unit would assault the beleaguered Moghulistani from behind and rout them. The battle of Tsaagan Balgas was a defeat and dampened the eastern ambitions of Alauddin. After crossing the Altai, Alauddin heard of Ming troops amassing in Uman
[6]. He now understood the gravity of the situation after his uncle’s demise in the short civil war. In his memoirs he lamented his lack of foresight and wished that he had helped his uncle. This brings us to the incident where Alauddin requested Bartuk to write letters to Datu beg. The clever omission of his defeat was another ploy so that Tatars wouldn’t get the wrong idea of replacing him. But this battle wouldn’t be the last time Alauddin and Balgan would meet each other.
Image: Battle of Tsaagan Balgas
To the south, Tibet was in a state of anarchy as numerous city states arose in the mid-9th century following the demise of Phagmadrupa dynasty a decade after the fateful Aqbars invasion. This period is marked by the emergence of Monastery led feudal states. The most powerful of them were Kathok, Riwoche and a state right at the heart of the Phagmadrupa capital, Sera. Lhasa and the remnant of Phagmadrupa territory was ruled by a clique of nobles who went by the moniker ‘the wise dozen’. To the west were the feudal states of Zanskar, Guge, Bamcang and the expansionist Ladakh Kingdom. The vast interior was left to various tribes and the loose Amdo federation. The conflicting interests of various kingdoms threatened to tear the precarious balance maintained after the throne became a musical chair. To add to their woes, sectarian violence was rife and threatened to split the realm. To the east lay the powerful monasteries of Nyingma sect whilst most of Lhasa and central Tibet followed the Gelug sect. There was also an old but less influential sect of Karma Kaguya, though lacking the military and financial clouts of their counterparts they laid low. The Nyingma would have the audience of ‘Khagan’ Balgan as his cousin Uijetu was an adherent. A considerable number of Northern Yuan upper class converted to Buddhism of various sects, though the Khan and his immediate family was still following Tengri. Nevertheless, Tibet was rife with unrest and ripe for picking. Though the question was who would go for it?
Image: States of Tibet in 896 (1491)
Further south, the land of Hind was on the brink of a tumultuous clash between two powers, the emerging Khurasan Khanate led by a Georgian Mamluke Suleiman and the old and time tested paramount power of North India, the Delhi sultanate. Though humbled by Rajputs and plagued by infighting in recent years, they still had an impressive military might. Hearing about the invasion force led by Mustafa; the de facto sultan of Khurasan, the experienced Delhi vizier Khijir Ahsan ordered a mobilization. A massive army of 80,000 was gathered and they started north. Meanwhile Mustafa was on tight schedule as his father, Muhkam Suleiman sent frantic messages to him to head west as he joined with Shaybanids in fending off against the Mushahshiya. He had only 10,000 troops with him along with a dozen artillery and several dozen muskets. To confuse his enemy, he took an unorthodox path as he tried to traverse the Jamuna river and approach Delhi from east. But his decoy didn’t work though it caused the Delhi army to be split into two to cover more ground as they perceived it as a raiding party. Realizing he had to face the enemy sooner than later, Mustafa encamped near Meerut. The garrison fell just in a day as cannons made short work of the fortress walls. But to keep up his ruse, Suleiman ordered that Delhi flag be kept hoisted upon the citadel. The vanguard of Delhi army led by Rajput Dilir singh crossed Ganga but was harassed by horse archers. Though he secured the east bank of Ganga for the main army, his own encampment was attacked at night by Jalaluddin Shiku, the Yusufzai mercenary. Busy with cutting their losses, the vanguard had no time to stop the main Khurasani army crossing into the west bank. They were also surprised at the inaction of the garrison of Meerut. This rendered the initial river crossing by Dilir moot. In the following morning of 8 Shawwal 896, (14 August, 1491) both armies met each other in the open plains near Meerut.
