The Story of a Party 2.0

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great work ares! i'm also loving your interest in italian risorgimento, glad you posted an image referring to Mentana, since the battle happened on the hill where i live

anyway, was Napoleon III's arrest scene inspired by Mussolini's at Dongo?

and poor paul, he didn't survive to see the german empire, even though he couldn't care less about it, as we've seen!

as for "where are they now", i was wondering what John Wilkes Booth is doing and if Karl Marx had something to say about the developments of this timeline
 
great work ares! i'm also loving your interest in italian risorgimento, glad you posted an image referring to Mentana, since the battle happened on the hill where i live

Well, it was one of the most prominent events of the era, and one of two things (the other being the Second Opium War, of which I know nothing) that happened reasonably near the PoD of the timeline.

anyway, was Napoleon III's arrest scene inspired by Mussolini's at Dongo?

Actually, I didn't even know there were similarities. I pretty much just pulled that out of my head.

and poor paul, he didn't survive to see the german empire, even though he couldn't care less about it, as we've seen!

Well, maybe he could care less; the letter is based on an OTL letter written by a British soldier who died in Holland during WWII.

as for "where are they now", i was wondering what John Wilkes Booth is doing and if Karl Marx had something to say about the developments of this timeline

It shall be done.
 
Story of a Party - Chapter XXVI
Unity

"Let us lift Germany, so to speak, into the saddle. It will certainly be able to ride."
- Otto von Bismarck

***

From "Political and Diplomatic Encyclopaedia of the 19th Century"
Macmillan Publishers, London, 1993

"TREATY OF STRASSBURG: Collective name for two treaties signed in the spring of 1872 between France, Austria, Prussia and Russia, ending the First European War. The first treaty concerned France, and stipulated that France cede Alsace-Lorraine to Germany [1]; the inhabitants of the area were given until October of 1873 to either leave or stay behind, accepting German citizenship (most did the latter). France was also to pay a large indemnity to Prussia, pending the payment of which the northeast of the country, Paris included, would be occupied by Prussian troops. In addition to these clauses, all restrictions on Russian armament in the Black Sea were removed, and the customary return of prisoners was to occur.

The second treaty concerned Austria, and stipulated the cession of Galizia and Bukovina to Russia, and that of Austrian Silesia, including Teschen, to Germany. These articles, while originally opposed by Bismarck, who feared unnecessarily alienating the Austrians, were eventually included anyway; Bismarck relented upon realising to what extent the Austrians were already estranged from Prussia. Austria additionally agreed to the dismantling of the German Confederation, and the unification of a Germany that excluded Austrian territory. War indemnities was also to be paid to both Prussia and Russia, although the sums were smaller than the French indemnities [2]. The alliance between Austria and France was also to be terminated, and the Austrian border in the Balkans was agreed as a definitive one [3]. The Prussian troops occupying Bohemia and Moravia would be evacuated pending repayment of the war indemnities."

***

From "Die Wacht am Rhein: A History of German unification, 1815-1916" by Dr. Prof. Heinrich Dorfmann
Translated into English by Roland O'Malley
Harper & Bros. Publishing Company, New York City, 1984

"Following the Treaty of Strassburg, Bismarck entered into separate negotiations with Bavaria. Maximilian II had died during the interval between the armistice and the peace treaty, but his son, Ludwig II, was no more favourable to the prospect of becoming "a Prussian subject", giving up his sovereignty to the Prussian-dominated empire. He suggested either continued independence, which Bismarck disapproved of, or becoming Wilhelm I's co-Emperor, which Bismarck outright refused.

180px-Ludwig_II_king_of_Bavaria.jpg

Ludwig II of Bavaria.

After Bismarck's repeated entreaties that Bavaria join the Empire were refused by the Bavarian king, a compromise solution was reached; Bavaria was to remain independent, but the Palatinate was to be ceded to Prussia in exchange for a monetary compensation, and German citizens (including troops) were to be given rights of transit across Lower Franconia, including the railroad hub of Würzburg [4]. The exclaves of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach and Saxe-Coburg-Gotha inside Bavaria were also to be ceded to Bavaria. The Palatinate was administered as a part of Prussia for a while, but was eventually given to Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, the brother of the prince who had been offered the Spanish throne in 1869 [5]."

***

From "Bismarck's Empire: The History of Germany, 1872-1878" by Gustav Weber
Harvard University Press, 1982

"The German empire recently unified, Bismarck set out on the political program that would dominate the 1870s in Germany: the so-called Kulturkampf, which was a large effort to diminish the influence of the Catholic Church over government in the country. The conflict, as usual with such matters, was not entirely theological in nature; the Centre Party, the chief Catholic political organisation, had been growing in power, and Bismarck feared a loss of power by the Protestant Junker elite in Prussia.

