Timeline Proposal
  • Jeff Pearce, in his book (https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1510718656/) about the Second Italo-Ethopian War wrote:

    The Ethiopian War had its own unchecked “facts’ that created a few great yarns, but it never gave birth to its own legend. And yet the ingredients were all there for the kind of romanticism that would attach itself to the Spanish Civil War: it had a cast of rogues, a reasonable supply of heroes and clowns, battles aplenty, and it even straddled two ages, modern and medieval. It had a genuine bard in Langston Hughes. All this wasn’t enough, and it comes down to a very simple reason. For the Spanish Civil War, the good guys could show up.

    This was not true in the Ethiopian war. Fewer than 200 volunteers would be able to make it to Ethiopia in OTL. But… what if there was a timeline in which this was not true?

    There are basically 3 Points of Divergence.

    1. France after, after quelling the 1897 rebellion in Madagascar did not strip the Imerina monarchy of its figurehead role. This will be important later.

    2. Marcus Garvey is more careful/diligent with his Black Star Line shipping company, and so is never arrested, increasing the prestige and power of the "Back to Africa" movement in comparison to OTL. This makes it so Liberia does not prevent Garvey's organization from settling large numbers of African-American settlers in Liberia, as they did OTL. UNIA-ACL becomes a powerful force in Liberian, and pan-African politics worldwide.

    3. Britain is slightly more helpful to Ethiopia because of PoD 2, since Black organizations in the colonies are more powerful and coordinate successfully with British leftists and liberals to lobby for Britain to not join the arms embargo against Ethiopia and Italy with France.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 1: Dreams, Railways, and Armaments
  • (Well, here goes nothing.)

    Chapter 1: Dreams, Railways, and Armaments.



    28th Tikemet 1923 (7th November 1930.)

    Armed men went forth.

    Most of the men were draped in shammas, the traditional white long cotton robe of Ethiopia, but a few wore more modern khaki uniforms in a European style. Most went barefoot, their feet callused against the hardscrabble rocks and bushes of the hills.

    Some were armed with rifles, but these were often relics, and the variety of ammunition meant reliable ammo supply was an impossibility. Most had spears or swords, held high proudly along buffalo shields that, although they wouldn’t block bullets, would block the bayonet thrusts and spears of the colonial irregulars, who like the Ethiopians themselves, came from the Horn of Africa. Almost it could be a scene from the colonial clashes of the 1880s and 1890s. The brave warriors of the Empire swept forward, ready to bowl over the invaders with their sheer numbers and courage…

    And then the tanks rolled in. And the planes roared overhead, dropping bombs and poison gases told of in stories from the Great War. And the warriors died, and planes with special sprayers spewed a continuous stream of fine, death dealing rain that poisoned the women, children, cattle, rivers, lakes, and pastures until all of God’s Ethiopia was a desert, and the people died helpless.

    ***

    From this nightmare; the Emperor awoke. Five nights. He thought.

    Five nights since his coronation, and five nights in which he had had this dream or others like it. Rumors of rebellion, plots, the endless pointless ambitions of his nobles; these all haunted Haile Sellesaie’s waking moments. But asleep, he dreamed of the true threat.

    One day, within the next few years, another European army would come to try to make Ethiopia a colony. He had toured Europe, seen the trenches and battlefields of the Great War, seen airplanes, modern weapons, and tanks. He knew the threat well, better than the majority of his nobles. The military leaders and feudal magnates of the Empire had learned the wrong lesson. While the European powers had absorbed the lessons of the Great War; lessons of logistics, transportation and mechanized warfare, the Empire still believed that the bravery, faith and discipline of their soldiers would prove superior.

    No longer would the courage and the faith of the Ethiopians be enough to repel ant enemy. The lesson of Adwa, that courage and an unrelenting assault could break a European army, would not work in the new war to come, whatever form it took.

    He had faith… faith in both God and in the principles of collective security embodied in the League of Nations. But faith alone was a poor defense against the merciless weapons of modern industry. His people would need weapons of their own. His Empire held great riches, but a wealth of resources was of little use without the modern industry to utilize them. He needed a way to create that industry, to use the colonizer’s own weapons against them. To this end, there were potential allies; ones that the late Empress had refused to listen to, despite his own energetic protests to the contrary.