Image: Battle of Meerut
The battle began with a cavalry foray from the Khurasani side. Mustafa divided his cavalry into three parts, one at the front and two at the back in flanks, the latter being the elite Gurgtug. Behind the advance guard he erected a makeshift wagon fortress where he housed his musketeers and artillery at the sides. The Delhi army responded with a volley of arrows and a cavalry charge of their own. As the Delhi cavalry neared the wagon fortress, Khurasani gunners opened fire which killed scores of horsemen. The sound of tufaang also sowed panic into the Delhi horses and they went in to a fit, some throwing their riders off. Understanding the situation, Khijir ordered his 700 war elephants to proceed as infantry advanced close behind. When the elephants were within range, loud booms and explosions rocked the front and center of the army, killing some elephants and scaring the rest of them. The fleeing elephants broke the cohesion of the entire army as the Delhi infantry were scattered and stomped upon by their own elephants. At this moment, Mustafa ordered his two cavalry wings to spring forth and trap the Disorganized Delhi infantry. He ordered his gunners to advance in two files so that one group can reload as the other fired. Sultan Mansur fell from his fleeing elephant as it was spooked by tufaang shots of the approaching Khurasani infantry, as a result seriously injuring himself . At the center, the Gurgtug and Yusufzai mercenaries surrounded a beleaguered Dilir Singh as he kept on fighting. But the battle was over. He soon succumbed to a stray shot. Mustafa led his 12,000 strong force to victory against a foe six times the size. Gunpowder won the day for him.
When Mustafa heard that the Delhi Sultan Mansur was captured, he quickly ordered his troops to bring him in. When meeting the injured sultan, Mustafa is reported to have asked him, ‘why does your sister smoke so much?’. This indicated that he was displeased with the Delhi princess’s demeanor and marriage was now out of question. He received Mansur well and arranged for his treatment but the injured Sultan died after 3 days from internal bleeding inside his head. After this, Mustafa decided to head back to Khurasan. He left Arghun at the head of a 2000 strong Gurgtug retinue as well as a few hundred Pashtun warriors from Jalaluddin Shiku. Shiku himself would accompany Mustafa on his journey to west. And Finally, Rowshan Ara entered Delhi in triumph as the second female monarch to sit on the Delhi throne. Though now she was, understandably a puppet of the Khurasani Khanate. In reality Delhi traded one master for another. But troubles for Mustafa in Hind would be far from over as the Rajput confederacy didn’t take too kindly at his swift conquest of their vassal. The winds of war would soon blow on the horizon again.
Image: Rowshan Ara entering Delhi
[1] Maras was changed into Kahramanmaras in OTL 20th century.
[2] Druze
[3] Sidon
[4] Tripoli
[5] Aleppo
[6] OTL Yumen
(From
‘Tarikh Ul Fars Wal Mashreq’ by Ali Adnani)
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Conflicts come before the crusade
As news of devastating Ottoman civil war reached Europe, many were ecstatic. But many were cautious, some were apprehensive while others were terrified. Ironically Venice fell in the latter camp. Ever since the election of Doge Antonio Mocegino in 892 AH (1487), he followed a policy of increasing trade with Ottomans which had been strengthened by Muhammad II allowing Venetians to set up shops in Levant. The Ottoman acquisitions of Masr and Sham and the subsequent tax overhauls were a boon to the serene republic. In return, Venice worked to keep the eastern Mediterranean peaceful. The Failed Ottoman invasion of Rhodes presented the Doge with such an opportunity. After having the Hospitaller knights in a chokehold from debt, he reduced them essentially to a glorified mercenary force working for the republic. Though this didn’t totally stop the anti-muslim corsair activities by the order, it was significantly reduced and in turn reducing the Barbary raids in eastern Mediterranean.
Image: Doge Antonio Mocegino
When Pope Innocent VIII called for a crusade in 2 Rabiul Sani 895 ( 23 February 1490), various big and small kingdoms answered his call to arms. Amongst them were France, Yorkist England, Burgundy, Hungary, Austria, Polish- Lithuanian Union, Denmark and surprisingly, the newly formed Lancastrian kingdom of ‘Ireland’. Situation in Iberia was different as Aragon used the pretext to declare war on Nasrid emirate and asked Castile to allow their troops pass. Fresh from a victory against Portugal and a successful dynastic union, Charles mocked the Aragonese envoy and wrote a humiliating reply to the King Juan I. Now Aragon declared war upon the Castilians but they were not alone. Andre Sebastian, the estranged duke of Coimbra contacted the Aragonese court and made promises of revolting against them if the latter attacked. Thus war was on the horizon of Iberia once again.