315px-Kladderadatsch_1875_-_Zwischen_Berlin_und_Rom.png

A German political cartoon from 1875, showing the Kulturkampf as a chess game between Bismarck and the Pope.

The first move made was the so-called Kanzelparagraph, or Pulpit Law, which forbade preachers from discussing "state matters" in public, on pain of up to two years in prison. During 1873, several additional measures were made to limit Catholic influence within government. Catholic schools were put under government supervision, and teachers holding Catholic offices were banned from government schools. More importantly, a law passed by the Landtag made the training of clergy the responsibility of the state, a move which resulted in the closing of nearly half of the seminaries in Germany over the next five years.

In 1874, the Jesuit Order was banned in Prussia, and diplomatic relations were broken with the Vatican. Civil marriage was introduced, and the next year it was made mandatory. The Catholic section of the Prussian Culture Ministry was also closed during 1875, making it impossible for Catholics to legally address their grievances over persecution.

Bismarck faced staunch opposition from the Pope [6], who made an encyclical in late 1874 praising "the clergy and faithful in Germany, who themselves follow the illustrious example of their ecclesiastical leaders. […] All the more is their fortitude of spirit and unbroken constancy admired and extolled with outstanding praise as the bitter persecution set in motion against them in the German Empire and especially in Prussia increases with each day." [7]

In the elections of 1876, the Centre Party continued to grow in power, becoming the second biggest party in the Reichstag, and Bismarck, fearing the growth of the SPD's more present and insidious threat, decided to mellow his attitude toward the Catholics. But as we are about to see, this was a lost game as far as Bismarck went…"

***

July 3, 1877
Berlin, Province of Brandenburg
Kingdom of Prussia, German Empire

Today was, no doubt, an auspicious day. This was the anniversary of the great victory at Diedenhofen [8], a day that had been chosen to mark the first German holiday unrelated to the Prussian king [9]. The date had been marked every year since 1872 with a military parade from the Schloß Charlottenburg down the Charlottenburger Chausee to the Stadtschloß at the Museumsinsel and back. In earlier years, the Emperor [10] had taken a direct part in the proceedings, but this year he had elected to sit on a balcony at the Stadtschloß, accompanied by four bodyguards, and watch the parade.

Sergeant Adolf Meißner, formerly of the III. Prussian Infantry Regiment, was in a similar predicament. He used to be a frontline soldier like those marching in front of him, but then he received a crippling injury, and now he was stuck on Unter den Linden's wide pavements observing the crowd for any suspicious behaviour. He was standing in front of the Kronprinzenpalais, and being of above-average stature, he could nearly see the Emperor's balcony across the Kupfergraben. Nothing seemed out of the ordinary in that direction, and neither did the stretch of Unter den Linden leading down toward the Brandenburg Gate.

As he walked down toward the Schloßplatz, a man in a brown overcoat came up to him. "Good day, Meißner," he said, and started walking down the street.

"Schuchardt? I haven't seen you since the war. How have you been getting on?"

"Could be better, I'll admit. When I got back to Kolberg, I couldn't get work, and I didn't want to sign up for peacetime service in the army. So, I made my way to Berlin, and now I've got a job in railway maintenance. It's hard work, and the wages are low, but it's work, so I'm not complaining."

"Myself, I did sign up for peacetime service, and I used to be in Lothringen, but then I took a bullet to the knee. Now I'm working on -"

The sound of several gunshots rang out. Meißner ran in the general direction of the shots to see what was the matter. When he crossed onto the Museumsinsel, he looked up at the Emperor's balcony, and saw it - the Emperor was still sitting there, but his head was gone.

Emperor_Wilhelm_I.jpg

Wilhelm I
King of Prussia 1861-1877, German Emperor 1872-1877

***

[1] The borders of Alsace-Lorraine are slightly different from OTL. The area around Briey is ceded (though Longwy stays French), as is Belfort, but significantly less of Meurthe is.
[2] France is forced to pay seven million francs as war indemnities; IOTL the figure was five million. Austria pays roughly three million (or the equivalent) to Prussia and two and a half to Russia.
[3] This means that we won't see Austria annexing Bosnia ITTL; controlling it is a different matter, though.
[4] IOTL, Ludwig made similar efforts to stay sovereign, but was eventually forced to relent, as Bismarck basically bribed him into accepting the union with a large portion of the Welfenfond (the confiscated funds and property of the expropriated Hanoverian royals). ITTL, these funds don't exist (or more accurately, aren't in Bismarck's power to give away, since Hannover is still independent from Prussia), so Ludwig manages to keep Bavaria independent (mostly).
[5] IOTL, Karl was elected ruler of Romania in 1866; ITTL, the Romanians elect Amadeus of Aosta (who had a brief stint IOTL as the king of Spain), another renowned liberal, as their ruler.
[6] Isn't that surprising?
[7] This is exactly what the OTL encyclical said.
[8] The German name for Thionville; this is also their name for the Battle of Richemont.
[9] This is, of course, analogous to OTL's Sedantag, which commemorated the Battle of Sedan in a similar way.
[10] I'm reluctant to use the word "Kaiser" in an English-language text, as it seems to me as an attempt to make the German monarchy seem other.
 
