The Perfidious Albion: the Tudor Conquest; a comprehensive history of

Preamble
Preamble

It is the year of our Lord, Fifteen-hundred, and the dawn of a new century. Some fifteen years have passed since Henry VII triumphed over the pretenders of York at Bosworth field, securing the Lancastrian claim to the throne, and cementing his own legitimacy as the King of England and Lord of Ireland by right of conquest. Yet, there was still ever more to contend with. To the North lay the Scotch, who whilst peace had been concluded with three years prior, tensions in the Marches on the frontier remained high, as the occasional clash would still occur, among other more trivial issues such as the frequent evasion and escape of criminals sought by one Kingdom into the other. These issues would have to be dealt with, and not at a pace of leisure. To the South, across the channel, stood the French, who had reclaimed most of the ancient Angevin lands, namely Gascony and Normandie. Henry VII has managed to secure assurances and peace with the French a few years earlier, at Etaples, where the French also offered an indemnity which would aid in augmenting the treasury’s income. The only remaining English foothold on the continent was the port town of Calais, originally captured by Edward III during his Crecy campaign in 1347. The value of this town should not be understated however, as its proximity to the Straits of Dover and Southern England enabled the transport of supplies with ease, and the town itself enjoyed numerous privileges and economic concessions, becoming a hub for all goods entering England from the mainland. The city also boasted a not insignificant ring of fortifications as well as natural defences. When England would invariably make its return to the continent, it would be at Calais where they disembarked. Of lesser concern was the Lordship of Ireland, over which Henry reigned nominally through the King’s Lieutenant and other representatives of the Crown. Some of the Anglo-Irish nobility had earlier sided with Yorkist rebels during the Battle of Stoke, though following their defeat, Henry VII had managed to capture the Earl of Kildare’s heir, and with him remaining as a guest (or rather a hostage) in Henry VII’s court, the King’s Lieutenant in Ireland would remain loyal for fear of the safety and treatment of his son.

At this time, Henry VII had been married to Elizabeth of York for nearly fifteen years (the marriage itself a product of Henry VII’s solidification of right to rule, and détente with elements of the Yorkist faction from the War of the Roses. With her, he had sired eight children, only four of which survived infancy: the eldest was Arthur, the Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester. He had been married to Catherine of Aragon in 1489 by proxy, having been betrothed since 1487 and followed by the Treaty of Medina del Campo signed in 1489, in which Arthur and Catherine would be married upon Arthur reaching the age of fifteen. Henry VII had arranged this marriage to secure an Anglo-Spanish alliance against the French. Next, there was Margaret Tudor, eldest daughter of Henry and Elizabeth; Barely ten years of age- rumours had travelled that during the negotiations over the Treaty of Medina del Campo, the Scottish commissioner had proposed a union between Margaret and the Scotch King, James IV, though Henry VII had remained unconvinced of the merit of such a marriage. Her fate as of then was undetermined, for Henry VII himself had yet to find a suitable match for her, though this would soon change. Following her, there was the middle son, Henry, the Duke of York and Warden of the Scotch Marches. Born in 1491, like Margaret, Henry at the turn of the century was hardly nine years old, and he too had yet to be betrothed. As with most young Princes, he spent much of his time (when he wasn’t being tutored at court) studies the martial arts. He trained frequently with his master-at-arms, honing his skill as both a swordsman and jouster, sparring his peers of similar age. Lastly, the young child and son, was Edmund Tudor, born only in 1499, he had barely been a year old when he was awarded the style of Duke of Somerset, though it would be some time before he was formally invested as a Peer of the realm. With three sons and two daughters, Henry VII finally began to feel a degree of security he had otherwise lacked ever since he claimed the Throne and defeated the Yorkists at Bosworth, and later Stoke. His apparent and presumptive line of succession appeared clearly defined, and his daughters would prove handy in the following years, being married off to secure alliances and other treaties.

Of course, there was the domestic state of affairs; the development and growth of the Yeomen class, leftovers of the Plague, expansion of overland trade in the Isles, and the establishment of numerous academic institutions. Henry VII had focused on tightening his hold on the Crown, by dealing with the number of Yorkist pretenders which still held a claim to the throne, either by attainder or merciful rapprochement. Regardless, he was still intent on hamstringing the nobility, in an effort to curtail their ability to wage another civil war. He would achieve this through passing bills through Parliament limiting the issue of livery to retainers, and later would restrict them further with limits on retainers. There were also fears of the de la Poles returning to England, after John de la Pole, the former Duke now Earl fled to the continent after being indicted for murder (albeit later pardoned). The threat of a bid by the de la Poles to push their Yorkist claim on the throne would remain for over a decade to come, and Henry VII would be astutely aware it. As it stood, the stage was set for what would mark the beginning of what we now refer to as the Tudor Conquest in English history, with its effects being long-lasting and felt throughout not only the British Isles, but across the channel on the continent.
 