    There was a group that claimed to stand for all Africans throughout the world. This claim seemed ludicrous to Haile Selesse. Africa was home to many nations, many peoples, with their own ways, religions and varying degrees of bellicosity and temperament. Many of this group were from the Americas or the Caribbean, and knew little of Africa, seeing it on the whole as unwashed masses in need of civilizing. The fact that this was exactly how the average white man saw Africa was deeply ironic to the Emperor. And the group’s history of distrust towards all non-Africans was troublesome to the internationally-minded Emperor. But the UNIA-ACL[1], or “Garvey Movement” as it had become popularly known had done great things in the only other “independent” African nation in the world, Liberia.

    Settlers of the Garvey Movement had swollen the coastal Americo-Liberian population from about 10,000 to just over 70,000. The UNIA-ACL and especially their Negro Factories Corporation had worked alongside the American Firestone Rubber Company; the Dutch mining interest NEEP[2] and the Liberian government themselves to build railroads, paved roads, the beginnings of a proper port in Monrovia, and even a small domestic arms industry. The fact that the UNIA was able to work with European companies shows that they are willing to overlook rhetoric if needs be. They aren’t as foolish as their image suggests. They have grown wiser over the years, more able to work with reality, as opposed to their fantasies.

    Although the majority of the work had been done by Firestone and NEEP, the Negro Factories Corporation had gained a great measure of international prestige and technical skill, and now boasted of having the world’s only black-owned railroad company and arms manufacturer. Even if most of this arms company’s products were merely improved copies of older European rifles.

    There was also news that, while it held potentially ominous meanings, still held some promise.

    It was said that the UNIA had forced the True Whig party, for long the only force in Liberian politics out of their complacency, and the True Whig Party now competed with the UNIA affiliated Black Cross, Black Star Party in generally free and fair elections. It was even said that the Universal African Legion, the paramilitary force of the UNIA, had aided the Frontier Force in the latest suppression of inland tribal war. Perhaps they would be willing to send military advisors? Many of my generals refuse to listen to white European advisors about modern war.

    And even out of Liberia, the UNIA had influence. Where the European powers permitted, the UNIA founded chapters, vocational centers and churches amongst the natives of their African colonies. Although many European nations, especially the Belgians and even more especially the Italians, distrusted the UNIA chapterhouses as potential sources of unrest, the UNIA was always careful to keep any protests limited to strictly non-violent actions. The Black Star Shipping Line had grown from a joke of a company with three run-down hulks to a successful company operating 24 vessels and carrying goods and passengers to Liberia, America and the British and French colonies of Africa and the Caribbean.

    Yet despite all this, Zewditu had refused to even consider the notion of allowing UNIA into the Empire, having developed an immediate distaste for the firebrand that was Marcus Garvey. And at his claims to be “Provisional President of Africa.” Although the priest Garvey had brought with them had probably been enough offense for the pious Zewditu. Well, enough of that now. The Emperor arose from his bed.

    Enough of these dark dreams and fearful nonsense. The Empress’ way need not be mine. He would dispel these terrors; arm his people against the enemies all around them with aid that did not need to come with strings attached. Even if the aid that the UNIA can bring to my country is lesser than that of a European power, it is less dangerous, and far, far cheaper than French or British aid might be. Servants, flunkies and the rest of his regular entourage surrounded the Emperor, and he began his day in his normal manner. A few moments later; he strode out the doors of the palace into a new day, full of God’s bright sunlight.

    ***

    The first of the Emperor’s meetings with the UNIA-ACL officials was with the Dutch-Negro Railroad Partnership, which had together constructed a railroad leading from Monrovia in Liberia to the iron and diamond rich Bomi Hills and now proposed to expand Ethiopia’s sole railroad, the French-built line linking Djibouti and Addis Ababa, to Jimma. This would provide direct access of the most productive coffee plantations in Ethiopia to the sea. Trade is a blessing of god, especially for our coffers. Taxing the nobility was often impossible. And taxing the peasantry too heavily was cruelty, and likely to induce mass revolt and famine. That left trade. A small tax on the coffee trade would bring more hard currency to the Empire. Hard currency that could be used to trade with the Europeans, America and Japan.

    But firstly, there was a man named James Monroe Jones, a wealthy Liberian investor who was the founder of Frontier Force Arms, the Liberian arms manufacturing company. It was this man that the Emperor would meet first.