Story of a Party - Chapter XXVI
Unity

After having proof-read this update I can comment on the content itself. Well, I am pleasantly suprised by the promise of Friedrich III ruling Germany for about eleven years. Polish nationalism is going to be interesting as well with post of their territory being under Russian control.Also the butterflies regarding Romania are interesting and I guess with Amadeus in charge its ties with Italy will be even stronger than in OTL. By the way, Amadeus would be interesting for the "Where Are They Now?" section with a more detailed description of his. Other candidates which could be interesting are: Gregor Mendel, Alexander Graham Bell and maybe Nikola Tesla as well (he was born in 1856, which is a bit late... but he might be born anyway somehow).
 
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Well, I am pleasantly surprised by the promise of Friedrich III ruling Germany for about eleven years.

Yes, it's an interesting prospect - whether he could actually drive reforms through in the long run is another matter. For one thing, the pressure to enact anti-socialist legislation is probably going to only increase with the successful assassination of a monarch, rather than simply assassination attempts.

Polish nationalism is going to be interesting as well with post of their territory being under Russian control.

Yes, this could likely make a major difference - probably not for the better, sadly.

Also the butterflies regarding Romania are interesting and I guess with Amadeus in charge its ties with Italy will be even stronger than in OTL.

I'm really not all that knowledgeable on Romania, but yes, this will very likely be the case.

By the way, Amadeus would be interesting for the "Where Are They Now?" section with a more detailed description of his. Other candidates which could be interesting are: Gregor Mendel, Alexander Graham Bell and maybe Nikola Tesla as well (he was born in 1856, which is a bit late... but he might be born anyway somehow).

Let it thus be written, let it thus be done.
 
So a Germany that is still not wholly federalized eh? Be interesting to see how they integrate Bavaria and the rest into the Reich.
 
poor, poor, kaiser wilhelm! late imperial dignity and far shorter reign!
anyway, it's fritz time now, isn't it? i hope he doesn't get cancer this time!
and as i've seen from the last replies, the killer is going to be a socialist, that would lead to a far harsher treatment of the german left, even by frederick's standards

p.s. btw, the Skyrim reference was quite hilarious
 
Story of a Party - Chapter XXVI
Unity

"Let us lift Germany, so to speak, into the saddle. It will certainly be able to ride."
- Otto von Bismarck

***

From "Political and Diplomatic Encyclopaedia of the 19th Century"
Macmillan Publishers, London, 1993

"TREATY OF STRASSBURG: Collective name for two treaties signed in the spring of 1872 between France, Austria, Prussia and Russia, ending the First European War. The first treaty concerned France, and stipulated that France cede Alsace-Lorraine to Germany [1]; the inhabitants of the area were given until October of 1873 to either leave or stay behind, accepting German citizenship (most did the latter). France was also to pay a large indemnity to Prussia, pending the payment of which the northeast of the country, Paris included, would be occupied by Prussian troops. In addition to these clauses, all restrictions on Russian armament in the Black Sea were removed, and the customary return of prisoners was to occur.

The second treaty concerned Austria, and stipulated the cession of Galizia and Bukovina to Russia, and that of Austrian Silesia, including Teschen, to Germany. These articles, while originally opposed by Bismarck, who feared unnecessarily alienating the Austrians, were eventually included anyway; Bismarck relented upon realising to what extent the Austrians were already estranged from Prussia. Austria additionally agreed to the dismantling of the German Confederation, and the unification of a Germany that excluded Austrian territory. War indemnities was also to be paid to both Prussia and Russia, although the sums were smaller than the French indemnities [2]. The alliance between Austria and France was also to be terminated, and the Austrian border in the Balkans was agreed as a definitive one [3]. The Prussian troops occupying Bohemia and Moravia would be evacuated pending repayment of the war indemnities."

***

From "Die Wacht am Rhein: A History of German unification, 1815-1916" by Dr. Prof. Heinrich Dorfmann
Translated into English by Roland O'Malley
Harper & Bros. Publishing Company, New York City, 1984

"Following the Treaty of Strassburg, Bismarck entered into separate negotiations with Bavaria. Maximilian II had died during the interval between the armistice and the peace treaty, but his son, Ludwig II, was no more favourable to the prospect of becoming "a Prussian subject", giving up his sovereignty to the Prussian-dominated empire. He suggested either continued independence, which Bismarck disapproved of, or becoming Wilhelm I's co-Emperor, which Bismarck outright refused.

