To discover a flaw in Nature - A "Meet the new boss" spinoff-TL

Part 0 - Introduction and flags
So, what's this?

Uff... You're always the same. Just when I have a present for you, you choose to start worrying on trifles like this!

A present? Really!? Oh, come on, what is it? What is it?

- BANG! -

Wow... that was unnecessarily violent.

Anyway, moving on. On the ninth day of January 2014, the esteemed AH.com member Meadow posted the introduction to "Meet the new boss", a timeline-in-a-day project detailing the history of an alt-Great Britain through the succession of her political leaders in a world where the Soviet Union single-handedly defeats European Fascism during the Great Patriotic War and a sea of Bolshevik Red covers Eurasia from Galicia to the Bering Strait from 1955 onwards, Britsh Isles included. To put it simply, whereas many alternate history writers blush at the idea of including Operation Sealion in their post-1900 works, Meadow used a double Sealion as the background of his literary divertissement. That takes some massive yaytsa. Incidentally, it also shows why Meadow is by now such a renowned member of this community. :relievedface:

Now, ever since I had the pleasure to read "Meet the new boss" once it was complete, more than 2 years ago, I couldn't help starting to sketch (first in my mind, then on a proper notebook) the Italian side of the story, i.e. the way my native country could have coped with the annihilation of the monarchic and Fascist regime by means of the Red Army and the post-war reality of being a Soviet satellite. Let alone the challenges of keeping Italy peaceful or even united under a Communist single-party government when a sizable portion of the historical anti-Fascist movement at times opposed Stalin as much as Mussolini. I proposed this expansion set of his work to Meadow himself and he gave me his blessing, so I started to write. The end result was -- vast, for lack of a better term. Too vast to publish it in the same format of "Meet the new boss", so I chose to avoid some of its trappings and go for a more conventional approach, though the organisation in chapters still follows the framework based on the succession of leaders that can be found in many TLIAD's. By the way, this is the reason why I had to get rid of my bolded letters pal at the beginning of this post. Yeesh, how annoying those guys can be!

This is just a short prologue, the real introduction will likely be posted in the weekend, but since starting a TL thread without posting anything related to it is a very rude thing to do, I'll take another page from Meadow's book and introduce you to the flag of the Italian Social Republic, like he did with the banner of Socialist Great Britain. In fact, I'll do even better: what about a history of the flag with a side order of anticipations and cryptic references?




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Flag of the Committee of National Liberation and, by extension, of Liberated Italy, adopted in 1944.


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Flag of Republican Italy under the Popular Front Transitional Government, adopted in 1946.


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Flag of the Italian Social Republic, drafted in 1949, fully adopted in 1971.

Among all countries in Liberated Europe, the departure between Italy's pre-1946 banner and the one adopted after the completion of the transitional process to Socialism was the most radical. These changes can be clearly ascribed to the Select Committee for Revolutionary Vexillology from the Constituent Assembly's times, a body where democracy in the decisional process was so important that even people who were not part of it could take important decisions and which ultimately gifted the country with a single, unambiguous flag -- mostly.

First of all, Pietro Secchia, Second Vice President of the Constituent and Chairman of the aforementioned Committee, was adamant from day one that, while green, white and red would remain the colours of Italy, the old Italian tricolour had to go. The grudge he bore against a flag with such a long tradition began during the Liberation period, when he was in charge of propaganda for the Communist Party of Italy. His stance about the need of a thorough
damnatio memoriae of the previous regime was uncompromising. He believed that even the traditional Italian flag was forever tainted by association with a disgraceful royal house like the Savoyards and that the ideals of nationalism and liberalism which had made bourgeois Italy had by then become inadequate in the new age of Internationalism and Communism. Secchia's artistic inspiration must have run quite low in those days though, since the "new" solution he personally brought to the attention of the Committee had the colours redistributed in the way of the flag of the First Italian Republic (1802 - 1805), adjusted to a rectangular space. The Chairman's proposal was modified to become the one still in use today, with the white diamond surrounded by alternating red and green right triangles, as a compromise proposed by a Socialist Committee member, Ferdinando Targetti, who saw that design as even more tarnished by association with that country's transparent status as a puppet state of a foreign power which had an autocratic foreign conqueror as her ruler during her short existence.

The emblem featuring the red star/cog combination can be traced back to the very first designs drafted by the Committee, though multiple cogs -- up to three -- and multiple stars -- up to seven -- feature in several drafts. The substitution of the sheaves of wheat with two leafed branches, olive tree on the left and oak on the right came after a joint motion carried by former Chief of Staff of the Italian partisan forces Giancarlo Pajetta and by the leader of Christian Left Franco Rodano, both members of the Constituent Assembly though not of the Committee. As symbols respectively of peace and strength, they were seen as good omens for the future of the country by the duo, enough to be featured on her banner. While understandably annoyed by this intrusion in their proceedings by outside figures, everyone in the Committee knew that outright rebuffing a proposal coming from such a coalition would have been improper on many levels and when Minister of Agriculture Giuseppe Di Vittorio reassured everyone that the peasants of Italy wouldn't have minded the change, the deal was sealed.

The history behind the motto located at the intersection between the olive and oak branches below the emblem on the other hand is particularly tortuous. Only a simple majority of Select Committee members voted for «Proletari unitevi» -- «Proletarians, unite» -- at the time, making the resolution non-binding since it would have required a unanimous vote. While this quibble would have been corrected by the Great Constitutional Reform of 1971, for twenty-odd years different mottoes kept appearing on many Italian flags. For example, the Border Control Agency autonomously decreed in late 1949 that the acronym «R. S. I.» -- Italian Social Republic -- had to feature on every banner flying next to transit points at Italy's borders, taking the motto's place. Another common variation was «Democracy and Liberty», the one that had been pushed by the Social Democrats and many Socialists during the Constituent period; the only photo ever taken at the Piacenza secret meeting portrays Barbareschi, Novella and Corassori standing in front of a flag bearing those three words.
Thoughts? Impressions? "Did we really need this?"-type comments?
 
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Part 0/2 - The end of Fascist Italy
The community's reaction to this new timeline thread has been quite subdued so far. Let's see what happens now that I'm posting a proper introduction to this project of mine. One featuring this forum's favourite Nazi super-soldier and an Italian Fascist hierarch who -- er -- well, he enjoyed his fifteen minutes of celebrity in Geekhis Khan's Viva Balbo! before it died -- I think. Look, they're Skorzeny and Farinacci escaping from a multi-national Communist invasion force across countless miles of Libyan desert, trust me when I say that it's awesome! :relievedface:



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BERTO & OTTO'S LAST ESCAPE


In his historical/political essay On interbellum Europe (1959), COMINTERN Chairman Palmiro Togliatti describes Fascism as «an eclectic ideology, to the point that as soon as a new material necessity arises the ruling hierarchy can easily discard any of its parts that lead to an obsolete conception of the world and substitute them with more apt instruments of interpretation». This brief definition was very on point regarding the way state governance was treated in Fascist countries from an ideological perspective, and its relatively quick adoption inside the encyclopaedic entry on "Fascism", even in some capitalist countries, attests its well-deserved success. Not even the former Secretary of the Communist Party of Italy, though, managed to encapsulate in a single sentence the way a Fascist system collapses, since history teaches us that such structures, which see most of their legitimacy coming from the popular perception of a single figure and enjoy good fortune as long as the Leader manages to persuade the masses of the plausibility of ultimate victory, follow a common pattern at the time of their demise only to an extent. The last days of the two main Axis powers, Germany and Italy, are an epitome to how different systems devised by different organizations (the NSDAP in the former, the PNF in the latter) headed by distinct personalities cannot possibly meet their end in the same exact way, however comparable the actual circumstances are. When the combined forces of the Red Army and the British Shock Army for Patriotic Liberation put an anti-climatic end to the farcical succession of Acting Fuehrer's, not in the holy fatherland of the superior Germanic race but in a foreign country barely held under control by an army that was a mere shadow of the once invincible Wehrmacht, the whole world saw the once invincible demons that had engulfed a whole continent in a storm of steel and fire for what they really were: arrogant, out-of-touch people driven by foolishness and delusions of grandeur. On the other hand, the demise of the last successor of Mussolini, the operetta dictator that followed like a puppy dog his German counterpart in a kind of war his country wasn't actually prepared for, was much more dynamic and involved characters who wouldn't have felt out of place in an ancient Greek tragedy.

On the 26th of September 1947, two hours after midnight, a lonely truck left the Libyan city of Tobruk, the last stronghold of the Italian Empire in North Africa, in a desperate attempt to reach the Nile delta, almost 600 km in the East. Both the man who drove the vehicle and the other passenger knew perfectly well that their chances of reaching Alexandria, using dangerous roads in very bad shape after two years of negligence, through territories where they could meet hostile Bedouin tribes preparing ambushes behind every dune, on an overloaded FIAT truck, were quite slim. And if we take into account that the second part of the plan consisted in following the Nile upstream for countless miles, travelling the whole length of two countries, Egypt and Sudan, which since the retirement of all Axis troops in mid-1944 had fallen in a state of quasi-anarchy that turned the former in a feudal society and the latter in a chaotic assemble of feuding warlords, until reaching far away Italian East Africa, everyone in their right state of mind could legitimately wonder what kind of madness had taken hold of these two men's minds. However, invoking mental insanity would mean underestimating the effects that the events of the preceding two tears had had on their vision of the world and even on their instinct of self-preservation.