I really enjoyed this, it's a good and well-written start. Though I'm a bit confused as while Edmund's early death has been apparently butterflied away, there is no mention of Henry and Elizabeth's other dead child Elizabeth (1492-1495). Is she dead like in OTL or is she one of the King's two daughters? Or was that supposed to be Mary Tudor the Elder?

Anyways, I'm looking foward to more. Keep up the good work!
 
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I really enjoyed this, it's a good and well-written start. Though I'm a bit confused as while Edmund's early death has been apparently butterflied away, there is no mention of Henry and Elizabeth's other dead child Elizabeth (1492-1495). Is she dead like in OTL or is she one of the King's two daughters? Or was that supposed to be Mary Tudor the Elder?

Anyways, I'm looking foward to more. Keep up the good work!

Good catch, my bad. Mary Tudor is still alive and well, and those who remain unlisted are dead.

Are both Warwick and Warbeck dead by the turn of the century, per OTL?

Yes. Next update coming soon too, just not sure as to how best pace things while still meeting the chronology I desire.
 
I. Prospect of Marriage & Arthur's Revelation (1501-1502)
I.
Prospect of Marriage & Arthur's Revelation

While France and England had been enjoying a period of relative peace and stability since the treaty governing such relations was signed some years prior at Etaples, not all was left certain. Henry VII had been focused on an as of then still ongoing process on improving the stability of domestic affairs, as well as the fiscal health of the Crown. Across the channel, Louis XII too had more pressing concerns than attempting to evict the English from Calais, or otherwise renege on their agreement and treaty stipulations from Etaples. But in King Henry VII’s astute eyes, the possibility of another war breaking out within a decade or two was a very real possibility, especially once he or his partner in Louis XII had been interred in their respective crypts. Seeing this open-ended future, Henry VII would endeavour to secure a lasting peace with the French, one cemented with a bond greater than some signature on a treaty. As such, in the Springtime of the year of our Lord 1501, Henry VII would make his first official overtures to betroth his young daughter Margaret to a member of the French Royal line. Specifically, Henry VII had set his eyes on Francis, Duke of Valois, of the Valois-Angoulême branch. In doing this, Henry VII had hoped to continue his policy of rapprochement with the French, and neutralise any potential threat they would pose in the future. This betrothal would only be a single aspect of Henry VII French Policy, albeit the cornerstone. The rest deliberated and negotiated, then renegotiated, in the coming months.

Louis XII, on the other hand, while viewing this proposition with some keen interest, was not altogether fully committed to such an arrangement. In fact, he held more than a few reservations on the matter, not least which was his own concerns of succession, specifically relating to the Duchy of Brittany. As of then, Louis XII had failed to produce a male heir with his wife, Anne of Brittany, and yet one was necessary to retain Brittany, or Louis XII would have to arrange a marriage between his daughter, Claude (the heiress-presumptive of Brittany) and Francis (Louis XII’s own heir), to preserve the union and eventually see Brittany integrated into France. As the months passed, the negotiations carried on, when in the wintertime of 1501, on December 6th, a new daughter would be born in Richmond palace’s Royal Nursery, to Henry VII and Elizabeth of York. Her name would be Eleanor, and from her birth, the physician noted the health of the child, who was born healthy and without any apparent deficiencies, and would grow to survive infancy. As some time would pass, following the new year, and into the springtime of 1502, a fateful tragedy would unfold.

Arthur had been residing in Ludlow Castle, as part of his honeymoon following his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. All had not been well however, as the Prince of Wales and his new wife had taken ill, being bedridden for nearly two weeks. As time progressed, the Prince’s physician feared he may succumb to his ailments. The King would attend a special mass held each day, for four days in a row. And just as Arthur had teetered on the precipice, he chose to deny fate, and seemingly would recover over the span of several weeks. Not all would be well however, as this near deathly bout of illness would leave Arthur weakened for the remainder of his life. It was recorded by numerous chroniclers at the Tudor court that Arthur, while at first filled with discontent and anger at his weakened state, would quickly change his belief and demeanour, going to confession three times a day and praying in the chapel at Ludlow daily for hours on end. Becoming a man engrossed with his relationship with God, who Arthur would come to view as his saviour, whose divine intervention saw the Virgin Mary intercede on his behalf, and save him from a perilous fate. Arthur would at time begin to publicly share this vision he had while bedridden, and many of the commoners viewed it as a sign of God’s blessing and confidence in the Tudor dynasty, and specifically Arthur, who would lead them to prosperity.
 
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