180px-Ludwig_II_king_of_Bavaria.jpg

Ludwig II of Bavaria.

After Bismarck's repeated entreaties that Bavaria join the Empire were refused by the Bavarian king, a compromise solution was reached; Bavaria was to remain independent, but the Palatinate was to be ceded to Prussia in exchange for a monetary compensation, and German citizens (including troops) were to be given rights of transit across Lower Franconia, including the railroad hub of Würzburg [4]. The exclaves of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach and Saxe-Coburg-Gotha inside Bavaria were also to be ceded to Bavaria. The Palatinate was administered as a part of Prussia for a while, but was eventually given to Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, the brother of the prince who had been offered the Spanish throne in 1869 [5]."

***

From "Bismarck's Empire: The History of Germany, 1872-1878" by Gustav Weber
Harvard University Press, 1982

"The German empire recently unified, Bismarck set out on the political program that would dominate the 1870s in Germany: the so-called Kulturkampf, which was a large effort to diminish the influence of the Catholic Church over government in the country. The conflict, as usual with such matters, was not entirely theological in nature; the Centre Party, the chief Catholic political organisation, had been growing in power, and Bismarck feared a loss of power by the Protestant Junker elite in Prussia.

315px-Kladderadatsch_1875_-_Zwischen_Berlin_und_Rom.png

A German political cartoon from 1875, showing the Kulturkampf as a chess game between Bismarck and the Pope.

The first move made was the so-called Kanzelparagraph, or Pulpit Law, which forbade preachers from discussing "state matters" in public, on pain of up to two years in prison. During 1873, several additional measures were made to limit Catholic influence within government. Catholic schools were put under government supervision, and teachers holding Catholic offices were banned from government schools. More importantly, a law passed by the Landtag made the training of clergy the responsibility of the state, a move which resulted in the closing of nearly half of the seminaries in Germany over the next five years.

In 1874, the Jesuit Order was banned in Prussia, and diplomatic relations were broken with the Vatican. Civil marriage was introduced, and the next year it was made mandatory. The Catholic section of the Prussian Culture Ministry was also closed during 1875, making it impossible for Catholics to legally address their grievances over persecution.

Bismarck faced staunch opposition from the Pope [6], who made an encyclical in late 1874 praising "the clergy and faithful in Germany, who themselves follow the illustrious example of their ecclesiastical leaders. […] All the more is their fortitude of spirit and unbroken constancy admired and extolled with outstanding praise as the bitter persecution set in motion against them in the German Empire and especially in Prussia increases with each day." [7]

In the elections of 1876, the Centre Party continued to grow in power, becoming the second biggest party in the Reichstag, and Bismarck, fearing the growth of the SPD's more present and insidious threat, decided to mellow his attitude toward the Catholics. But as we are about to see, this was a lost game as far as Bismarck went…"

***

July 3, 1877
Berlin, Province of Brandenburg
Kingdom of Prussia, German Empire

Today was, no doubt, an auspicious day. This was the anniversary of the great victory at Diedenhofen [8], a day that had been chosen to mark the first German holiday unrelated to the Prussian king [9]. The date had been marked every year since 1872 with a military parade from the Schloß Charlottenburg down the Charlottenburger Chausee to the Stadtschloß at the Museumsinsel and back. In earlier years, the Emperor [10] had taken a direct part in the proceedings, but this year he had elected to sit on a balcony at the Stadtschloß, accompanied by four bodyguards, and watch the parade.

Sergeant Adolf Meißner, formerly of the III. Prussian Infantry Regiment, was in a similar predicament. He used to be a frontline soldier like those marching in front of him, but then he received a crippling injury, and now he was stuck on Unter den Linden's wide pavements observing the crowd for any suspicious behaviour. He was standing in front of the Kronprinzenpalais, and being of above-average stature, he could nearly see the Emperor's balcony across the Kupfergraben. Nothing seemed out of the ordinary in that direction, and neither did the stretch of Unter den Linden leading down toward the Brandenburg Gate.

As he walked down toward the Schloßplatz, a man in a brown overcoat came up to him. "Good day, Meißner," he said, and started walking down the street.

"Schuchardt? I haven't seen you since the war. How have you been getting on?"

"Could be better, I'll admit. When I got back to Kolberg, I couldn't get work, and I didn't want to sign up for peacetime service in the army. So, I made my way to Berlin, and now I've got a job in railway maintenance. It's hard work, and the wages are low, but it's work, so I'm not complaining."

"Myself, I did sign up for peacetime service, and I used to be in Lothringen, but then I took a bullet to the knee. Now I'm working on -"

The sound of several gunshots rang out. Meißner ran in the general direction of the shots to see what was the matter. When he crossed onto the Museumsinsel, he looked up at the Emperor's balcony, and saw it - the Emperor was still sitting there, but his head was gone.

