Hey, you know what's interesting? Not this.
Part LXXIV: Dueling Patriarchs (1545-1547)
As always in the 16th century, religion and politics in the Trapezuntine-turn-Roman Empire were deeply intertwined. With three separate patriarchates incorporated under one banner in that most Orthodox empire, not to mention the Latins, Apostolics and the Muslims, keeping the balance of power within the realm would be a daunting task for even the most experienced rulers. David, however, had absolutely no intention of doing so. Instead, throughout the 1540s and 1550s he would strive to play the different religious groups and jurisdictions off each other for the benefit of all the empire and the Megalokomnenos, even as he himself began to spiral into insane delusions about a prophecy describing the coming end of the world….
Like their imperial forebears, the Roman/Trapezuntine Empire and the Orthodox Church were effectively partners in governance. Despite a sizable number of religious minorities of both Christian and heathen persuasions, the Orthodox faith was both the most numerous and the state religion of the Empire, and its followers were awarded certain privileges above all other populations within the realm. Many churches were built with state funding, were guarded with state resources in many parts of the realm, and in some cases members of the church’s hierarchy were treated as effectively being part of the government. In exchange, the Church provided a strong source of legitimacy beyond the general populace’s support for the Megalokomnenoi, legitimized David’s de facto annexation of Kartvelia as well as allowing its branches to operate as an effective extension of the Trapezuntine bureaucracy in some of the more far-flung parts of the empire. The fact that the two went hand in hand also had many diplomatic benefits, helping the Trapezuntines wield greater influences over their neighbors to the west and north-east, with the missionaries of the Caucasus and beyond also helping spread Pontic influence in those regions.
However, this was a somewhat….simplified….view of events. The presence of Orthodoxy as the state religion had knock-on effects within the minorities of the Empire--for instance, how the other Christian groups, primarily Italian and German Latins and Armenian Apostolics, occupied a notch between the Orthodox and the Sunnis, who were by far the largest minority within--but moreover it had a serious impact on how the lands beneath the Megalokomnenos Throne[1] were governed. The Orthodox Church was not a monolithic block, and in fact the Orthodox Church within the Roman/Trapezuntine Empire was in one of its most divided forms across its entire existence. The reason was simple: The unprecedented state of having three separate de jure patriarchates, one of them the Ecumenical first-among-equals Patriarchate and the other two being legally completely independent autocephalous patriarchates, those of Pontos and Kartvelia. With these three organizations forced to share not only an umbrella but jurisdictions within the same country and under the same ruler at the same time, tensions were bound to rise and the only thing David (and the patriarchs themselves) could do was try to manage the outbursts and conflicts which would result as best they could.
That was, assuming they had any intention of doing so. Even moreso than their Latin counterpart, the Orthodox Church was a meritocratic institution, with men being promoted to the high offices of the organization through a mixture of competence, ambition and backroom politicking. In theory, this meant that only those who were most able (and thus more favored by God) could attain power, but in practice this meant that the patriarchal seats were occupied by either uncompromising fanatics and ambitious, manipulative politickers, both of which had a tendency towards egomania. Had the three patriarchs--Ieremias II in Constantinople, Eugenios II in Trapezous, and Shio III in Kutaisi--been willing to work with David to establish a mutually beneficial system, the problems caused by this unusual situation could have been resolved fairly easily. Unfortunately, there were two major problems to this, mainly Ieremias’ and Eugenios’ swelled heads. Eugenios would’ve been a doge if he was born in Venice, possessing a talent for persuasion and rather cynical power-dealing, and was very much intent on preserving the power which his predecessors had held as the sole patriarch in the Empire, no matter what it cost his nominal brothers. Ieremias, on the other hand, had become patriarch only with Ottoman support--in this case, a literal army crowded around the Church of the Holy Savior in Khora[2]--and had been chosen by the vizier for his vacillating nature, short-temperedness and general paranoia. Ieremias couldn’t be sure that his own subordinates weren’t plotting to remove him, how much less could he trust his rivals, er, equals? He had to secure both his own position and the power of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the true first-among-equals. Only Shio was more concerned with spiritual than secular issues, and was willing to go along with most of David’s plans so long as the rights of his flock, the Kartvelians, were given their proper due. David, meanwhile, well, more on what David wanted later.
The simmering tensions between the three patriarchates came to a head in April 1545, over, of course, Gothia. Despite its small size, Crimea was one of the most legally complicated parts of the Empire, divided between the semi-autonomous vassal state of the Grey Horde on the northern plains, the Principality of Gothia in personal union with Trapezous in the south-central highlands, the formerly Genoese colonies along the coast which were governed under their own specialized eparkhoi, mostly descendants of the Genoese governors which had sworn fealty to Alexandros II, and which were subject to Old Genoese law, and finally the parts which were ruled as bandonoi of Trapezous proper. Traditionally, all of Crimea was within Trapezous’ jurisdiction, but in May 1545 Ieremias sent an embassy to the Hagia Sophia of Trapezous demanding that Ghazaria and Gothia be put under Ecumenical authority, citing the fact that the bull creating the Patriarchate of Pontos only gave Basileios of Funa authority over the borders of the Trapezuntine Empire, and as Gothia and Ghazaria were in personal union and in stewardship for the no longer existant Republic of Genoa, respectively, they did not fall under Eugenios’ control. Eugenios refused to do so, then refused to do so again under the threat of excommunication, supposedly even daring Ieremias to do so. In June, Eugenios appealed to David to settle the issue, citing Constantine the Great’s intervention in church affairs, and David quickly recognized that this was going to go south very quickly if he didn’t stop it now. He ordered Eugenios to transfer Ghazaria to Constantinople’s purview--it was ‘Genoese’, and Genoa was under the ersatz Patriarchate of Rome, so really Ieremias ought to have it anyway--but refused to do so with Gothia. Ieremias was partially satisfied and decided to bide his time, while Eugenios grumbled but did nothing. This resolved things for about four months.