    James Monroe Jones was a tall, lightly skinned Americo-Liberian. Broad, stocky and with a great beard, he towered over the Emperor, but he still bowed low in a gesture of respect to the Emperor and entourage.

    “Imperial Majesty, it is a great privilege and honor to meet with you today, and I hope that we can come to an arrangement that will mutual benefit our two nations and improve the security of your state.”

    The Emperor accepted this with grace, and his eyes turned to a table that had been dragged out into one of the yards of the palace. On it rested four weapons. Two rifles, what looked to be an automatic pistol, and…

    One of them in particular drew his eye. A machine gun? This may be more beneficial than I thought…

    Monroe-Jones laughed, a deep sound from his belly. “I see that you’ve spied the latest product. That, majesty, is a copy of the Browning Automatic Rifle. Like the two rifles, it is chambered in the same cartridge, the 7.92×57mm Mauser. This greatly simplifies any ammunition concerns.” Turning to the two rifles he said, “These are copies of the Krag–Jørgensen rifle and the Gewehr 88. They, and the BAR, have been modified to be more mud and dust resistant. The BAR is regrettably, a bit of an experiment, we have yet to begin to produce it in bulk. But I have brought 2000 of each of the rifles as a gift for your guards, and I hope that you are impressed enough with them to allow the construction of a factory in Addis Ababa, and perhaps Jimma, or Gore. Ethiopia is after all, a much larger country, with a much larger army than Liberia. Your country is a much larger market for my company.”

    “This is the regrettable truth.” The Emperor said. After more small talk, a detailed demonstration of the weapons followed, followed again by a demonstration of the original versions of the weapons. To the Emperor, and more importantly, to the White-Russian advisor Feodor Konovalov, the weapons appeared identical. This matched previously heard stories of the Frontier Force Arms company’s decent quality.

    “Excellent, truly excellent, Mr. Jones. I can see that the praises of your company I have heard are not exaggerated. I understand then, that the Government of Liberia wishes to sponsor a factory of yours in exchange for some trade concessions. But this is a matter best left for diplomats and ministers, not one for the open air. I thank you for your demonstration. I can forsee no reason why I will not allow you to build at least one of your factories.” We both know how desperately the Empire needs an arms factory. Polite goodbyes were exchanged, and the Emperor departed. Now the Railroad representatives.

    As the Emperor walked to the building where the railroad officials were waiting, he smiled despite himself. It seems that there was more hope for his country than he thought, at least when it came to acquiring modern arms.

    [1] Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (Marcus Garvey rivals FDR for the acronym fever.)

    [2] Noord Europeesche Ertz en Pyriet Maatschappy (…I refuse categorically to type that out again.)
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 2: The Great Imperial Railways
  • (Shorter this time, mostly a lore dump, please critique my half-baked modernization scheme.)

    Chapter 2: The Great Imperial Railways

    Haile Selesse was tired. It had been a productive meeting, but also a long and somewhat contentious one.

    Before Zewditu’s death, Haile Selesse in his capacity as Balemulu 'Inderase (Regent) and later Negus (King) under the Empress had met with several railway firms of both European and American extraction in attempt to expand Ethiopia’s rail networks on several occasions.

    Besides the Liberian Dutch-Negro Railroad Partnership’s proposal to expand the existing Franco-Ethiopian Railway line to Jimma, and thus ensure that greater amounts of plantation coffee could reach the Red Sea; there was also a proposal by the Franco-Ethiopian Railway Company (1) itself to construct a line to the southern town of Dilla, in whose vicinity gold had been prospected before (2). English and American companies together had been granted generous concessions to construct railways to Keberi Dehar, where Standard Oil had found oil and natural gas (3); and also to construct a narrow track whose primary purpose would be for military and logistical use linking the capital to the northern city of Mekelle.

    These projects together had been put under the direction of a Ministry of Transport, and the collective proposed railways were to be called the Great Imperial Railways. Under Zewditu, some desultory efforts had taken place on the Dilla line, and the Mekelle line had been completed up to Weldiya. The Ministry of Transport had estimated the following, somewhat optimistic… completion dates for railway construction. They argued that since multiple companies were constructing railways at once, that they could be completed faster.