Emperor_Wilhelm_I.jpg

Wilhelm I
King of Prussia 1861-1877, German Emperor 1872-1877

***

[1] The borders of Alsace-Lorraine are slightly different from OTL. The area around Briey is ceded (though Longwy stays French), as is Belfort, but significantly less of Meurthe is.
[2] France is forced to pay seven million francs as war indemnities; IOTL the figure was five million. Austria pays roughly three million (or the equivalent) to Prussia and two and a half to Russia.
[3] This means that we won't see Austria annexing Bosnia ITTL; controlling it is a different matter, though.
[4] IOTL, Ludwig made similar efforts to stay sovereign, but was eventually forced to relent, as Bismarck basically bribed him into accepting the union with a large portion of the Welfenfond (the confiscated funds and property of the expropriated Hanoverian royals). ITTL, these funds don't exist (or more accurately, aren't in Bismarck's power to give away, since Hannover is still independent from Prussia), so Ludwig manages to keep Bavaria independent (mostly).
[5] IOTL, Karl was elected ruler of Romania in 1866; ITTL, the Romanians elect Amadeus of Aosta (who had a brief stint IOTL as the king of Spain), another renowned liberal, as their ruler.
[6] Isn't that surprising?
[7] This is exactly what the OTL encyclical said.
[8] The German name for Thionville; this is also their name for the Battle of Richemont.
[9] This is, of course, analogous to OTL's Sedantag, which commemorated the Battle of Sedan in a similar way.
[10] I'm reluctant to use the word "Kaiser" in an English-language text, as it seems to me as an attempt to make the German monarchy seem other.

Wow. I didn't see that one coming. :eek:

Kinda reminds me of a few scenes from "For All Nails", btw. Nice one. :cool:
 
So a Germany that is still not wholly federalized eh? Be interesting to see how they integrate Bavaria and the rest into the Reich.

It won't be very smooth, that much I can say.

poor, poor, kaiser wilhelm! late imperial dignity and far shorter reign!

Yes, well, I thought I'd shake things up a bit. It serves my purposes (which I'm not about to disclose) fine.

anyway, it's fritz time now, isn't it? i hope he doesn't get cancer this time!

Well, I'm unsure myself whether this will happen. Remains to see, I guess.

and as i've seen from the last replies, the killer is going to be a socialist, that would lead to a far harsher treatment of the german left, even by frederick's standards

Probably. OTL Imperial Germany was hardly a good place for socialists (although the SPD was generally tolerated from 1890 onwards), and this will likely remain the case ITTL.

p.s. btw, the Skyrim reference was quite hilarious
'I used to be an adventurer just like you, but then I took a bullet to the knee...'

And now he's working as a guard…

Wow. I didn't see that one coming. :eek:

Kinda reminds me of a few scenes from "For All Nails", btw. Nice one. :cool:

Is that the one where FDR dies in 1941 and everything goes to hell? Either way, can't say I've read it, so no inspiration from that.

Next update is on the way, BTW. It'll take us back to the Americas for a bit.
 
Is that the one where FDR dies in 1941 and everything goes to hell? Either way, can't say I've read it, so no inspiration from that.

Next update is on the way, BTW. It'll take us back to the Americas for a bit.

Actually, although "For All Nails" did indeed have at least a small amount of inspiration from "For All Time", it's actually based on Robert Sobel's "For Want of a Nail" from 1971(one of my all-time favorites and I'm currently working on a "Revisited" version, as can be seen here).
 
It won't be very smooth, that much I can say.



Yes, well, I thought I'd shake things up a bit. It serves my purposes (which I'm not about to disclose) fine.



Well, I'm unsure myself whether this will happen. Remains to see, I guess.



Probably. OTL Imperial Germany was hardly a good place for socialists (although the SPD was generally tolerated from 1890 onwards), and this will likely remain the case ITTL.




And now he's working as a guard…



Is that the one where FDR dies in 1941 and everything goes to hell? Either way, can't say I've read it, so no inspiration from that.

Next update is on the way, BTW. It'll take us back to the Americas for a bit.

It figures... I get hooked on this thread, and now you've attacked one of the few questions I've always what-if'd in my brain. My own fault for never looking for a site like this until a couple months ago, now I'm giddy with anticipation where you take this. Will there be enough butterflies and inertia to moderate German politics before Wilhelm II's ascent?
 
It figures... I get hooked on this thread, and now you've attacked one of the few questions I've always what-if'd in my brain. My own fault for never looking for a site like this until a couple months ago, now I'm giddy with anticipation where you take this. Will there be enough butterflies and inertia to moderate German politics before Wilhelm II's ascent?

Wait and see. Welcome to the board, BTW, and glad you've enjoyed it so far (you certainly seem to imply it, so my apologies if this isn't the case).
 