The driver's name was Roberto Farinacci, last Duce of the Italian Empire since the demise of Galeazzo Ciano, Mussolini's son-in-law, exactly one year and five days before, at the hands of a cell of Sardinian Reds. A messy affair that was, for sure! Six gunshots to the chest from close distance and then being dragged along all the main streets of Cagliari, tied by his ankles to the back of a horse-cart. Neither his wife nor his mother could recognise his remains after that inhumane treatment. That poor fellow had barely had any part in the hardest retaliations against the rebels and he was still butchered with the same amount of viciousness that should have been reserved to that walking disgrace of Achille Starace! Who, on his part, instead got away with a trip to the gas chamber and immediate cremation. He and most of his late friends or political rivals who were brought to Milan to face the Reds' justice: Marinelli, Turati, Melchiori, Giunta, Muti, Rossoni... All of the them met the same end. After Galeazzo's death there wasn't nearly enough of the old PNF hierarchy left to arrange a proper election of the new Duce. Not that he would have been crazy enough to ever want to be Leader of a nation that by then barely existed... Hell, he wasn't even sure if he was officially leader of anything after the exile, though everyone, soldiers and civilians alike, had kept calling him Duce until the end... and that was all he needed to act in a way befitting of his position. In the thirteen months he had spent retreating towards Egypt, making the Communists pay the price of forty casualties for each kilometre that divided Tunis from Tobruk, he had never asked for a ceasefire, never thought of betraying his comrades in arms, never shied away from a confrontation... Until his army thinned out too much, and he wasn't left with anyone to mount one last glorious battle. Or at least, not one where the bravery of the last two able-bodied survivors of the combined Pact of Steel forces could be properly shown.

The passenger's name was Otto Skorzeny, an Austrian who had chosen to fight to the death a lost war for Italy. And if that statement sounded crazy, it was nothing compared to the life he had lived since that fateful day in 1943, when the higher echelons of RSHA office VI, facing the beginning of the tide that would have eventually turned Europe into Russia's plaything, decided that he was the best man for guiding the modern revisiting of an obscure Boer War field tactic (originally conceived by a then-recently deceased Italian, no less). Jagdverbände they were called, or commando by the Italian soldiers that would have soon started joining it. Who could have thought one man could travel so much in such a hostile environment like a warzone spanning half a continent? First came Crimea, then Bessarabia, Slovakia, Pomerania, Silesia, Carinthia... And after his homeland had been overrun, Gorizia, Mestre, Ravenna, Roncobilaccio, Terni, Livorno, Littoria, Pozzuoli, Taranto... all the way down the Boot until Sardinia and a slice of Calabria, the latter being under siege by the Reds from the north and by the Sicilian Insurrection (which had crossed the Messina Strait) from the south, were the only European soil controlled by the rump PNF. He was sailing through the Ionian Sea to reach Crotone, when he discovered that he had been betrayed. Before leaving Italy for South America via Spain, SS-Brigadeführer Walter Schellenberg had thought that nothing would have caught the attention of the Reds' naval forces as much as the chance to rid the world from the fearsome commando's of Otto Skorzeny once and for all. In what had been the longest days of his life, by the time he was getting close to Calabria his position was revealed, all his teammates were killed, Schellenberg and the rest of the German brass still in Italy escaped unnoticed and he somehow managed to reach Crotone, more dead than alive. After that, he couldn't remember a single happening in his life that didn't involve Berto and him slipping away from the Reds while leaving behind as many corpses as they could (mostly enemies, but so many friends too!), from the siege of Malta to the battle of Derna a few days before. What managed to get to Tobruk was nothing resembling an army... He hoped the Communists could see they had nothing to fear from a platoon of moribund and mutilated.

Less than twenty minutes after their departure, plan B suddenly came into full effect.

A distant bang from the desert to their right.

A second of silence -- that felt a lot longer than it should have -- which Berto used to violently swerve the truck to the left.

A thunderous explosion just where the front of the truck would have been, had it continued along its original path.

Silence again.

Keeping the truck lights on during a night-time escape from a place that will soon be swamped by enemy forces isn't probably the best idea one could have, but on the other hand nobody can quite figure how dark desert nights are without previous personal experience.

When Otto calmed down enough to properly assess the situation, he knew that that was the beginning of the final act. The front part of the vehicle had been mostly destroyed by the flying splinters, so no chances to get the truck started again, but the left door had absorbed most of the blast wave saving the Austrian's life. Other splinters had penetrated the windshields, now in a myriad slivers, and had injured both men. The terrible pain that he was feeling on the right side of his head revealed that Skorzeny's scalp had been busted wide open by a splinter, but aside from that wound and a few other cuts he didn't feel any part of his body incapacitated. On the other hand, the sight of Berto's upper right arm was a really horrible one to enjoy at the light of the small torch Otto produced from one of his pockets. Luckily for him, Italy's last Duce had apparently passed out. When he opened the passenger door by kicking it off its hinges, the veteran of a thousand raids turned towards the rear end of the truck - no damages there, thank God - and the thick darkness in the east. Except that the latter was a lot less thick than usual.

The shot could only have been fired by a tank, most probably a T-34/90. Those steel obscenities had been a real pain in the back since they had started being mass produced for use in the Libyan campaign and they were the reason for the Italian army having lost all of their last Tigers during the Battle of Benghazi. And now here they were again: five Soviet-made tanks, a floodlight mounted on each one of them to help finding the best path in the insidious night-time desert, coming in a wedge formation towards the truck they had so unceremoniously halted. It was Agedábia all over again. The enemy using its numerical superiority to attack from both ends of the Via Balbia and block any attempt at a general retreat along the only road that connected all of civilised Libya. The difference was that in Agedábia the Axis forces still numbered almost 9,000 veteran soldiers and tens of heavy artillery pieces, while by then only one man would have put up any kind of resistance in Tobruk. But that one man still had an ace up his sleeve. And since the enemy had been so kind not to follow up the first shot with a final hit to terminate the immobilised target, Otto was only eager to play it.

As quickly as possible, the Austrian reached the opening on the back of the truck, forcefully yanked the curtains until they were pulled out of the hooks and disappeared in the darkness that totally concealed the load of the truck to the approaching enemy. Less than ten seconds later, another shot broke the night, this time coming from the FIAT vehicle, and the turret of the central T-34 was obliterated, its whole tank crew with it. The new T-34/90, specifically designed to withstand prolonged use on the rugged desert grounds, was equipped with probably the best transmission and caterpillars available to the Reds, but it still bore the exact same problem of all its predecessors: armour. 70 mm of steel were absolutely useless against a tungsten-reinforced 75 mm projectile and Otto had plenty of those, courtesy of an unlucky supply convoy he met during the last raid behind enemy lines of his career. If only Berto were there to reload after every shot, the Reds wouldn't have stood a chance, but since he was alone the old commando could only hope his enemies had poor aim.

Judging from the first volley, they definitely did. The four tanks were, give or take, 500 metres away when they fired. Perhaps because of the shock of seeing that the enemy was far from the harmless prey they thought, every single hit fell well to the left or to the right of the truck's actual position. A mere two seconds later, Otto's 75 mm mountain gun was also ready to shoot and he scored another perfect hit on the T-34 on the left end of the wedge. Nine months of regular practice on that jewel extracted from the chassis of a Semovente 75/18 were starting to show, but he couldn't deny the help given by the floodlights, which marked every target as clearly as one could hope for. Hope. Was that the feeling that had started to make its way inside the Austrian's mind, despite his innate realism told him to suppress any illusions? He then proceeded to reload as quickly as possible and adjust the aim towards the opposite end of the wedge, to remove the tank on the far right before it got near enough for the enclosure of the loading bed to hide it from view. Halfway through those operations, another volley came from the enemy and again all the shots missed the target, this time though because the Reds had aimed too high and the shells had flown well over the truck before impacting ground more than fifty paces behind Skorzeny's position.