In October, Eugenios demanded that the Bishop of Vatoume pay homage to Trapezous once more. Previously, Vatoume had remained under Kutaisi’s jurisdiction despite its decades within Trapezous’ political and spiritual control, as David hadn’t wanted to rock the boat so soon after acquiring all of Kartvelia. David found it hard to disagree, but forced Eugenios to conclude an agreement with Shio over what ought to be done so no further disputes could arise. Things seemed to be getting along well until January 1546, when Eugenios decided to push his luck and demand the Metropolitanate of Khuzakh be transferred to him, citing its foundation by Basileios I as his justification. Shio refused, and Eugenios appealed to David, threatening to void their agreement over Vatoume if his demands were not met. As this was a transparent power grab, both Ieremias and Shio threatened to excommunicate him if he did so, and David essentially told him to give up Avaria or give up his position on the Patriarchal throne. Vatoume was transferred to Pontos, but nothing else was.
The Armenian population of the Trapezuntine Empire made up about an eighth of the Empire’s total population by 1545, but held an outsize political and economic importance due to their majority population centers being clustered along the borderlands and their role as merchants and bankers across the Black Sea and the Middle East at large. According to the existing legal code, which had existed since the reign of Alexandros I and which David had been preparing to reform for years, the Armenians paid a slightly higher tax rate than the Orthodox population did, as well as being subject to greater restrictions on what they could and couldn’t own, especially in regards to the Apostolic Church. In David’s mind, these distinctions were an important reminder to the Armenians of the fact that they were in the wrong, spiritually speaking, but they also had the potential to handicap the spread of the True Faith in the lands around the Empire by handicapping its conquest of lands from the Sunni. As such, in the Lex Davidikon law code, which officially became law in 1546, the restrictions on non-priestly Armenians were struck down and those on the Apostolic Church itself greatly reduced.
This alone would have ruffled feathers in the Church, but even worse (from their perspective), David used it to get his foot in the door with the Apostolic Church itself. The Catholicos, Sarkis III, was pressingly aware of the dire straits that his flock found itself in the middle of the 1540s, with Kardashian’s forces barely able to keep increasing numbers of raiders away from the walls of Holy Etchmiadzin itself, and even with that aside was inclined to support the liberation of Armenia from rule by the Muslims at just about any price short of outright union beneath the Orthodox Church. Through a secret (and often gap-ridden, thanks to the Kurds) correspondence, the two agreed that the Trapezuntine Apostolics would be given equal rights and treatment under the law if the Catholicos supported the integration of the region into the Roman domain. This was decided by the summer of 1546, but before David could intervene there was the slight problem of informing the patriarchs of this agreement.
It went over fairly well, at least at first. David approached Shio first, knowing he was the friendliest, and emphasized the fact that he was not trying to force a church union but instead providing the basis for a united front to presented against the hostile Muslims which surrounded Rome and Kartvelia, as well as emphasizing the fact that many of the Armenian refugees created by the ongoing war might be sufficiently shaken to embrace the true faith. Next he went to Eugenios, speaking of how the Apostolics would be bound to drift further into the Orthodox (and implied Trapezuntine) orbit once they were physically integrated, and how this would open thousands of new souls to conversion and help add a massive buffer to predominantly Orthodox territories within the Empire already. If nothing else, Eugenios was a staunch Pontic nationalist, and the thought of finally turning the tide against the Persians[3] was enough for him to overlook his misgivings about the plan. Finally, Ieremias was brought onside by David telling him that the other two refused to do it; Naturally, he took this as a chance to prove his superiority as Ecumenical Patriarch and to save tens of thousands from the fires below, and agreed. As the winter of 1546 approached and preparations for war began, David must have thought that that had been surprisingly easy.
Then someone asked whose jurisdiction Armenia would fall under.
Obviously, Eugenios said, it ought to be Trapezuntine, as it would be (it was assumed) be under direct control from the capital. Obviously, Shio said, it ought to be Kartvelian, as the region had last been under Kartvelian control before it was conquered by the heathens, and it would be impossible for Trapezous to administer it when the winter passes froze. Obvious, Ieremias said, it should be controlled by a Metropolitan subservient to Constantinople. Then the Patriarch of Antioch (Greek Rite), Sabbagh II, wrote to them all, demanding that governance be given to him. With the state funding and tithes from the new swathes of land on the line, none of them were willing to back down, and it seemed as if another crisis was brewing.
By this point David was on the verge of losing it, and refused to sit by and twiddle his thumbs as these self-righteous idiots cost him Armenia and thus the salvation of all Christendom. He personally took a walk down to the Hagia Sophia with several hundred eleutheroi and had them drill on the courtyard outside while he gave Eugenios a lecture on the teachings of Christ and bluntly told him to drop the matter or be deposed. Missives to similar effects were sent to Kutaisi and Constantinople, and David successfully coerced the patriarchs into agreeing that the Orthodox Armenians would stand under Antioch’s jurisdiction until exactly 3 PM on 4 April--Easter Sunday--1554, at which point it would be ‘permanently decided’. None of them were quite sure why this exact date and time had been chosen, but David specifically demanded that they do so, and none of them were inclined to argue with him after his show of force.
The true reason behind the date was known only to David….
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[1] I meant to write this earlier but forgot about it, so let’s say that it’s an ornate throne created by Alexandros II in the 1490s.
[2] Alternative seat of the Ecumenical Patriarchate during the Ottoman rule, and temporary seat until the Hagia Sophia is patched back together
[3] The Byzantines (and likely the Trapezuntines) had a habit of conflating the Turks and Persians together under one umbrella.