Story of a Party - Chapter XXVII
On the Edge of the Atlantic

"The distinguishing characteristic of small republics is stability: the character of large republics is mutability."
- Simon Bolivar

***

From "A Concise History of Buenos Aires" by Guillermo J. Flores
Translated into English by Stewart Cameron
Pan-American Friendship Committee Press, 1983

"The secession of Buenos Aires from the Confederation can best be understood against the backdrop of the rule of Juan Manuel de Rosas, which lasted from 1835 until 1852, and which, although authoritarian, saw the provinces mostly retaining the rights of self-governance that they had enjoyed since the War of the Federal League. Under Rosas, the country lacked a system of government above the provinces themselves, but as governor of Buenos Aires Province, he was in charge of foreign relations. As such, it was in Rosas' power to intervene in foreign wars, and one such adventure would seal his fate.

200px-Juan_Manuel_de_Rosas.jpg

Juan Manuel de Rosas, governor of Buenos Aires and Argentine strongman, in 1840.

In 1842, the former Uruguayan president Manuel Oribe, supported by the Blanco Party and by Rosas, drove off Fructuoso Rivera's [1] Colorados in the Battle of Arroyo Grande; this battle ended with Oribe laying siege to Montevideo, with aid from Rosas. This siege lasted for over nine years, and since Rivera was supported by Brazil and by most European powers, the war severely hindered Argentine trade. In 1845, the British navy blockaded Buenos Aires, and although they withdrew fairly quickly, the blow to relations between the countries further hampered the Argentine economy. The British intervention ended in 1850, by which point the people was fed up with Rosas, and when Justo José de Urquiza, the governor of Entre Rios, declared his province's sovereignty, refusing to delegate diplomatic authority to Buenos Aires, Rosas' rule collapsed like a house of cards.

At this point, Brazil intervened militarily on Urquiza's side, seeking to restore stability and thwart Rosas' ambitions to invade Rio Grande do Sul. The Brazilians, with the aid of Urquiza's forces and the Colorados, drove Rosas away, and Urquiza proceeded to call a constitutional convention to reform the country: despite his revolt against the federalist government, Urquiza was not a unitarian, and indeed wanted further federalisation of the country. He opposed the centralisation of power in Buenos Aires, and wanted the power to be shared more equally among the provinces; this was opposed by most unitarians, but particularly by those from Buenos Aires, who walked out of the convention on September 11, 1853, forming the independent state of Buenos Aires [2]. Manuel Guillermo Pinto was elected governor of the newly sovereign state, and Bartolomé Mitre was placed in charge of the provincial militia.

228px-Buenos_Aires-Jura_de_la_Constituci%C3%B3n_%281854%29.jpg

The newly independent city of Buenos Aires celebrates its first constitution, 1854.

The year after, a constitution was signed, and tensions continued to brew between the Confederation and the rogue province. Budget deficits prompted the Confederation to construct an inland port at Rosario, and subsequently to sign an agreement with Rivera (who regained control over Uruguay after the siege was lifted and Argentina collapsed). These moves only slightly decreased Buenos Aires' importance to the region, and the province steadfastly maintained its independence.

In October of 1858, Nazario Benavídez, governor of San Juan Province and prominent federalist, was murdered by his own guards. In the then-present political climate, it was logical to assume that the murder was carried out at the request of the local unitarian faction, and when faced with the sudden and dramatic appearance of a legitimate casus belli, Urquiza did the only logical thing and declared war on Buenos Aires [3]. The battle broke out at Pergamino, near the border of Buenos Aires Province, and although outnumbered, Mitre was victorious in battle. The Confederate force retreated to Rosario, where Urquiza reluctantly agreed to a truce with Mitre and the separatists. Urquiza was forced to recognise Buenos Aires' independence, with the borders of the province as laid down previously. In exchange, Argentine trade was to be given a privileged status in the port, and the freedom of navigation along the Paraná, which had originally been laid down after the Cisplatine War, was allowed to continue.

200px-Bartolome_mitre_circa_1870.png

Bartolomé Mitre.

After the peace, Buenos Aires renamed itself the Republic of the Rio de la Plata, although it continued to be referred to as Buenos Aires by everyone except the government [4], and its governor Valentín Alsina was proclaimed the nation's first president."

***

From "The Inland Mouse that Roared: A History of Paraguay under the Lopez Family, 1840-1867" by Chesney Keaton
Schulman Publishing, London, 1968

"In 1864, Uruguay was yet again caught in the storm of civil war [5]. Its Blanco president Atanasio Aguirre had refused Brazilian demands to pay damages for border skirmishes against Brazilian nationals, and Brazil responded by closing off diplomatic relations and backing a revolt led by the Colorado Venancio Flores. The revolt received tacit backing from Buenos Aires, but the Brazilians intervened militarily, capturing Montevideo for Flores in October.