The 75 mm thundered again and another T-34, plus its four occupants, went up in flames. But that hit, with the help of copious blood loss, had made another victim: Otto's natural coldness had completely evaporated. The feeling that had calmly risen up from his subconscious since the destruction of the first tank wasn't hope, but some kind of drunk euphoria that finally broke loose. He wasn't interested any more in getting out of that predicament alive, all he cared for was seeing the remaining two enemy tanks and the eight dirty Communists who manned them being annihilated. And after that was done, he would have waited, holding his position until the whole Red Army would have gone there to dislodge him. And then he would have taken them down too. A dangerous presumption of being invincible had taken hold of him. He started calling out at Commander Birs [1], asking him how many tanks he took out only by himself, and at Commissar Sereni [2], promising that the latter would soon have joined the magnificent party his dead comrades were preparing for him in the afterlife. But while Skorzeny had been so busy taunting absent people, the crews of both tanks, which were less than 200 metres away from the truck, had by then calculated, through a bit of trial-and-error, the position of the enemy and were waiting for him to shoot again, so to aim directly at the flash produced by the weapon and score the perfect hit. When the 75 mm thundered for the fourth time, it would have been its last. The two shells coming from both T-34's utterly destroyed the FIAT truck and while the Axis gunner managed to take down the second-to-last Russian tank, the final battle of the North African campaign was won by the COMINTERN forces.

After reaching the mass of twisted metal that a minute before was their enemy, the crew of the remaining tank halted their advance and took a brief inspection of the surroundings. On the road, there was no sign of the passage of other vehicles preceding the one they had attacked. No passenger could have survived the destruction of the truck and the desert would have made quick work of anyone that thought of leaving the battlefield on foot. With these things in mind, the four men went back to their mechanical comrade-in-arms: the high places had to be informed of everything that had happened west of Tobruk. The wreckage and the tank stood about twelve metres apart and the crew was just halfway between the two, walking in the cone of light coming from the reflector of their T-34, when they heard something - or somebody - moving behind the equipment, completely hidden both by the dazzling effect and the pitch-black night. Their first reaction was to go for their handguns, instead of getting out of the lighted area. A mistake that would have had tragic consequences.

The first to fall was Ezio, hit right between his eyes. He was the lucky one.

Then it was Guido's turn. The bullet entered his mouth after shattering his upper teeth and pierced the vertebral column before coming out. He died suffocating in his own blood.

Third came Luca, who went down after being shot in the heart. In the right ventricle, to be precise. A wound that leaves you no way out but plenty of time to enjoy your life being inexorably drained away.

Giovanni was the last one to hit the ground. Only he wasn't dead since the enemy had aimed to his thighs. Both of them.

In total, five .45 bullets had been shot, all by the same person. When the tank battle had begun, the ratio was 10 to 1 in favour of the Reds. After the gunfight, a single Axis soldier stood against a single COMINTERN foe. And the former now had the upper hand. He stepped out of the darkness he had so proficiently used to make his last stand. He had heard the young man -- he couldn't have been older than eighteen or nineteen, tops -- screaming his incoherent invocations in Italian.

It took a few moments for Giovanni to notice the figure that had approached him, and many more to realise he should have done something about that. He thought he might have tried to take up the pistol he had let go when he was shot, but he couldn't force his hands away from his legs, where they were busy trying to slow down the intense bleeding. Only in that moment the young gunner lifted his gaze to the man who had killed all his crewmates and crippled him, possibly for life. Somehow, that vision managed to make him forget the excruciating pain that had engulfed his lower body.

Roberto Farinacci, last Duceof the Kingdom-Empire of Italy, stood about half a meter from him, pistol in his left hand. By instinct, Giovanni tried to get away from him, but the wounds turned his escape in an ungraceful backwards crawling, the soldier being unable of lifting his behind from the ground. He managed to put an additional meter between himself and the armed man before giving up and collapsing on his back. He decided to simply wait for the end. And whatever might come after that, his mind racing back to the God he had reneged years before. But he wanted to look into his killer's eyes before dying. Unexpectedly, when he started to focalise the face of the Duce, something else caught his attention. Below a leather belt that had been used as emergency tourniquet, Farinacci's right upper arm was reduced to something straight out of an anatomy lesson...if the teacher had used a cobblestone as a scalpel. A vast piece of flesh had been removed, leaving a gaping hole so deep Giovanni could have easily seen the bone, had he been able to stand. The Duce ought to have lost litres of blood and in spite of that, he had been able to kill three men and wound a fourth one in a couple of seconds.

Visibly gasping for breath but resolute to stand tall until the end, Farinacci spoke.

"What's your name, boy?"

"P-p-private G-Gio-Giovanni Belicchi."

"Tell everyone what you saw here, camerata Belicchi."

He then proceeded to draw the gun to his own temple and shot his sixth and last bullet.



NOTES:


[1] Real name: Fyodor Andrianovič Poletaev (Rjazan' 24/5/1909 - Ostuni 29/1/1988). A Red Army sergeant captured by the Germans in June 1944 and deported to a prisoner camp in Northern Italy. Escaped a few weeks later with the help of a local cell of anti-Fascists, he became part of the B.I.R.S. Detachment (Banda Italo-Russa di Sabotaggio, i.e. Italo-Russian Sabotage Band) in the Ligurian Apennines. After the amalgamation of the National Liberation Committee with the Red Army Command - Italian Peninsula, Poletaev was chosen for an elite corps that would have been deployed to counter possible Jagdverbände disruptive action in strategic locations. After being promoted commanding officer of the whole force in October 1946, he supervised its evolution in the Communist counterpart of the Axis commando's. With the nom-de-guerre "Commander Birs" (in honour of the acronym of his old squad) he developed a ferocious enmity with Otto Skorzeny.

[2] Emilio Sereni (Rome 13/8/1907 - Reggio Emilia 19/12/1977). Born in a Jewish family with impeccable anti-Fascist credentials, a member of the Communist Party of Italy since 1926 and an extraordinary polyglot, his initial role was that of supervising the military occupation of the former Italian colonies and imposing "damage control" when needed. The prolonged campaign meant that a provisional civilian government came to be established in Tunisia and, later, Tripolitania to decrease the number of troops tied down by occupation duty and by September 1947 Sereni was the unofficial governor of most of the old Italian North Africa.


Comments? Critiques? Displays of mindless rage?
 
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This is meraviglioso! Subscribed obviously!

Only quibble I have: wasn't Galeazzo Ciano born in 1903, so rather older than 32? Sorry for the nitpicking.
 
Meet the New Boss was good and this is already starting out just as well.

Nothing like a cinematic battle sequence in the Saharan desert to kick a TL off. Especially since I have to make people interested very soon: 95% of future updates will be comprised of quite less exciting pseudo-academic recounting of events.

This is meraviglioso! Subscribed obviously!

Only quibble I have: wasn't Galeazzo Ciano born in 1903, so rather older than 32? Sorry for the nitpicking.

I wouldn't call that nitpicking, since it was a genuine blunder I made. For some reason I counted Galeazzo's age at the time of his death in 1946 assuming 1913 was the year of his birth, resulting in him being a decade younger than he was supposed to be by the time of his ATL death (which still comes later than OTL).

I hope you'll stick for the ride. :) By the time TTL's world reaches modern times, I don't exclude that AH.com favourite expression, "may you live in interesting times", is going to be passed off in alt-pop culture as a (fake) Italian proverb, rather than Chinese. And with a slightly different meaning to boot! (Luckily :oops:)
 
Part 1 - Il Migliore
Timelines featuring a post-war Communist Italy usually rely on "the Best" as the default leader of the new, peninsular Soviet satellite. This project of mine is no exception, but documenting nearly two decades of Italian history while keeping only one guy in the top spot would have been -- frustrating.


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[1946 - 1949]
PALMIRO TOGLIATTI


The position of General Secretary of the Communist Party of Italy enjoyed an unusually high turnover during the pre-war years. Six people in total, five men and one woman, held that title from 1921 to 1938, risking their own lives in the very dangerous environment that was pre-Liberation Italy, when the Fascist strategy to deal on a national level with the "Bolsheviks" conspiring against the Italian state could be summarised as "an axe for the head and castor oil for the body". Those dark times though, instead of killing the Party in its infancy, ultimately strengthened it to unimaginable level, thanks to the indefatigable Antonio Gramsci. After his rise to the Secretaryship in 1923, which finally gave the Party an identity that repelled the ghosts of Bordiga's immobility and Tasca's return to reformism, his two years in charge of the Party were spent laying down the solid ideological groundwork many peculiar aspects of Italian Communism would have germinated from in the decades to come. When in 1926 the last remnants of bourgeois democracy were wiped out by Mussolini and all the political parties opposing the PNF were forcibly dissolved, the incarceration of Gramsci and other major figures could have spelt disaster for the PCd'I, but a combination of the proverbial party discipline and the newly found ideological homogeneity helped the organisation survive clandestinely and even prosper under the enlightened leaderships of Camilla Ravera, Ruggero Grieco and, most importantly, Palmiro Togliatti.