    Mekelle Line [Red/Northern] (various Anglo-American companies) Line finished up to Weldiya, completion date estimated late 1932.
    Jimma Line [Green] (Dutch-Negro Railway Partnership) completion date estimated 1934.
    Dilla Line [Blue] (Franco-Ethiopian Railway Company) completion date estimated 1934.
    Kebri Dehar Line [Red/Southern] (various Anglo-American companies) completion date estimated 1936.

    gZ1sCu5.png


    The meeting today then, had been to determine the beginnings specifics of the concessions that would be granted in exchange for the constructions of these railroads.

    The Dutch-Negro Railway Partnership’s Jimma Line had been by far the simplest, with the Partnership putting up 65% of the startup funds in exchange for a small percentage of the future coffee revenues taxed along the railroad.

    The Mekelee Line had already been started, and the associated companies needed only to be reassured by the Emperor that the previously negotiated loan payments for the construction of the line would be paid.

    The Dilla Line would be financed in the same fashion as the old Djibouti line. A joint Ethiopian/Anglo/French holding company would put up the money and stock would be sold in Europe to interested investors.

    It was the Kebri Dehar line that proved the most continuous. The British and American railway companies, the British government, and Standard Oil all wanted some form of concession. The Emperor had left the Ministry of Transport to negotiate with them. Hopefully they could arrive at some settlement within the next few days.

    The Emperor rested in his sitting room, thinking: If the Imperial Railways are completed, it will greatly strengthen our nation. Gold, coffee and God-willing oil flowing out of Djibouti will greatly increase our revenues. The railways themselves will help my armies move to combat any incursion or rebellion. And who knows… Western investment has its dangers, but if I can keep the Liberians/UNIA, the Dutch, the British, the French and the Americans all imterested, they'll have a reason to be financially invested in the Empire, it will keep them more committed to the League, and less willing to tolerate any Italian incursions. And hopefully they’ll be too busy competing with one another to acquire too much economic control over us.

    With these plans and hopes whirling about in the Emperor’s mind, he ate a light supper and retired to paperwork, and a few snatched moments with his Bible. Sleep came late for him. And the Emperor had a fitful rest. That night, he had the nightmare again.

    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    1. This is the OTL railroad.
    2. Closest town to Ethiopia's OTL gold mine.
    3. Found by Standard Oil in 1920 both OTL and ITTL.
     
    Last edited:
    Excerpt 1: The History of the modern Empire of Ethiopia 1880 -1980, Part 13: The 1931 Constitution.
  • Excerpt from The History of the modern Empire of Ethiopia 1880 -1980, Part 13: The 1931 Constitution by Kebede Michael, translated to English by Marcel Hassid.



    During the reigns of Empress Zewditu and Haile Selessaie, there existed three factions that refused to share the conservative nobles’ disdain for modernization and complacency over the victory at Adwa in 1896. Although one of these factions, the Iyasuists was deeply mistrusted by the political establishment because of their Islamist views, and the fact that they were often in open rebellion, the two wings of the “Young Ethiopians” found favor with the Emperor.

    The Young Ethiopians were divided into two wings, the Japanizer faction that viewed the Meji restoration as a model on which to base Ethiopia’s modernization, and the mostly Liberia College-educated UNIA faction, which viewed allowing members of the African Diaspora with technical and academic skills to settle in the Empire as citizens. The Japanizers and the UNIA factions disagreed on the ideal nature of the government, with the Japanizers advocating a more authoritarian state and the UNIA faction a more democratic one, but both advocated for some form of constitutional law as the basis of the new, “Modern” Ethiopia. Agents of both factions were allowed to attend the Ethiopian Constitutional Convention of 1930, in which the Empire’s first constitution was promulgated. After political parties were allowed, these factions formed the seeds of the first political parties in Ethiopia. The corporatist-nationalist “Imperial-Restoration Party” derives from the Japanizers and the centrist/Christian-democratic “Black Cross/ Tewahedo Party” derives from UNIA faction and reformist clergy.

    The 1930 Constitutional Convention was instigated at the request of Liberian/UNIA agents, who managed to convince the Emperor that a more democratic constitution than the one he had intended to create would create a more modernized state, hamstring the military power of the nobles, and prepare the Ethiopian people at large for a more active role in the international community. Members of the drafting committee included:

    Tekle Hawariat Tekle Mariyam, the leader of the Japanizer faction.