Lopez, who had been a supporter of the Aguirre regime, declared the Brazilian intervention a threat to regional stability, but did not immediately declare war; instead he chose to try to incite a declaration of war from Brazil by capturing a Brazilian riverboat heading for Mato Grosso. When these attempts failed, he declared war on Brazil. The Great Paraguayan War had begun…

200px-Lopez1870.jpg

Paraguayan president Francisco Solano Lopez.

At the onset of the war, the Paraguayan army was significantly larger than those of its enemies, numbering nearly 70,000 men. However, although impressive on paper, there were many flaws in this force; the infantrymen were forced to use obsolete smoothbore muskets and carbines that were slow and complicated to load and fire, the artillery was similarly outdated, no one had any real combat experience to speak of, and there was little to no command structure above the platoon level, as Lopez was expected to make all decisions. In addition, logistics were severely deficient, and hospital care was completely unheard of. In contrast, the Brazilian army was smaller, numbering about 16,000 men, but many of its officers were battle-hardened after the wars against Rosas and Aguirre, and its equipment and logistics, although deficient, were still superior. In summary, the Paraguayan army was a massive paper tiger, but the initial operations showed little of this.

Lopez' first move was to move armies north, into Mato Grosso, seeking to divert Brazilian forces away from his main objectives in Rio Grande do Sul and Uruguay. To this end, in March of 1865 Lopez asked Manuel Ignacio Lagraña, governor of Corrientes, for permission to march an army of 25,000 across the province [6]. Lagraña was pressured, due to the small size of his province and the difficulty of defending it properly, into accepting the offer. President Jordán's [7] government was ambivalent to this move, leaning on opposition, but hesitated to move against the Paraguayans because of a desire to avoid another costly war. In contrast, Bartolomé Mitre, who was president of Buenos Aires by this point, vocally chastised the Paraguayans for their "act of aggression against the Uruguayan people" which in his view "threaten[ed] to destabilise the entire Platinean region". On April 5, Mitre declared war on Paraguay, joining with Brazil and Uruguay, and readied the army of Buenos Aires to cross the Rio de la Plata.

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Two Brazilian soldiers posing for a photograph with their gear, 1865.

Meanwhile, Lopez had appointed General Wenceslao Robles to command the expeditionary force, which crossed the Paraná into Argentine land on March 21. São Borja was captured on June 17; Uruguaiana fell in early August. The Brazilians failed to intercept these moves because of being tied down in Mato Grosso; in this sense, Lopez's gambit had paid off. However, he had underestimated Flores and Mitre's forces."

***

From "A Concise History of Buenos Aires" by Guillermo J. Flores
Translated into English by Stewart Cameron
Pan-American Friendship Committee Press, 1983

"Mitre arrived in Colonia del Sacramento on July 2; his army joined with that of Flores two weeks after in Trinidad, at which point the combined army marched west to the banks of the Uruguay, and then north along the river to intercept the Paraguayans.

Before Mitre could arrive in Uruguaiana, the Brazilians had raised a ragtag army of hastily recruited gauchos-turned-soldiers and National Guard officers, and marched on São Borja. The city, only lightly garrisoned by the overextended Paraguayans, fell on September 16. The logistics of the Paraguayan army, which were already severely strained, only grew worse as Robles was trapped in Uruguaiana.

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Paraguayan fortifications at Uruguaiana.

In early October, Mitre approached Uruguaiana, and after defeating Robles' starved and demoralised army in the field, laid siege to the city. He was soon joined by the Brazilians, and the city fell by the All Saints…"

***

From "The Inland Mouse that Roared: A History of Paraguay under the Lopez Family, 1840-1867" by Chesney Keaton
Schulman Publishing, London, 1968

"The trapping of Robles in Uruguay proved disastrous for Lopez, as the main Paraguayan field army had been completely broken. In addition to attrition suffered because of the logistical problems (before and after São Borja's recapture), the army had been decimated by Mitre's frontal assault and the subsequent siege. What remained of the army was now taken prisoner by the Brazilians. This was doubly disastrous because not only had the expeditionary force made up about a third of the Paraguayan army, they were also given the best equipment and the most capable commanders. What remained of the Paraguayan army was a mob of unorganised militiamen with outdated arms, inept command, atrocious logistics and no hospital service whatsoever.

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A company of volunteers from the Brazilian province of Ceará, 1866.

Lopez was not blind to the danger of the situation, and pulled back the bulk of his forces from Mato Grosso. When in September of 1866 the Brazilian army crossed the border, taking Ciudad del Este, he decided to ask the Brazilians to come to the table, asking Urquiza's aid in mediating a peace treaty. The Brazilians agreed, and the sides of the war met in Corrientes to negotiate peace.