An ally of Antonio Gramsci since the historical -- and clandestine -- conference of Como, where the old Bordigan party structure was repealed, from 1926 onwards Togliatti was the one in charge of keeping the party alive. The impact of his figure on the ideology as it is lived and interpreted in Italy could not be explained if he had been only the longest serving General Secretary before the 1949 rebrand. Through his words and actions, the PCd'I reached its adult form. The previous organisation of revolutionary cells purposefully kept isolated from the masses morphed into a class movement that could aspire to the dictatorship of the proletariat, because the actual proletariat, not only the avant-garde, had become the force moving towards the ultimate goal. While the people on top of the party structure could change, Togliatti always worked behind the scenes to make the party stronger and ever farther-reaching, slowly building the consensus platform between Northern industrial workers and Southern impoverished peasants according to Gramsci's great vision. Togliatti's sincere commitment to the cause and his much-celebrated skills in handling any matter without exposing party unity and social harmony to unjustified danger justly earned him his role as one of the two Fathers of Socialist Italy. The other one, Gramsci, unfortunately met his martyrdom in 1936, not having yet regained his freedom despite his hopelessly ill health, and never saw the bright future that was coming for his country after history made its course and Fascism came crashing down under the weight of its own delusions.

Autumn 1944 saw Togliatti's return to Italian territory, just a couple of days after General Andrej Grečko's bold offensive had driven Nazi-Fascist forces out of Istria and Fruli-Venezia-Giulia. Eighteen years had passed since Mussolini had tried and failed to terminate Italian Communism; now that the latter's avant-garde had come back from their long exile, they were dead-set on not making the same errors with Fascism. Togliatti's exemplary and tireless service in the highest echelons of the COMINTERN during the Thirties -- having been, among other things, its main delegate to Spain during the Civil War -- had made him the most natural choice as Leader of Liberated Italy in the eyes of the CPSU. He was therefore urged to go back to his home country to put his renowned organisational skills to test and build a revolutionary Italian government. However, the PCd'I General Secretary knew that the Party simply didn't have the numbers nor the popularity to seize power and get away with it. The organisation needed to expand its membership in the proletariat and the petite bourgeoisie -- which would have been ready to be converted to anti-Fascism as soon as the Italian economy collapsed -- while another force had to pose as the government of everyone in Italy who opposed the PNF, something that could also be used to end the political isolation of the Communists [1] and create the basis for a Popular Front-style arrangement. Luckily, that "something" already existed and in the historic Congress of Udine, Togliatti announced that it was in the best interest of the Party to thoroughly support the delegation headed by Comrades Scoccimarro and Amendola at the Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale (CLN), the official national coordinating body of the Italian Resistance.

Togliatti's view of the National Liberation Committee as an instrument of reconciliation through camaraderie between the Communists and as many other anti-Fascist political factions as possible was officially adopted by the whole Party, enjoying wide consensus. While several governments-in-exile were established on USSR territory as the legitimate administrations of the European countries then under the Nazis' yoke, the PCd'I had distinguished itself by not following the example of its counterparts from other nations, preferring instead to let its members work unrestrained within the multi-faceted context of the Partisan Resistance. So, Togliatti's new strategy was articulated in three steps: first, to build up a working relationship with the other political parties which catered to proletarian emancipation, both urban and rural, second, by turning these affiliations into a true alliance, to present a compact front in the sessions of the CLN, therefore gaining a legitimate majority, and third, to sideline the members representing Catholic and bourgeois political factions and painting the organised resistance to Fascism eminently as the common struggle of all workingmen -- and women. It's no surprise, then, that the Committee joint Chairmen Pietro Nenni (Socialist), Mauro Scoccimarro (Communist) and Emilio Lussu (Actionist) remained the official heads of government of the ever-enlarging Free Italy until the triumphant Garibaldi Brigades, led by Colonel Walter Audisio, entered Crotone on June 18, 1946, the date that would thenceforth be celebrated in Italy as "Liberation Day". It was also a sign of a well-executed plan that the political distinctions between the Triumvirate personalities had become quite hazy in popular perception.

The road was then open for the post-war political settlement. With the main branch of the Savoia dynasty lying under 2,500 metres of Tyrrhenian seawater since April 1945, Italy was quickly declared a republic and a transitional government was established, with the participation of all parties who had held seats in the CLN and Palmiro Togliatti as President of the Council of Ministers. A Popular Front of Communists, Socialists and reunited Republicans -- after the reconciling of Lussu and his Actionists with Ugo La Malfa -- managed to get all ministerial seats, in front of the disarray of the old Liberals and the Christian Democrats, who had both lost a functional national leadership after the exile of many leading lights of their movements -- Bonomi, De Gasperi, etc. Since there were no actual accusations pending, those politicians were simply invited to leave the country and permitted to bring their families and wealth with them, many choosing the United States as their new home. After giving itself a 1948 deadline to start a constitutional convention, the government entered a period of frenetic activity.

With the end of the Milan Trials, the Italian government could finally start discussing the issue of the nation's territorial integrity. In rapid succession, the Second Lateran Pacts were stipulated with the Vatican, recognising the City as being leased to the Pope for an yearly fee and relegating religion to a completely private role, mostly forcing it out of the public life of the citizenry. A new border with Yugoslavia was drawn, leaving Italy with Gorizia, Trieste and thousands of citizens reduced to near-starvation in Tito's concentration camps to be resettled. Sicily, which had liberated herself during the war, with next to no involvement of the CLN, was re-incorporated in the Italian state. A roadmap for the withdrawal of Soviet troops was agreed between the Government and the Red Army Command - Italy and was actually sped up as soon as the African Continuation War came to an end, reaching its conclusion on 1 January 1948. A vast program of nationalisation of both industries and agricultural land, in preparation of the first multi-year plan, was started and almost immediately put on hold, pressures from a reborn worker union movement and a rapidly growing number of industrial and agrarian cooperatives having been mounting against full nationalisation since day one. A compromise was agreed between trade unions and the National Unity Government, whereas only firms under steady control of Communist-affiliated unions were fully nationalised -- FIAT being one of them. All other medium and large-sized farms and factories had to institute their own unionised workers' councils -- known as "complementary" unions -- to manage the firm together with state-appointed delegates, the latter's decisional powers going hand in hand with the strategic importance of the factory/farm itself. The most widespread kind of enterprises on national soil, the small ones, were grouped in territory-based Soviets -- the "particles" -- and administered as large-sized firms of low relevance: the unionised workforce couldn't choose what to produce but were relatively free concerning how to produce it. Two more crucial acts were passed during Winter '47-'48, one becoming the source of a great deal of controversy and the other being hailed as a victory for democracy. Such viewpoints have ironically switched places in contemporary perception.

The first, sponsored by Togliatti and a few Communist deputies from Southern Italy, placed Sicily under an intensive "debaronisation" program, to be conducted by Special Commissar Girolamo Li Causi, who had energetically lobbied his General Secretary to adopt this program since the end of the war. While officially aiming to purge the island of the large landowners -- the so-called "barons" -- who had funded the Sicilian liberation movement during the fall of Fascist Italy and had managed to secretly hold on to power after the Reggio Calabria Agreement, everybody in the National Unity Government knew that Commissar Li Causi wanted to complete Prefect Cesare Mori's work, eradicating forever the Mafia power apparatus from the island. He had even got the elderly Luigi Giampietro, former Chief Prosecutor at the Penal Court of Palermo and Mori's main ally, to be acquitted by the Milan People's Tribunal, so that he could learn from the old man's past experience. The act ran into ferocious opposition coming from those who, deeply misinterpreting the real aims and scope of the Mafia, thought that it would only bring chaos and social disruption and from those who had actual ties to the organisation. President Togliatti personally ensured the act would come to life, but that couldn't stop its measures from becoming very unpopular with the Southern population. Li Causi's successes though were undeniable and Sicily was officially declared free from Mafia power in 1958, its members meeting either exile or imprisonment. The Special Commissar's work continued against the 'ndrangheta in Calabria and the camorra in Naples, until his retirement in the late Sixties.

The second, which was instead supported by all the Popular Front parties, was originally meant to create the financial framework for the new welfare system, but various amendments turned it into a proto-constitutional piece of legislation, imposing the devolution of some state responsibilities to lower administrative levels, those being Italy's 20 Regional Secretariats. Founded immediately after Liberation Day to establish a nation-wide territorial presence for the PCd'I, they had soon become the main local administration body almost everywhere in the peninsula after the Popular Front had imposed a suspension of local elections until a new Constitution was passed. When all PSI and PRI regional committees, under pressures from their national leaderships in Florence, opted for fusion with their Communist counterparts, the prestige of the Secretariats received a major boost and they became the official laboratories for studying the dynamics of a possible merger of the Popular Front parties. National welfare was then carried out according to a quasi-federal system: all funding would have come from the state treasury, but the management of the pension system, of healthcare, etc. was left at the Regional Secretariats' discretion. This sweeping piece of legislation accomplished three things: it recognised the institution of the Regional Secretariat as centres of -- local -- power, it appeased those who saw the new centrally planned economy as a modern form of the ancient, despised "Piedmontisation" and planted the seeds for the Competing Powers Crisis of the Sixties.

