Party system is a term used in political history to denote a well-defined system of party competition. In other-words, it's a term to describe the political dynamics of a given period. For example, the period from 1932 to 1968, when the New Deal coalition was hegemonic, and the Republican Party largely played defense on domestic political issues is referred to as the "Fifth Party System".So I will be interested to see how this evolves from a one party state to a 6 party system....
TNF, I've been thinking about some Phase 2 type programs and reforms that Humphrey might try in his second term. The first thought that came to mind was expanding the size of the House for the 1982 reapportionment. The House has been static since 1912, ever since it was (illegally) not reapportioned during the First Red Scare. Expanding the House could be used as a strategy to solidify Democratic hegemony during the second term, by opening up new seats, particularly in urban areas that would be fastest growing.
Plus, it fits with the previous term's commitments to "good government" and accountability. Bring the reps closer to their constituents seems like a good first step
Also, given the size and relative stability of Democratic majorities in the legislatures, I could definitely see a centralization of more powers in the hands of party leadership, which was the post-Watergate trend IOTL. But ITTL, I could see it being faster and harder.
Ah... so it basically will be a system with one political party and a 'liberal good, not liberal bad' thread.
Interesting but a bit disappointing that it isn't more balanced.
Well, if they implement the so-called "Wyoming Rule", which sets apportionment at equal to the size of the smallest state, in 1980 that would mean a House of about ~566 seats.That's an interesting thought that I admittedly hadn't come up with thus far. How big do you think the House could get in reapportionment? Expand the number to 500 or 600 seats?
As for the second term's reforms, one of the things I will make note of is communications policy, which is going to be very different indeed.
The Republicans are going to make a comeback sooner or later, of that you can be sure. An observer of the 1930s might say the same thing...but around fifty years later, conservatives got their day in the Sun. American conservatism isn't going to die out, but it's going to be a vastly different creature than it is IOTL.
The Republicans are going to make a comeback sooner or later, of that you can be sure. An observer of the 1930s might say the same thing...but around fifty years later, conservatives got their day in the Sun. American conservatism isn't going to die out, but it's going to be a vastly different creature than it is IOTL.
For example, the 'New Republican' ideology pushed in embryonic form by Senator Dole in the 1980 primaries isn't really what we'd identify as American Liberalism. It does for the most part accept national economic planning, but in a conservative fashion. Conservatives will be busying themselves with developing a strategy that plans for the future and takes the role of families, rather than only individuals, in mind. Bear in mind that socially conservative Democrats are still not going to be completely wedded to an administration that will be pushing gay rights in term number two. The new Republicanism that is coming is going to be more Catholic, more working class, and yet still not 'liberal' in the way that we would define it in American politics.
Think of a combination of Pat Buchanan (in foreign policy), Ross Perot (in domestic policy), and Rick Santorum (on social policy). It's still conservatism, but of a much more statist variety than we're used to in a world that defines left and right by economic positioning. ITTL, social positioning will play a greater role as economic management allows for the Democrats to focus on nonmaterial issues without running the risk of the whole thing collapsing on top of them thanks to an oil shock or the limits of traditional macroeconomic policy as prescribed by Keynes. The Democrats of TTL have gone beyond Keynes and into straight social democracy, sans nationalization. The Republicans adapted to Kenyes in the 1950s, so ITTL's 1990s, they'll be accepting the basic reality that planning is not going away and that getting rid of it would be politically disastrous.
Speaking of which, how will the American experiment in social democracy effect the rest of the West? I've been trying to figure out what this means for Labour in Britain, but I'm pretty short on British political history.
I've been trying to figure out what this means for Labour in Britain, but I'm pretty short on British political history.
Not much, the problems that Britain faced in the late 70's weren't going to go away so things may stay OTL.
Think of a combination of Pat Buchanan (in foreign policy), Ross Perot (in domestic policy), and Rick Santorum (on social policy). It's still conservatism, but of a much more statist variety than we're used to in a world that defines left and right by economic positioning. ITTL, social positioning will play a greater role as economic management allows for the Democrats to focus on nonmaterial issues without running the risk of the whole thing collapsing on top of them thanks to an oil shock or the limits of traditional macroeconomic policy as prescribed by Keynes. The Democrats of TTL have gone beyond Keynes and into straight social democracy, sans nationalization. The Republicans adapted to Kenyes in the 1950s, so ITTL's 1990s, they'll be accepting the basic reality that planning is not going away and that getting rid of it would be politically disastrous.
You're projecting a modern values set on the GOP though, a values set that didn't even really exist beyond a very small number of people. Free trade/free market socially liberal people may coalesce into a third force distinct from the Republicans, but the events that lead to the crystallisation of the group were averted in the TL.That's a Republican Party I would want no part of. Seriously, as a conservative who is interventionist, pro-free trade, pro-free market, and socially libertarian, there is nothing that would make this GOP appeal to me. And since the alternative is progressive social democrats, I'm stuck.
I guess in this timeline I (along with probably a lot of other people) would be voting Libertarian in every election. I wouldn't be surprised if the LP started regularly getting Ralph Nader 2000/John Anderson 1980 numbers every four years, and started becoming very influential on the state level politics out west ala the Wisconsin Progressive Party, the Minnesota Farmer-Labor, or the modern Independence Party of Minnesota today.
But that's just my two cents.
You're projecting a modern values set on the GOP though, a values set that didn't even really exist beyond a very small number of people. Free trade/free market socially liberal people may coalesce into a third force distinct from the Republicans, but the events that lead to the crystallisation of the group were averted in the TL.