    Imru Haile Selassie, a cousin of the Emperor and leader of the UNIA aligned faction.

    Gedamu Woldegiorgis, the priest and famous religious scholar representing the clergy.

    Gaston Jèze, French-born legal counsel to the Emperor.

    Johannes Kolmodin, Swedish linguist and diplomat, advisor to the Emperor.

    The Constitution, which came into effect in the year 1931, was a simple document consisting of the Imperial Decree proclaiming the Constitution and 70 articles in 8 chapters. The contents of the chapters are:

    The First Chapter outlines the powers of the Emperor, establishes that all future monarchs will be drawn from the line of Haile Selessaie, and makes permanent legally the subornation of all vassal kings and nobles.

    The Second Chapter outlines the rights and duties of subjects, affirms freedom of religion, but also the state supremacy of the Orthodox Church, bans slavery, and establishes that all powers not granted to other government bodies by the constitution are reserved to the Emperor.

    The Third Chapter outlines the makeup and powers of the bicameral legislature, with the lower chamber having half of its members elected by at-large provincial elections, half of the upper chamber being appointed by the Emperor, and half of both chambers elected from the hereditary nobility.

    The Fourth Chapter outlines and formalizes the duties of government ministers and establishes Imperial ministry departments for their use.

    The Fifth Chapter sets forth the judicial system. Article 59 establishes Special Courts, required by the Klobukowski agreement of 1906, which gave foreigners extraterritoriality in Ethiopia, exempting them from both Ethiopian law and her justice system.

    The Sixth Chapter modernized and organized the structure of the Imperial army and the feudal levies.

    The Seventh Chapter requires the government treasury to set an annual budget.

    The Eight Chapter outlines the amendment process for the Constitution, establishing that the upper house may propose amendments with a ¾ majority and the Emperor may veto them.
    However, this constitution, as well as the rest of the Emperor’s modernization programs, resulted in a large backlash among certain elements of the nobility, mostly among the conservative elements of the nobility, as well as the Iyasuist faction, whose proposals of removing the role of the state from the Church were seen as outrageous. The Kingdom of Jimma, still nominally a vassal kingdom of Ethiopia, also did not take kindly to their force annexation under the new constitution. These factions would come together in the 1931-1933 rebellions.

    [Differences from the OTL version:
    More democratic legislature.
    Formalized army structure.
    Formal amendment process.
    Explicit banning of slavery.]
     
    Flashback Set I: Garvey in Liberia
  • I hope I'm not bumping a dead timeline but is this coming back any time soon? I quite liked it.

    Your wish is granted.

    After his defeat in the 1927 Liberian presidential elections, Thomas Faulkner of the People's Party, later folded into the Black Star Party, accused the President-elect, Charles D.B. King, of allowing slavery to exist in the Republic. Worse, he also stated that certain highly placed government officials were engaged in the forced shipping of laborers to the Spanish island of Fernando Po. Moreover, he accused them of making use of the Liberian Army (called Frontier Force) to achieve this. The accused government officials were the President of the Republic and Standard-Bearer of the True Whig Party (TWP), the country’s ruling political party, Charles King, the Secretary-General of the TWP and Postmaster-General Samuel A. Ross, and the country’s Vice-President Allen N. Yancy.

    After Faulkner’s accusations a wave of international reactions followed and a Committee of the League of Nations was established to examine the allegations. The Committee was composed of Dr Cuthbert Christy, an Englishman (representing the League of Nations), Charles S.A. Johnson, an Afro-American (representing the USA), and former Liberian president Arthur Barclay (representing Liberia). Marcus Garvey, who by then had been granted Liberian citizenship, denounced the commission at first as but another attack by white powers against a sovereign African nation, but joined in denouncing the True Whigs as corrupt, and traitors once the Commission's report was published.

    The Christy-report

    In 1930 the ‘Christy Report’ was published, named after the Committee’s chairman. The Committee concluded that:

    • Slavery as defined by the Anti-Slavery Convention, in fact, does not exist in this Republic.
    • Shipment to Fernando Po and Gabon is associated with slavery because the method of recruiting carries compulsion with it.
    • Persons holding official positions have illegally misused their office in recruiting with the aid of the Liberian Frontier Force.
    The House of Representatives then started the procedure to impeach President King

    23rd Hedar 1923
    (2nd December 1930).