The Constituent Assembly finally began in late Spring 1948, with 300 delegates representing the Communist Party of Italy, the Italian Socialist Party and the Republicans/Actionists convening in Florence, the new capitol city. Since it had already been used as House of Deputies when Florence had been the Italian capitol for the first time in the XIX century, the Hall of the Five Hundred inside Palazzo Pitti was chosen for the Assembly meetings, its name also proving an omen for the membership of the Constituent, which would have swelled in number since its inauguration. Either invited from non-Communist personalities of the Assembly or having successfully petitioned Togliatti -- who held the Chairmanship -- to take part in the process, Giuseppe Saragat's Italian Social Democratic Party, Franco Rodano's Christian Left, Luigi Einaudi's Social Liberals and another half dozen minor political formations accepted to embrace Marxist-Leninist axioms if that meant having a voice in the constitutional process and in the future political life of Socialist Italy. Then came the syndicalist movements. Ever since the original program for nationalisation had been scrapped, every sector of the movement, by then recognised in its entirety as an unofficial institutional body, had waited for their voice to be heard in the Constituent Assembly. In October 1948, the worker unions sent more than a hundred delegates to Florence.

Since the PCd'I knew the results of the Assembly would have undergone Soviet scrutiny, it had to keep a conciliatory approach towards the other parties' suggestions, to avoid possibly fatal disruptions or deadlocks which would have given the Russians a reason to lend their expertise. Therefore, Italy was given a political asset where not only there were multiple "centres of power", but each one of them had to actually hold at least some of it. In the end a compromise was reached. Italy would have become a one-party state, such party holding a National Congress every four years to renew the composition of three organs of government, those being the Secretariat, the Great Assembly of the People and half of the Central Council. A fourth one would have been the Forum of Industrial Democracy, a parliament-like body for worker union delegates, which would have elected the other half of the Central Council; its actual powers besides that were left purposefully vague. The General Secretary of the Party would have been the official Head of State, while the Chairman of the Central Council the Head of Government. Besides the Secretary and his aides, the Secretariat comprised of a 120-member National Directorate, chosen at every National Congress on a territorial basis, each region being assigned a quota of delegates according to population, and in charge of filling the vacancies in the Central Council -- so acting as a permanent party Congress -- and selecting the candidates for the People's Assembly. The Central Council was also the structure in charge of drafting the 4-year plans through a 19-member Committee of National Economy, formed by those who held particular key commissariats/vice-commissariats and trade union delegates from the relevant sectors of Italian industry. Last came the 450-member Great Assembly of the People, mostly relegated to being the notary of every decree and economic plan coming from the Council, its Chairman holding a seat in the latter but being a non-voting member. This polycentric nature of power even managed to translate into political geography: the Secretariat was based in Leghorn for historical reasons -- the PCd'I was born there in 1921 -- Florence, the capitol city, became the seat of both the Central Council and the GAP, Terni -- the heart of heavy industry in central Italy -- would have hosted the soon-to-be-assembled Forum of Industrial Democracy.

Unfortunately, this plan for Socialist Italy's future institutional asset caused a lot of Russian apparatchiks to scratch their heads in disbelief anyway, the most common view to justify such a heterodox governmental structure being that Togliatti, and by extension the Communist Party, was losing his grip on the Constituent Assembly. It was Comrade Stalin, of all people, to prevent any action that could disrupt the work of the Assembly. The man who had turned the figure of General Secretary of the Party from a mere paper-pusher to the seat of absolute power in the USSR looked at the byzantine system of government the Italians were working on and saw an underlying scheme, almost worthy of himself: lavishly distributing the many honorific political offices this complicated system created to the political figures Togliatti wanted to sideline, while he, the orthodox Communists and whoever else was deemed useful would have occupied the few position of real power. Things were obviously different in reality, but it was this misjudgement on Stalin's part that ultimately let the Italian Constitution come to life.

On the thirtieth day of July, 1949, the Constituent Assembly of the Italian Social Republic finally came to a close after 417 days of activity. Auspiciously for the future, the document that had come out from it had successfully passed the test of being acceptable to all delegations, despite some grumbling coming from the trade union leaderships, who were sure they could have got more concessions. On the thirty-first, the EPAR broadcast to the nation an announcement of General Secretary Togliatti, who declared the dissolution of the old Communist Party of Italy, to be reborn as the Italian Communist Party -- an action that completed the devolution process and cemented the power of the regional Secretariats -- and comprising of all the political forces that had taken part in drafting the Republic's constitution. The second announcement was that the I National Congress of the new PCI would have started on the fourth week of August to elect the first ever political commissars of the Central Council and select the members of the I National Directorate -- Plus the next General Secretary of the Party.

Since February 1949 Togliatti had strived to keep the confidential message he had received from his Soviet counterpart, who had noticed the former's organisational skills and unshakable fealty to Moscow line during his tenure in the COMINTERN. Now that Europe had been purged of its reactionary regimes, the Communist International would have needed someone with Togliatti's qualities to be reborn as the effective supra-national leading light of Communist Parties all over the world and, since Stalin felt that putting a Russian in the Chairman's seat would have been counter-productive in the newfound climate of internationalism of post-war Eurasia, the Italian would have been the perfect man for the job. Not even the Secretary's inner circle had been informed of the content of Stalin's message. Since the answer could have been only one, it was possible for someone else to catch a rumour about Togliatti's seat awaiting for him in Moscow that September. Such news, if widely circulated, could have had unpredictable repercussions on the last, crucial days of the Constituent Assembly and the Secretary was not a man to take wild chances.

Palmiro Togliatti, as President of the Council of Ministers during the transitional period, had been both Head of State and Head of Government of the Italian Republic, meaning that he would have not one, but two official successors in the new RSI, elected in two different moments. On its sixth day in session, the Congress convened to elect the PCI General Secretary and the candidates were all members of the old PCd'I, since the leadership of the non-Communist, pre-unification parties had already bargained for prominent roles in the state apparatus before the delegates had even convened in Florence. Umberto Terracini, a PCd'I founder and a protagonist during the pacification process of post-Fascist Italy, was by far the candidate with the largest support on the Congress floor, despite his name being quite obscure to the man in the street, but he had unfortunately incurred since 1939 in the minor stumbling block of being despised by Comrade Josif Stalin. The former's open criticism of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact had very much displeased the CPSU General Secretary and on that occasion Terracini had -- miraculously -- got away with a mere suspension. The chance to see if he would have been as lucky a second time never materialised, though, because a sudden as much as providential change of heart on his part made him reconsider his candidacy, withdrawing his name from the ballot just a day before the voting began. Instead, Terracini chose to accept the Presidency of the Great Assembly of the People -- a position he would proceed to make relevant in his many years of service -- while Togliatti gave his personal endorsement to one of the minor candidates. That candidate was Celeste Negarville, first publisher of the L'Unità newspaper -- the PCd'I and then PCI newspaper -- from 1944 to 1947 and then chief manager of FIAT up to the Party Congress. Togliatti knew that the native of Avigliana wouldn't have been the most charismatic of leaders, but he also, correctly enough, guessed that Negarville's genuinely unassuming character, coupled with a renowned devotion to his duty, would have worked better than an assertive but close-minded approach in the complex political scenario of the early days of the RSI, with the process of coagulation of the Party still incomplete.

As for his successor as Head of Government of the Social Republic, Togliatti would have liked to see the top spot in Florence, the Chairmanship of the Central Council, occupied by Ruggiero Grieco, General Secretary of the PCd'I from 1934 to 1938 and long-time collaborator of the outgoing Secretary. Unfortunately, the statesman was well-content with the seat in the National Directorate he had gained on the same day of Negarville's election to the Secretaryship and, during an informal meeting between the two men, he politely declined the offer and at the same time gave the Secretary the name of the person Grieco, if he were in Togliatti's shoes, would have relied on for the job. The former General Secretary held his office in the Directorate until his death in 1955. His political career by all means stalled after the I Congress, but the history of the Social Republic of Italy would have probably been different without the name he suggested to Palmiro Togliatti on that fateful seventh day of September.

Just a few hours after the end of the PCI Congress on 10 September 1949, a Soviet plane had already landed in Florence to take Togliatti to Moscow, the city he would have spent the near-entirety of the lifetime he had left. His tenure as Chairman of the COMINTERN is hard to judge, since the organisation, seen by Khrushchev as a legacy of a past age, was stripped of much of its prestige and authority very soon after Josif Stalin's death and effectively made a subsidiary of both COMECON and Antwerp Pact. The former General Secretary never complained much about what was by all means a demotion, since it also meant a smaller working load and thereby more time to dedicate to his political and historical treatises. He also had a good reason for staying in Moscow, next to the real halls of power, using his contacts and reputation to guarantee for Italy's loyalty to the Soviet line and quelling any rumour otherwise, a job he became progressively better at from 1953 until his sudden death in 1965 due to an aneurysm. His funeral was celebrated in Moscow, every political leader of the Freed World attended it and it ended with a eulogy by First Secretary Kosygin himself. Palmiro Togliatti and Antonio Gramsci's remains were transferred in 1987, on the very day of the inauguration of Carlo Aymonino and Gianni Braghieri's masterpiece, to the innermost section of the Leghorn Mausoleum, the final resting place for all the men and women who had founded or contributed to found Socialist Italy.

