Part 83: Potop (1937-1939)
One nation which could never fully recover from the hole French Flu and the economic crisis left the world in was the United Kingdom of the Three Crowns of Visegrad, more commonly known as just Visegrad. It had been one of the winners of the Great European War and the second strongest economy in Europe during the 1920s, but all that glory of the past had seemed to fade. Compared to it's neighbors, be it Germania, Lithuania or the Unitarians, it was in a sorry state. And that state was only going to get worse.
It all started out with the first breakouts of the French Flu epidemic in the spring of 1928, starting out by affecting the densely packed and unsanitary cities in the federal kingdom such as Prague, Pest, Buda and Krakow. The response of the federal government was extremely slow even by the standards of the era - an extraordinary session of the Convention of the Three Nations was only called three weeks after the epidemic had reached the country, only to be dissolved by partisan struggles and an inability to come to compromise. Only in the summer of the same year were the first actions taken to prevent further deterioration of the situation, increasing funding to the healthcare system and cutting off access from other flu-inflicted nations - which, much like everywhere else, caused a major economic recession. However, the recession ended up far worse and elongated in Visegrad compared to it's neighbours - a part of the blame has to be put on the ineffective Republican minority governments in the late 1920s and early 1930s, but a much larger part has to come to just how fragile the economy of Visegrad was at the time. Much of the economic growth of the Era of Good Feelings had been acquired through buying on margin, credit purchasing and stock exchange speculation, all of which increased consumption, but resulted in catastrophic losses once the house of cards came crashing down.
This combination of problems was so vast and felt so unbeatable that the Visegradian population even made up a very accurate name for it - the
Deluge. And while a lot of flack needs to be given to the failing democratic governments of Visegrad, who were incapable of even slowing down the fall of the nation, collapsing one after another in what was basically a political death spree, the words of the late
Ferenc III Luxemburg ring true in this time: "
Even God himself would have trouble restoring our nation's greatness, if he was at it's helm". The government of Jan Žuk of the late 1920s tried fighting the recession by first trying to balance the budget, in order to try to restore the trust of the people into the government and thus encourage investments, but it backfired, as this meant cutting a number of important government programs which disproportionately hurt the poor more than the rich. The Protectionists and their leader
Ferenc Skarbek were elected in 1930 as a result of dissatisfaction with the Republicans, but they were unable to propose anything better. The budget was too deep in the hole to allow for, say, introducing public works like the Lithuanians were doing, and any attempts to raise taxes were deemed too unpopular to be worth trying. Once we get to the 1930s, successor governments, whether Protectionist or Republican, could only form minority governments, as much of the Convention, up to 50 percent in some cases, had been overrun by squabbling radical parties who wouldn't even consider a coalition with the "establishment". The massive divisions in the Parliament paralyzed the government and made it unable to take any decisive action against the Deluge.
Picture taken in Prague during the Deluge, April 1935. Filled with desperation and inability to cope, many unemployed workers chose suicide
The Deluge also heightened the hidden ethnic tensions within the multiethnic Kingdom. Many minorities easily noticed that federal aid and support was disproportionately more targeted towards the main nationalities, especially Hungarians and Bohemians, while leaving the peripheries in the dust. Nationalism also added to the rise - the Great European War and the Era of Good Feelings had both strengthened Visegradian unity, but now that both of these events were gone and superseded by something this terrible, all that unity was fading away. The Kingdom of Hungary suffered through a number of riots and clashes in the 1930s, particularly between the military and the militant Romanians, as well as Slovaks, who cried out against constant Hungarian domination in the state and their discrimination in economics, politics and culture. Meanwhile, in cities such as Buda, Debrecen, Cluj, and especially across Transylvania, the bitter, poor and hungry city inhabitants lashed out against the nearest scapegoat - which, almost always, were the Romani minority. Up north, a different process was taking place - the Kingdom of Poland was doing the best out of all four of the kingdoms within Visegrad, mostly thanks to effective local leadership, and they were getting tired of dragging the rest of Visegrad with them and getting held down by all this "dead weight". And we are not even talking about the most recent addition to the Kingdom - Slavonia. Some observers there have described the situation as a war in it's own right - entire villages were arming and clashing with others for the smallest grievances, just to scapegoat someone for all the economic and political deterioration.
All of this chaos, anger, bitterness was fertile ground for the spread of radical ideologies. While some far-red ideologists were drawn by the success of the Revivalist government in Lithuania and sought to replicate it, the real benefactor of the Deluge was the Unitarian movement within Visegrad, united under the
Unitarian Congress of Visegrad, an underground organization with close ties to the Commonwealth. Turkey and India, especially Turkey, couldn't possibly say to to destabilizing one of the strongest countries in Europe and laying the patchwork for the "liberation of Europe" from the bourgeoisie and the capitalist pyramid governments. As such, money, funding, weapons and supplies kept flowing to the Unitarian Congress like there was no tomorrow, and the 1930s saw a dramatic jump in the movement's popularity across all strata in the society of Visegrad, to the point where the Congress was able to prop up a number of legal "Democratic" Unitarian parties to try to make a shot for the 1938 elections to the Convention of Three Nations.
This naturally worried the establishment within the United Kingdom, and the reigning Protectionist government, controlled by
Sándor Márton, opted for the ultimate measure to prevent a Congress victory in the elections - vote rigging. As such, once the election of 1938 swept away, the loose coalition of Unitarian parties were declared to have only collected about 26 percent of the vote, while the Protectionists reached up to 40 percent, a plurality, and assembled a new minority government, once again with Márton in charge. Naturally, the people did not buy this result. Mere days after the new Convention of Three Nations was assembled, worker unions took to the streets to contest the election results, declaring them rigged. Some of the most energetic protesters even went so far as to march through the countryside and go through each village, collecting information about every person's vote, in what is now known as the
Census of the Proletarians - in many cases, the "census" reflected completely opposite results from the official line. Instead of trying to weather the storm or giving in to the protests, the Márton government chose to restore order in the streets with violence, mobilizing the police and some army units to quell the protesters.
This was the end of the line.
To the common man, Sándor Márton was now not just a man who entered the election through a rigged vote, but also a man getting close to a dictator.
With all this in mind, is what followed really all that surprising?..
The Protectionist government limped along for a few more months, constantly facing harsher and harsher opposition in the streets, the cities and the countryside, losing more and more control over the country, until finally mass blue-clad, blue flag waving militias rose up across the nation. This was the beginning of the civil war in Visegrad, and mere days after Unitarian militias took control of much of the Hungarian plain, Transylvania, Silesia and eastern Bohemia, Visegrad's highly industrialized and densely populated regions, a provisional government was formed in Buda, in the halls of the Royal Palace - the royal family and the government fled north, to Poland. The Unitarian government was led by
Gregor Samsa, the leader of the Unitarian Congress of Visegrad, who promptly declared the establishment of the
Confederation of Unitarian States and it's goal to reunite all of Visegrad under the blue banner.
Gregor Samsa, the leader of the Confederation of Unitarian States
The first vulture to take advantage of the civil war in Visegrad was Turkey, declaring war on the kingdom mere days after the rebellion broke out - as if this was a sort of coordinated affair. The vast and modernized Unitarian military swept into the lightly defended Balkan puppet states, defeating the local Visegradian garrisons and local polices and "national guard" forces within days. The focus of all of Europe, especially Germania and Lithuania, immediately went to the crisis in Visegrad.
The
War of the Danube has begun.