    Charles King, the President of Liberia, was penning his resignation letter when Vice President Yancy barged into his office. "Surely you will not buck under this outrage!" Yancy shouted at the President.

    King, in a defeated and resigned voice, responded, "What choice do we have? We all gave our sanction, for laborers and servants to be sent to Fernando Po and Sao Tome; to the Spanish. We should have been more careful, but here we are."

    "So we are to bow to the League, and let that..." he paused to snort disgustedly, " Firebrand and his damn Black Star Party take our positions and power away? Firestone will never stand for it. Hell, it was his damn "African Legions" that did most of the fighting against the hinterland tribes. His "civilizing mission" provided many of those "servants"." Yancy sneered.

    "Firestone can't complain too harshly themselves, since the Commission's report implicated them as well. We all know they were the primary beneficiary of the forced labor. Even if the UNIA groups were... zealous in their assistance of the Frontier Force against the tribes, they didn't partake in the forced labor programs themselves. After all, most of them are in the cities, in the craftshops and the Freeport, not on the plantations or as farmers. The True Whigs are finished. Already the House of Representatives have begun impeachment proceedings. We have no choice Yancy. We must both resign, or face a hanging."

    Yancy begrudgingly consented. "Very well. At least Barclay will be president, maybe he can keep hold of this situation better than we can."

    But it was not to be. Edwin Barclay, the replacement president, was to lose in the next elections in 1931, to the UNIA-sponsored Black Star Party, and their surprise candidate, Marcus Garvey.

    ----------------------------------------------------

    30th Tahsas 1923 (8th January 1931).

    Marcus Garvey, president-elect of Liberia, stood in front of a cheering crowd in one of the main plazas of Monrovia. The electoral results of the 1931 election had left him stunned. Garvey was a different man than he had been when he founded UNIA. No longer did he travel the world as he had once done. He had, after the Liberian goverment had allowed the UNIA settlement, come to settle permanently in Liberia. He had even became a citizen. UNIA chapters had formed the Black Star Party soon after settlement in response to the dominance of the True Whigs. With public discontent against the True Whigs mounting in response to the slavery scandal and the repeated True Whig political machine electoral fraud, the party had nominated Garvey as their presidential candidate and he had won, with 62% of the vote. And now, Liberian citizens and reporters, both native and foreign, listened to the new president-elect give his first speech as president.

    "Citizens of Liberia, I have come to you to lead you out of a storm. When the Liberian government welcomed us to this country, I never imagined I would be standing before you today as this nation's leader. The corrupt traitors of the True Whigs created their own defeat, when they allowed so many of our people to return to Africa, our sacred homeland. When UNIA was invited to Liberia, when UNIA gave a loan of 3 million dollars to the Liberian government, all Negro nationalists looked with hope to Liberia, praying that the Republic would be rejuvenated by all the workers of the West coming home to Africa.

    But while the Negro peoples of the world were praying for the success of Liberia, the True Whigs were undermining the fabric of their own country by playing the role of white men, of oppressors. Acting the fool like old Southern planters, sitting in their comfortable plantation houses while the common man suffered. Making slaves of other Negroes. The serious white world pointed and laughed at every Negro and repeated the old lies - 'the Negro is incompetent,' 'we told you so'. They pointed at Liberia, and its crippling debt, and used that as 'proof' of our incompetence. But we laid that lie to rest. We ended that debt. We brought factories, new farms, railroads to Liberia.

    Yet now... there is another lie they can say. That even if slavery by the whites was inhuman, the Negro is no better, since the Liberian government was corrupt and practiced slavery itself. We shall lay that lie to rest as well. We know and we thank God that these corrupt men did not represent the truest qualities of the Negro race. How could they, when they wanted to play white? How could they, when they surrounded himself with white influence? How could they, when in a modern world, and in a progressive civilization, they preferred to sabotage free elections, and enslave other Negros for their own profit. They were not true patriots, they were greedy men; with no respect for law, authority or human life. We shall be different. The Black Star Party shall be different.

    Our republic must know no crime, or discrimination by tribe or birth. All Africans should come together, with supreme confidence in our people to triumph over the corruption and slavery of our difficult past. We will triumph, despite the sneers of others, because with our confidence in ourselves, we have won even before we have even started."
     
    Top