NOTES:

[1] To be precise, the Party had signed a "document of shared intents" with the Socialists during Ruggero Grieco's secretaryship (1934-1938). It partially mended the tragic 1921 split which had left the PCd'I and the PSI on non-talking terms, but was not enough to be treated as a solid alliance
 
Always good to see a Communist Italy TL. Keep up the good work!

Excellent start, looking forward to more!

Thank you, guys! :D The next update will be about the tenure of the Social Republic's first real head of government and will be posted next thursday. Trust me when I say that, since the POD of "Meet the new boss" is in the Thirties, butterflies have been messing up the hierachies of the Italian leftist parties quite a bit.
 
This is marvellous. IL MIGLIORE really lived up to his name ittl, didn't he? I am eagerly looking forward to who will become head of government.

Why did you choose the name Repubblica Sociale d'Italia and not not something like Repubblica Democratica Italiana? Just out of historical irony?

Yay for the destruction of the Mafia! Sometime one really thinks that antidemocratic means are necessary to cleanse Italy from those parasites, but I am digressing... Was the takeover very bloody or most aristocrats/industrialists managed to ho to America/discover a Marxist vocation?
 
This is marvellous. IL MIGLIORE really lived up to his name ittl, didn't he?

He was also "lucky". Without Stalin offering him the Chairmanship of the Comintern he would have probably led Italy until his death, presumably still after 1960. Who knows how he would have been remembered if he had kept the top spot in Florence for 15-20 years rather than 3? After all, a Chinese political commentator once said that, had Mao died in 1956, he would have been remembered as the greatest leader in the history of China, bar none.

I am eagerly looking forward to who will become head of government.

Oh, it'll be a name very much out of the left field, trust me. :relievedface:

Why did you choose the name Repubblica Sociale d'Italia and not not something like Repubblica Democratica Italiana? Just out of historical irony?

Continuity. When I PM'd Meadow to notice him about my project of a spin-off to his original TLIAD and asked him for his seal of approval, he confirmed in his answer that the official name he had in mind for Communist Italy was "Social Republic of ". Not that anyone ITTL would ever make any association, since no one in the Pact of Steel leadership thought of establishing a Repubblica di Salò-like state after the royal family met a tragic end. At first they were too busy retreating southwards and then nobody cultivated the illusion that a North African Fascist state would have more than a snowball's chance in hell to survive.

Yay for the destruction of the Mafia! Sometime one really thinks that antidemocratic means are necessary to cleanse Italy from those parasites, but I am digressing... Was the takeover very bloody or most aristocrats/industrialists managed to ho to America/discover a Marxist vocation?

Unfortunately for them, they thought that a Communist Party who had been able to collaborate with the Left's many factions and even movements with religious and non-Marxist inclinations wouldn't have had too many issues with the former Sicilian Independentists and left them in charge of ruling a "Red" Sicily. HUGE mistake. A handful of them managed to find a place in the new order (one of them will play a relevant role in the Sixties), a couple hundreds found a way out of the country (favourite destinations: Francoist Spain, *spoiler* and the US) but had to leave the best part of their properties behind, thousands discovered that the only thing arguably worse than a Siberian gulag is a labour camp in the Sardinian interior guarded by a cadre of former Partisans who had become notorious for their brutality.

If Ferruccio Lamborghini doesn't rise to the head of government, I swear I'll do time.

I have plans for him, but the predominance of a certain political figure of TTL (and of OTL) will prevent him from becoming a first-rate player in the Italian political arena until the mid-Seventies.
 
So what happened to Italy's African colonies?Socialist republics it is?Dunno,not really clear at first so sorry

Well, the introduction post titled "Berto & Otto's last escape" chronicles the last minutes of the North African Continuation War, since the city of Tobruk would have surrendered without a single shot being fired two hours after Farinacci's suicide. Tunisia (transferred from France to Italy in 1940) and Libya's legal status will be detailed in the next post but the text and the notes of the aforementioned chapter give a pretty clear idea. By 1947, they're in theory a country under martial law where the only authority is the multinational Red Army detachment (though composed mainly of Italian and USSR nationals) which has invaded and occupied it. In practice, approximatively four fifths of the whole territory is administered by an informal civilian government based in Tunis and made up of both natives and foreigners. Emilio Sereni is the unofficial governor of Italian North Africa until the Comintern (read: Stalin) decides what to do with them.

Egypt, which had become an Italian protectorate, and Sudan are engulfed by a very messy civil war. Some Communist (or at least pro-Soviet) factions are working to form a united front in the former. No such luck in the latter.

The remaining Fascist forces in the Horn of Africa (Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia and Somaliland, Djibouti) have recently discovered that setting up a Fascist successor state is not as easy as it looks like when you're surrounded on all sides by natives who're pretty much sick and tired of the shenanigans of your people.
 
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Part 2 - The right man at the right time
Come on, Comrades! The nap is over! There's a lot to do a so little time to do it.

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[1949 - 1951]

ARTURO BENDINI

Arturo Bendini's short but very eventful Chairmanship, the first in the history of the Italian Social Republic, was probably the main factor that established the greater prestige -- some political commentators would say the supremacy -- of the Chief of Executive over the position of Party Secretary, an unicum among the Communist regimes which were established in Liberated Europe. Celeste Negarville's lacklustre and compliant tenure as PCI General Secretary is generally believed to be a close second. Both men's political careers in the new Socialist order began as surprise last-minute candidatures for the two main positions of power in the country, designed to pre-emptively break an impasse the outgoing General Secretary Togliatti feared more than anything else, at the National Congress no less than at the Constituent Assembly.

Arturo Bendini was born in Brescia, Lombardy in 1891, but his family moved to Collegno, Piedmont when he was still a child. He had been politically active in the world of workers' unions since a young age, a member of the "Red Guards" during the Biennio Rosso and a card-carrying member of the PSI, becoming also mayor of his adoptive city in 1920, until the Congress of Leghorn, when he promptly sided with the Communist fraction. After being elected to Parliament in 1924, Grieco and Bendini, together with Egidio Gennari, had been the only Communist Deputies to escape arrest on 8 November 1926, when all opposition forces were presented the true face of Fascism, a few days after the Bologna Aggression. Forced to a clandestine existence which brought him to seek asylum in France, he strongly came back to the fore in 1941 when he escaped from the police of the Collaborationist regime, which had been commissioned to arrest any Communist agitator on national soil, be him/her French or not. News of Bendini's talent for audacious escapes earned him a place in the dawning Résistance, despite his foreign origins. He nevertheless proved his worth and became an actual officer of the movement, even conducting a few important operations across Southern France.

In 1944, with the Red Army ready to enter Italian territory from the East, he crossed the Alps from the West to rejoin the struggle of his fellow countrymen, to try and make the liberation of the peninsula as quick as possible. He joined the Piedmontese 1st Division "Leo Lanfranco" and his crucial role in the organisation and implementation of the Turin Uprising made him a national celebrity almost overnight. Because of the Turin events, Bendini saw his stature rise to unprecedented levels, between both the fighters of his division, who acclaimed him as their first commanding officer after the death of Ludovico Geymonat in Cuneo, and the leaders of the Partisan movement assembled in the CLN, who promptly recognised his rank. Under the "Commander Franzosi" nom-de-guerre, he led the Partisan troops who were committed to the Liberation of La Spezia in January 1945, even managing to seize the battleship Littorioin a bold action before it could leave the port. Three months later, the "Leo Lanfranco" was the first Italian division to enter Florence. In October of that same year, his name was once again in the limelight when, a couple of hours after the Poisoning of Rome, the task force he commanded caught Fascist hierarch Achille Starace, the mastermind behind that horrendous action, while he and a dozen Blackshirts were leaving the Eastern outskirt of Rome. Starace's fortuitous capture officially elevated Commander Franzosi to national hero status, but also marked the end of his involvement in the frontlines. Before the new year, Bendini was promoted to the rank of Brigadier-General and put in charge of organising a police force in the liberated territories, rearranging the already existent voluntary formations into a cohesive national system. The end result of the process was the creation of the Milizia Cittadina -- Citizens' Militia -- which would continue to function as Italy's official police corps after the end of the war and up to this day. At the end of the war, Comrade Bendini was promoted one last time, being appointed Marshal of the Militia and becoming the highest-ranked non-military official in the country. In the following three years, besides his role during the Milan trials as chief witness in Achille Starace's case -- which ended with the hierarch being found guilty of all the 58,620 charges of murder and over 200,000 charges of personal injuries and sentenced to death by gas chamber -- he was part of the clique of Mauro Scoccimarro, the Minister of Military Affairs during the transitional period, who had been relying on special sections of Bendini's Militia to act as Italy's Intelligence Service rather than instituting separate agencies.