The situation in Italy was even more complex. The pro French and pro Papal states were bickering over the leftover spoils after the Ottoman annexation of southern Italy. Though the first ones to respond to the call at arms were Milan and Genoa, both being French allies/vassals. Florence replied somewhat late, followed by Trent, Siena, Modena-Ferrera and Abruzzo. Meanwhile Pope was having a hard time trying to convince Burgundy and France come to terms with one another. France was skeptical of Burgundian military deployment in Italy and thought of it as a threat. Further Charles VIII was itching to lead an army as he was now 20. But he was snubbed by pope in favour of Holy Roman Emperor William, a neutral man who’d be accepted by most. The reason behind William’s selection was the support of the French Duke of Milan Louis, who wanted get back at his nephew’s regent Peter II of Bourbon. Nevertheless, Pope agreed to crown Charles VIII as the ‘King of Italy’, a title not extending beyond symbolic papal recognition. and asked all states in Italy to submit to him, at least nominally. Only Siena and Florence replied positively, the rest not even bothering with it. Nevertheless, the prospect of dominating at least north of Italy and being declared the dubious ‘King of Italy’ by pope at Rome Charles VIII agreed to be led by William. A further sigh of relief for the participants was the absence of the ‘Empress’ Isabella due to her being ill after her 6th pregnancy.
Image: Holy Roman Emperor William I, king consort of Burgundy (nicknamed Willy the henpecked)
When pope was trying to coax France and burgundy, other states were halfway through their preparations. Even after gathering in Bavaria, the combined forces of Yorkist England, Denmark, Lancastrian Ireland, and a small contingent of mercenaries paid by the Hanseatic League, the number still didn’t exceed 4000. Castile and Portugal sent a token force of 200 cavalry knights, mostly of the Eleanor camp due to their dubious allegiance to the new union. Though this draft was mandatory, England, Ireland and Denmark allowed only volunteers to go. The army of barely 5000 traversed through central Europe and reached Austria where they were joined by duke and Duchess of Styria Phillip and Barbara, with their four hundred strong retinue. The Habsburg indifference to the cause of crusade despite their realm being closer to the Ottomans was due to their claims on low counties being rendered moot by Isabella’s victory in the war of Burgundian succession. On Dhul Qadh 895 (October 1490), the Crusading army entered Buda and was Greeted by Louis II of Hungary. He had 20,000 troops at his disposal and decided to split the crusading force into two. Accordingly they made a war council formulate a plan for further action.But before agreeing upon a concrete plan, shocking news reached the crusader camp about the papal excommunication of Venice due their non-compliance for the crusading effort. In the words of historian Stephan Mihail, ‘the Serene republic’s decision to choose the familiar devil over the unfamiliar angel came as a shock to the rest of Europe.’ Truthfully, there had been intense and long negotiations in the senate and finally the pro-peace party won out with the Doge choosing to preserve the existing prosperity over the allure of territorial expansion if the Ottomans failed to stop the Nazarenes.
Anyway the crusaders were divided into two groups. One group was jointly led by Prince of Denmark Charles and the voivode of Transylvania Nicolas Tamasi which encamped in Zagreb county while the larger retinue led by king Louis himself encamped in Szerem county.
Image: crusaders merrymaking with locals in a Slavonian village
After spending the winter and stocking up supplies for the 30,000 strong force, it was in Rajab 896 (May 1491) when the crusaders from the larger group started crossing Danube. Theoretically they were now inside ottoman territory but the revolt of the pasha of Rumelia, Hersekzade Suleiman against Sultan Mahmud meant few troops were sent to garrison the northern frontiers. the crusaders received little to no resistance from Ottoman regular army, instead foraging parties were being assaulted by bandits. It was only when the crusaders besieged Jajce starting from Shaban 896 (June 1491) when the Ottomans realized something was wrong. But the civil war was still ongoing and the garrison of Jajce held out for a month until being overrun. But soon sights of Ottoman activities were being noticed by the crusaders. From the gypsy travelers, the crusaders found out that there was a new sultan in Konstantinyye, his name was Musa.
(from
‘The age of Chivalry’ by Thomas Siegfried)
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and so it begins! the final crusade to push the Ottomans out of Europe! Will it be successful or will it suffer the same fate as the Nicopolis one and the irate Burgundian campaign? Right now Sultan Musa has a lot on his plate. And nobody expects the Venetian betrayal, even more the excommunication! This part was inspired from an aborted timeline by
@Guardonion.
And poor sunni Safavids trying to stop the Mushashiya. As Sham and Masr are relatively newly acquired territories one would expect them to be loosely ruled and in times of lax in central authority regional lords ran riot. Alauddin realised his mistake in underestimating the Northern Yuan power and he has begrudgingly taken to the Sarai camp. But his schemes are far from over.
Also in the alt battle of Panipath where Mustafa mops the floor with Delhi army. But ITTL Rajputs are a more potent threat. And if he doesn't marry Rowshan, how will he grab Hindustan? Give me your ideas!
If anyone is willing to correct me in the Tibet map I'll be very happy as the info I based it upon was sketchy to say the least.
Salam, see you next time guys!