Brazil demanded the cession of a large swathe of territory in the northeast of the country. In addition, the Uruguayans demanded Lopez stop interfering in their internal politics, and disarm much of their brown-water fleet to ensure the peaceful resumption of commerce in the Paraná and Uruguay river systems. These terms were reluctantly agreed to by Lopez, but when Buenos Aires demanded that Lopez step down, the Paraguayans walked out of the conference, and the war was resumed.

The Brazilians continued to move west, capturing Minga Guazú a week after the conference's end, while Mitre's army moved south, taking Encarnación in mid-December. When the Brazilians marched on Villarrica, halfway to Asunción, Lopez marched what remained of his army into the field to check the Brazilian advance.

Lopez personally led his army against that of the Brazilian commander, the Duke of Caxias, at Sapucai. The resulting battle, the biggest in the war, pitted 17,000 Paraguayans against only 9,000 Brazilians, but the Brazilians were far superior in nearly every aspect. Sapucai ended a bloody rout, as the Brazilians marched on toward Asunción, and Lopez himself was taken prisoner.

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The Battle of Sapucai, Brazilian artillery.

What remained of the Paraguayan government, which before the war had largely consisted of Lopez himself, offered to surrender in March; the Brazilians accepted, and entered the capital two weeks later. The resulting peace treaty saw Lopez formally removed from office, along with the terms previously demanded, and a large war indemnity to be paid to the victorious nations. The Brazilian army also occupied Paraguay east of the Paraguay River until 1870, at which point the nation started functioning again.

The war had harmed Paraguay tremendously; the state coffers were completely empty, and around 250,000 people had died - over a fifth of the nation's population [8]. The battered nation had difficulty rebuilding itself after the devastation of war, and in 1873 it joined Argentina by request, becoming divided into the Province of Paraguay east of the river, and the Chaco Federal Territory, which included the Argentine lands north of to the west."

***

[1] In addition to having the backing of Brazil, Britain and France, Rivera had what is quite possibly the very silliest name in Latin American history (and trust me, there have been some rather silly names). And he still lost.
[2] It seems that date is fairly ominous in history.
[3] Everything up to this point is OTL.
[4] And sometimes even by the government; Argentina has a long and rich tradition of not making up its mind about its official name, and continues to have at least three official names according to its constitution (the Argentine Republic, the Argentine Confederation and the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata), and this tradition would likely be carried on by the independent Buenos Aires.
[5] It strikes me as ironic that the nation often described as the most stable democracy in Latin America was at the centre of nearly every major conflict in the area.
[6] IOTL, Lopez asked Mitre (who was then President of Argentina) this, and was firmly rebuffed; ITTL, due to Argentina's more confederal nature, he asks the provincial governor instead.
[7] Ricardo López Jordán was an Argentine federalist, and one of Urquiza's most prominent critics. Jordán opposed porteño dominance, and agitated against the Paraguayan War of OTL on the grounds that it solidified the unitary republic Mitre had created (obviously not the case ITTL), and that the Brazilians were a greater threat than Paraguay.
[8] TTL's Paraguayan War was still much easier on Paraguay than the OTL one, which lasted nearly seven years and killed over half a million people.
 
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Story of a Party - Chapter XXVII
On the Edge of the Atlantic

Okay, now this is also some interesting developments. With Buenos Aires independent the whole region will be almost unrecognizeable by the beginning of the 20th century. I seriously expect to see Chilean Patagonia (or alternativly portions going to Great Britain) in the near future. Also I am to some extent glad about Paraguay since it is suprisingly well of ITTL, with less people dead (Wikipedia lists ca. 300,000 Paraguayan as casualties, which is, of course, a bit worse) and joining Argentina (which will have interesting consequences for the future of the Chaco region).
 
Okay, now this is also some interesting developments.

Glad you liked it.

With Buenos Aires independent the whole region will be almost unrecognizeable by the beginning of the 20th century. I seriously expect to see Chilean Patagonia (or alternativly portions going to Great Britain) in the near future.

Yes, well, Argentina is weaker and more decentralised than OTL at this point, but while we certainly won't see them as far south as Tierra del Fuego ITTL, they will still go south, as will the porteños.

Also I am to some extent glad about Paraguay since it is suprisingly well of ITTL, with less people dead (Wikipedia lists ca. 300,000 Paraguayan as casualties, which is, of course, a bit worse) and joining Argentina (which will have interesting consequences for the future of the Chaco region).

Yes, well, the figure varies wildly depending on who you're asking. The Paraguayan census of 1871 reported a population of about 225,000 inhabitants, only 10% of whom were adult males. The best estimate for the prewar population was about 525,000 people, but everything from 300,000 to 1,337,000 (well, Lopez certainly believed Paraguayans were elite) has been suggested. Either way, the losses were tremendous IOTL, and Paraguay probably spent the next century or so recovering.
 
This timeline gets better and better with each update. It's fantastic to see so much detail put into South American* history (even though I know very little about it myself.)
 
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