A war hero, one of the architects of the post-revolutionary state and twenty-eight years of non-stop commitment to the Party and still popular between Communists and non-Communists alike. The outgoing General Secretary could very well see why Grieco had suggested that name in particular. On the morning of 2 September 1949, Arturo Bendini, who had come to the Congress mainly to support the candidatures of other Partisan unit officials whom he had befriended, was summoned in Togliatti's office. At midday, he stepped out of it as the frontrunner for the Chairmanship of the Central Council, eventually winning it three hours later with a landslide majority. [1]

Considering Bendini's deep involvement in the Partisan movements of two countries and his role as head of the Italian police forces -- relinquished after his election -- it shouldn't come as a great surprise if his first act as Chairman was a thorough re-organisation of the country's military and security forces. Scoccimarro, who had performed a flawless transition from Minister to Commissar of Military Affairs at the I Congress, was of great help to his Chairman in this endeavour, reversing their positions of just a couple of years before. The first step was the creation of state agencies that could relieve the Militiamen of Marshal Ennio Cervellati -- Bendini's successor and another ex-Partisan -- of the extraordinary duties it had performed during the transitional years. With that in mind, one thing neither the Chairman nor a large part of the Communist Party apparatus wanted was the creation of an Italian version of the Soviet NKVD. If a secret police was needed, it ought to be reserved for proven political offenses alongside genuine crimes, not to become a shady agency which used rumours as legitimate reasons for removing people in the middle of the night. Nothing like looking the part of the paranoia-fuelled puppet government could have cracked the social truce of a country still full of people which had got up one morning imbued with Socialist fervour after hailing Mussolini until the evening before.

The government therefore approached the issue by parcelling out the intelligence apparatus and selectively specialising the resulting units. The Social Republic of Italy ended up having four different agencies for state security. These were the Government Security Service/SeSiGo -- the protection service charged with safeguarding government property and the leadership -- the Internal Security Office/UfSicInt -- responsible for domestic counter-intelligence and security -- the Foreign Vigilance Directorate/DiVigEst -- the foreign intelligence division -- and the Border Control Agency/ACoFro -- responsible for securing the RSI's borders and regulating both immigration and emigration. The directors of the four agencies were also assigned a seat in the Central Council and full voting rights with a decree of the Chairman, countersigned by the General Secretary. They became a sort of "third wing" of the Italian government between the political commissars and the union delegates, besides collectively representing, by the sum of their fields of expertise, the closest approximation to a Commissariat for Internal Affairs that could be found in the RSI.

Then came the matter of reforming Italy's military forces. Seven years of uninterrupted conflict, from the declaration of war against the Franco-British alliance and the Soviet Union in 1940 to the end of the North African Continuation War in 1947, had caused the deaths of more than three million Italians, fifty-two thousand in the Tunisian/Libyan theatre only, the one where the COMINTERN forces enjoyed both material and numerical superiority on the remaining Axis armies. Despite all the gratitude and admiration the Italian government felt for the Red Army, human wave tactics employing large forces of conscripts were universally and forcefully rejected by the new officer corps of the RSI, most of it being made of former partisan leaders, who had learnt during wartime how to gain the most with the least amount of men, rather than being unmoved by massive carnages because of the "we have reserves" mindset. Chairman Bendini and Commissar Scoccimarro, who had also risen to prominence in large part because of their contributions to the Resistance, were the driving forces behind the Organic Decree of May Day 1950 which established the framework of the new military system. Eighteen-months compulsory social service was introduced, implementing the principle of "[preserving the revolution by] arming the masses", as espoused by Art. 11 of the Constitution. All citizens, upon reaching the age of majority, whether they had graduated high school or not, would be inducted into the Basic Defence Brigades. A training force, the period of service was to be spent training in military arms and procedure, though there was also room for vocational education in case of youths who proved their worth in the fields of engineering or medicine. Upon completion, conscripts returned to civilian life as reservists or joined the Militia, the Army or the Navy -- the Air Force being obviously a purely professional force.

On the matter of professional forces, Italy's actual military capacity began relying more and more on them. Though ordinary units were neither ill-trained nor under-equipped, special regiments were given preferential treatment, also in light of the many successes of commando teams of both sides during the war and the few excellences of the Fascist epoch, like the ComSubIn frogman corps, the "Folgore" paratroopers and the legendary "Bersaglieri" light infantry Corps. The expansion of the country's mechanised divisions and air forces was given top priority status and in that item the government saw a chance to rebuild the industrial capacity where the Great Liberation War had been most disruptive. To that end, on July 1950 the central government disposed the creation of the State Consortium for Armaments (ConStatArm), a nation-wide state agency that gathered all weapon-producing facilities -- naval shipyards included -- on Italian soil for a better co-ordination and rationalisation of the country's military restructuring, to prevent a resurgence of the inefficiency and lack of standardisation that plagued the Fascist armed forces. Francesco Malagodi, a bureaucrat of Social Liberal extraction working at the Vice-Commissariat for Manufacturing, who had distinguished himself as an advisor in the Council of National Economy, was chosen to manage the workings of the Consortium and he soon became one of the busiest men in Italy, thanks to the massive funds granted by COMECON that would help the program progress at breakneck speed in the following years. The first actions of the Consortium were also the most unpopular, since a couple of major factories were subject to internal delocalisation to help the industrial recovery of the regions which had suffered the most during the War -- especially Lazio and Campania. Even Beretta could have met a similar fate, if the city of Brescia hadn't been so ravaged by the Axis-COMINTERN struggle that it desperately needed whatever industry it was left with.

A first partial field test for the new course of the Italian military forces came sooner than it could be reasonably expected, more precisely in Spring 1951, when Comrade Stalin and the top brass of the Soviet Union decided it was time to put Bruno Mussolini's adorably naive attempt to establish an "Italian Empire-in-exile" sort of regime in the Horn of Africa out of its misery. This being the pre-Antwerp Pact period, the expedition wasn't originally meant to be an international operation, but the presence of a non-negligible population of Italian colonists, mostly in Eritrea, was just what Bendini and Scoccimarro were asking for to formally ask the Soviets if they could use the help of the Social Republic in the inevitable future occupation duties. Once they received the USSR assent, the commitment of Italy to the Liberation of East Africa soon reached unforeseen levels, when the VMF fleet heading towards the Suez Canal was joined by two whole divisions of Marines, plus the battleships Gramsci -- formerly Littorio -- and Livorno -- formerly Caio Duilio -- and the battlecruiser Prometeo -- formerly HMS Hood and later Esperia. The military flotilla deployed by the RSI clearly didn't have many opportunities to shine, since the few naval forces of the East African Fascist regime had been left to rust in the ports of Eritrea since at least 1946, but the Marines gave very good performances during the Assab and Mogadishu landings, which reassured most of the Central Council and Directorate members who had hesitated in front of Bendini's plan for joining the expedition. In fact, the Soviet military leadership was so pleased by the Italians' showing that it was decided that control of the new naval base of Berbera in former British Somalia would be shared between the VMF and the Marina Repubblicana. The pacification of the Horn of Africa -- Ethiopia and Somalia in particular -- wouldn't have been declared complete until 1972 and by the end of it 120,000 Soviet and 25,000 Italian troops had taken part to the process; by 1953, all surviving Fascist hierarchs had been brought back to Italy to be judged, except for the biggest prize, Bruno Mussolini, who mysteriously resurfaced in the USA at his brother Vittorio's side after having been missing for three years. The overall successful mission was the final confirmation Bendini needed to show the sceptics proof of the effectiveness of his military reforms, setting a course for all of Italy's later military involvements.

Bendini's Chairmanship, nevertheless, didn't revolve exclusively around security matters and military affairs. While his close collaboration with Commissar Scoccimarro has become legendary because of its long-term effects on the armed forces of the RSI, there was at least one other Commissariat which owes its very setup to the Chairman's personal involvement during its formative years. At the first PCI Congress, the Commissariat for Popular Enlightenment -- a fancy term for "education" which was a reference to early Bolshevik terminology -- had been entrusted to Ambrogio Donini, one of Italy's finest Marxist historians and the editor of many important publications like Gramsci's Prison notebooks. It was hoped that his background in the liberal arts could help fixing the education provided by Italy's upper schools and universities, which had been decimated during the transitional period because of the state of abandon most of the non-technical institutes were left in. Unfortunately, Donini was indeed a man of impeccable learning but totally unable to focus on anything he couldn't philosophise on its theoretical and historical basis.

The intellectual's inaction didn't endear him to Chairman Bendini who, since early June 1950, actively looked for a possible replacement, eventually finding him in the 27-year-old writer, journalist and former Partisan Italo Calvino. Despite the very young age, his name came with excellent references from both General Secretary Negarville, who had been monitoring Calvino's literary and journalistic production since his time as publisher of L'Unità, and Vice-Commissar for Sports and Youth Activities Felice Cascione, who had served with Comrade Italo in the 5th assault division of the "Garibaldi" Brigades. Seeing some merit in the idea of putting a young man in charge of revolutionising Italian education, the Chairman started the procedure to substitute Donini and on 28 July the National Directorate dutifully elected Italo Calvino as the new Commissar of Popular Enlightenment. Bendini had initially thought of disposing of "the slacker Commissar" by dispatching him as Italy's ambassador to the then-recently established People's Republic of Norway, but he was advised to be more lenient since replacing one of the most pro-Soviet members of the Central Council with someone who had joined the Communist Party mostly out of a juvenile need for action was already dangerously close to biting off more than they could chew. Fortunately, Donini never held a grudge against his younger successor and he kept working at the Commissariat as Calvino's Deputy, starting a long and useful professional partnership that defined an epoch.

The first visible effect of the new management came in the form of the reorganisation of the EPAR (Ente Popolare per la Audizioni Radiofoniche - people's authority for radio broadcasting) into the ETRA (Ente per le Trasmissioni RAdiotelevisive- authority for radio and television broadcasting), thus starting the history of television broadcasting in the Social Republic. The Constituent Fathers knew very well that communications media were the crucial means to win the war against illiteracy -- still widespread in the country -- that had been started by the transitional government in 1947 and had made the Vice-Commissariat for Broadcasting a branch of the Commissariat for Popular Enlightenment. In late 1950, Commissar Calvino and Vice-Commissar Luigi Cacciatore officially teamed up to carry on with the literacy campaign more effectively and the main point of their program, besides upgrading the existing wireless network, involved providing Italy with a television broadcasting service. Chairman Bendini, despite his status as a war hero and head of government, often saw the prodigies of modernity from the perspective of a boy raised in the Turin countryside and it was only natural for him to support the plan, driven by an enthusiastic appreciation of the "beautiful new device", and to confer with the Vice-Commissar for Manufacturing about the national productive potential of household electric appliances.

However, Bendini's contribution to the homes of the Italian citizens wasn't limited to assisting in the introduction of modern radios and television broadcasting to the every city square, café and later house in Italy. Sure enough, his chairmanship marked a real division between two eras for those very houses, with invaluable effects for the urban landscapes of the Italian cities. With millions of Italian citizens desperately needing a roof over their heads, starting from November 1946 government-funded "house factories" cropped up in every medium-to-large population centre of the peninsula, producing prefabricated building components that could be quickly assembled into provisional dwellings. These mass-produced one or two-family houses were clearly devoid of any kind of architectural quality or comfort and the new neighbourhoods that were born on the ruins of those destroyed by the war became the very definition of urban decline in a matter of months. More than 4,000,000 citizens were still living in such precarious conditions in 1949 and in the fourteen months after the PCI Congress the Central Council saw three Commissars for Public Housing, all of them being dismissed by Chairman Bendini, who couldn't reconcile their projects of vast collective housing compounds in Brutalist style with his personal vision of people-friendly cities. Perhaps because his beloved Turin had survived the war nearly unscathed, the native of Collegno just couldn't accept to see centuries of artistic stratification in the Italian urban centres being disfigured by grey concrete monstrosities, which he poetically described as «giant tombstones on the grave of human ambition».

It was only in November 1950 that the Chairman found a kindred spirit in the new Commissar for Public Housing, Giuseppe Romita. Formerly a member of the PSI, he had got the job in large part thanks to Pietro Nenni's political manoeuvring in the National Directorate. In retrospect, no better choice could have been made at the time. A great admirer of the work of Mario Sironi (1885-1944), one of the standard bearers of civil humanism in Fascist Italy, in post-war years he had developed a particular fondness for the Urban landscapes series, produced during the Biennio Rosso, which showed the misery of Milanese industrial periphery and its detachment from the lively part of the metropolis through the obsessive recurrence of the tram, to represent the dormitory-factory-dormitory again path the working masses were forced to follow. Since his days as a Popular Front undersecretary, Romita had always strived to get through to Italy's most deserving architects and engineers, offering them his help in re-establishing their ateliers or finding them jobs in the new public administration, both national and local -- sometimes even clearing their names of undesirable ties to the old Fascist regime, like in Figini & Pollini's case. Now that he was member of the Central Council, Italy's chief policy-making body, his staunch opposition to standardised collective compounds -- which in his mind weren't any better than the old "barracks" portrayed in Sironi's paintings -- coupled with his very large circle of acquaintances, allowed him to start his tenure in the Council in a good relationship with the Chairman and to devise the new course of the Commissariat for Public Housing with Italy's human capital well under control.

Under the new management, "urban decorum" and "quality of life" became the new keywords of the Commissariat, with less emphasis being allocated to the mere quantitative factor. At the same time, the sheer extension of the urban areas to regenerate put the Florentine bureaucracy in front of a stumbling block. A quality upgrade would have been possible only through focused small and medium-sized interventions, which had to be run over the long term to avoid economic disruption because of excessive costs: the traditional central planning process was simply not suited to accomplish such an endeavour. To amend this shortcoming, two interconnected measures were adopted. The first instituted specialised Committees in every Italian city, small and large alike, charged with drafting plans to regulate urban renewal and expansion and estimated budgets for each transformation process, which had to be transmitted to Florence so that the Commissariat could allocate the funds. The second created the Designers' Collective (ColPro), a nation-wide, union-like association of architects and engineers that answered only to the Commissariat of Public Housing. Every time a budget for a urban transformation got approved, a cell of the Designers' Collective -- not necessarily from the same city -- was tasked with drafting the executive project and supervising the building process, assisted by commissioners from Florence. This quite complicated process, actually a necessary evil to avoid unsupervised subventions to unapproved urban projects -- and the resulting risk of rampant budgets -- still heeded the priorities of the local communities, since the input for any process came directly and exclusively from them.

In those days, the ColPro had a very strict charter which, among other things, imposed on his members to keep privileging prefabricated components while using the least amount of handcrafted products and artisans, who, besides having to be compensated, were not in adequate supply for the number of forecast redevelopments. While this directive turned up many people's noses, who were afraid the urban renewal campaign would have brought no substantial improvements if it was subject to such terms, the situation took an unexpected turn when in June 1951 Konrad Wachsmann, a German architect whose refugee visa had been withdrawn by the American government after very controversial "espionage" charges, came back to Europe but opted to move to Italy -- a country he had a long experience with, anyway -- rather than the German Democratic Republic, also applying for ColPro membership. Wachsmann and his General Panel building process were true celebrities in the designers' community and when the news spread all across Eurasia, the reputation of the Collective increased tenfold. Applications for the ColPro started to pour in from nearly every country of the Freed World and sometimes from beyond that, turning the Collective into the "beacon of innovation and creativity" it still is known as. Despite past concerns, Romita and Bendini's urban renewal campaign was an undisputable success and the last shanty town was demolished by 1956.

Unfortunately, Bendini's time was quickly running out. On 6 August, after a long day of work at the Central Council provisional offices the Chairman suffered an acute case of heart attack that nearly killed him. While quick medical assistance saved him from certain death, he was left extremely debilitated and definitely not in a position to carry out his duties as head of government. Informed of his conditions, Bendini was faced with the harsh truth that his political career, and probably he too, given a little time, was at death's door. That couldn't come at a worse time, since he had been working with Secretary Negarville and President Terracini on an important reform of the GAP, focused on giving voice to the Assembly in the legislative process. An important first step had already been made by entrusting it with the power to formulate counter-deductions on the laws and decrees coming from the Central Council before their actual passing, so that they could be considered and possibly be used to adjust controversial points. The system though was still awfully incomplete and Bendini wasn't sure his successor would have seen eye-to-eye with him concerning the convenience of bestowing actual authority to the GAP. Still, his very bad state imposed him to be realistic about his future actions and on 2 September 1951, exactly two years after becoming the first Chairman of the Central Council of the RSI, Arturo Bendini officially resigned on live radio broadcast from the Careggi Hospital in Florence.

After a second myocardial infarction left him permanently invalid eight months after his resignation, he chose to spend the time he had left at his family home in Collegno, where he would die on 16 February 1953, after a third and final heart attack. His funeral was remarkable for the popular attendance as well as the complete lack of ostentation, by explicit request of the deceased himself. Bendini's Chairmanship is universally regarded as one of the less controversial and most productive in the history of the office, always ending up in the top three of modern polls. It's also the one most likely to inspire the question: "What if he had had more time?"

NOTES:

[1] The crowd who had protested Li Causi's commitment against the Sicilian Mafia as the second advent of the despised Piedmontisation remained oddly silent at the news of Italy's Head of State and Head of Government both being from, well, Piedmont.



Author's note: the historical Bendini died in 1944 while fighing with the French Résistance, meaning that any OTL image of his taken during his allohistorical "premiership" would have featured him in his younger years. Not that it would have mattered, since I could find no depictions of OTL Arturo Bendini that fit my needs anyway. On the other hand, Italian visual artist Erio Nicolò's features were close enough to Bendini's that this self-portrait of his will do.
 
It took twenty years to pacify Ethiopia and Somalia, what happened? Did the West supply the guerrillas or was it just the terrain?
 
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