The Mexican Century: An Alternate Mexican History

Fastforward: The Mexican Republic in 1830
The Mexican Republic by 1830 has consolidated his dominion over Florida, which is now officially a Free and Sovereign State (Estado Libre y Soberano, in spanish). New Mexico and both Californias are not yet states, unfortunately. But they will be, eventually. After the [REDACTED], Central America is under control, although some minor conflicts and separatist sentiments are still a thing. Without a capable navy, Cuba can't be recovered...for now, but the reclamation over the island (and British Honduras, controlled by Britain) is ongoing, with no sign of stopping. The ally of Mexico, Colombia, is still struggling as a result of [REDACTED], but for now the Nation can rest and enforce administrative and political reforms, based on her "big brother".
The Americans are watching Mexico. For now, nothing is happening. But tensions are starting to increase. Time is running out...



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Author disclaimer: Yes, consider this as canonical, and yes, I spent all of this time doing this map to improve my own abilities, and although I already have a map in this TL (check above), I consider this to be my actual first map, since it's made like an actual map.
Take this as a glimpse into the future, but I won't reveal spoilers aside from the obvious information in the map. How is the political system in Mexico and/or Colombia? or How will the war with the U.S happen? are questions that I will answer in future posts.

For now folks, have a good day, or night!.​
 
Spencer Perceval was certainly not the most beloved Prime Minister. His military and political actions, although they had allowed the recovery of the British economy and armed the nation against the apparent invincibility of Napoleon and his Empire, were unpopular among the lower classes of the United Kingdom. Even before becoming PM, he had already supported laws in favor of raising taxes to finance the War against France, which logically affected the poor families of the country. His opposition to Catholic Emancipation in the UK also created disputes with other individuals and would eventually serve as an excuse for Catholic migrations to Mexico, especially in Texas and Florida, which would prove vital for the Mexican war effort years later. However, that does not detract from the fact that, in some cases, Perceval had more or less "progressive" positions for the time, such as his support for the abolition of the slave trade. In any case, his almost chauvinistic willingness to stand up to Napoleon, in the midst of the defeatism affecting the British government at the time, finally elevated him to the post of PM in 1809.

His initial government sought to continue the offensive against Napoleon from the Iberian Peninsula, on behalf of the Duke of Wellington. Likewise, he had to face the possibility of a regency in the British monarchy, as King George III was not in good health, and of which his son, the future George IV, then Prince of Wales, would become regent. The Prince was closer to the Whigs than to the Tories, so Perceval had to negotiate with the Prince to allow the government to function. Other problems of Perceval's government were related to the economic depression of the country, the pacification of Ireland and the increasingly complicated diplomatic situation with the United States. And, in spite of all this, Perceval seemed to resist and remain firm in his ideals. And not only that, but his government was consolidating more and more. And the victories in Portugal only proved that his war policy was working.

Then came the attack.
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Artist's impression of the assassination attempt on Mr. Perceval.
At 5:15 p.m. on May 11, 1812, Spencer was nearly killed on his way to the House of Commons. [1] An unknown individual drew his pistol and shot Perceval. Due to the circumstances of the moment, it seems that luck smiled on the PM, as the bullet struck his shoulder, rather than his heart. In any case, he fell to the ground, and the perpetrator of the attack made his escape, only to be arrested by the police. Shortly thereafter, the name of the accused was revealed: John Bellingham. His motives for attempting to assassinate the PM were unclear, but it is now believed that Bellingham was upset at the British government's failure to compensate him for having been a prisoner of the Russian Empire years earlier. His original target was the British ambassador to Russia, but since Perceval did not have any kind of security force, it was easier to try to kill him. Unfortunately for Bellingham, his target didn't die. Worse, his ideological attitude didn't changed in the slightest. Bellingham would be executed 3 days after the attack, while the PM set himself up as a martyr. If he was intransigent before, he would be more so now, no matter what the poor or the Catholics said.

A little more than a month after the attack, on June 18, President James Madison would sign the declaration of war against the United Kingdom. News of the invasion of Canada by the U.S. government would reach London at least a month later, in July. Perceval's intransigence would be put to the test. The United Kingdom was not about to let its most important colony in North America fall, not without a fight.​

There is no consensus among scholars about the reasons that led President Madison to declare war on the British. The most commonly cited reason is American nationalism-expansionism, which was already beginning to manifest itself before the Indian Nations in the western United States, and which Mexico would later have to suffer. Precisely, Mexican nationalists have always tried to accept this as the main or even the only reason: the United States was an expansionist and imperialist nation. Logically, that view is partially incorrect. While it is true that the Americans were already expanding on the mainland at the expense of the Indian Nations, which sought military and economic support from the United Kingdom for their survival, it does not fully explain the Madison administration's motives for declaring war.

In general, the motives most commonly accepted by the historical community are:​
  1. Internal disputes in American politics: Madison's administration was led by the Democratic-Republican Party, with a Southern-Western bias, favorable to France and with conservative policies, such as a weak central government or state's rights, including the maintenance of slavery. The opposition to Madison was the Federalist Party, close to the British, with its stronghold in New England, in favor of a strong central government, and gradually against slavery, either on principle or in opposition to the "3/5 Compromise". That dispute between officialdom and opposition was beginning to affect the unity of the American nation. After all, the Federalists looked favorably on the British Monarchy, which was "punishing" the Americans for their trade with France.​
  2. The Indian Question: The Indian Nations in the Northwest United States were forced to negotiate with the British to maintain their independence from the United States. Initially, the British government was apathetic towards them, but after the Chesapeake-Leopard Affair, the British took a more defensive stance towards the Americans, and agreed to support the Indians with arms and military equipment and were even guaranteed that the British government would come to their aid in the event of a defensive war against the United States. The battle of Tippecanoe in 1811 only worsened the situation, as the British and Indians became more and more suspicious of the Americans, and vice versa. It is not strange then that when the war began, the Indian Nations allied themselves with the British.​
  3. The seizure of U.S. merchant ships by the British and French Navy: As a result of the French naval blockades of the United Kingdom and vice versa, U.S. naval trade with both countries at the same time became almost impossible. Both governments seized U.S. ships, and in the French case, arrested their crews as war criminals. The U.S. government reacted, logically, negatively. Madison even proposed declaring war on France. In addition, both the United States and the United Kingdom levied British and American citizens living in each other's territory for naval trade purposes, which caused diplomatic conflicts between them.​
  4. The Canadian Question: Although the idea of annexing Canada to the United States was not unanimous among the American population or politicians, there were important voices calling for the annexation of the region. The then Secretary of State, James Monroe, was in favor of annexation, believing that the invasion of Canada would serve to force the British to accept peace. Oppositions against annexation were based on anti-Catholicism, especially when Quebec was mentioned.​
  5. U.S. support to Mexico [2]: The Treaty of Cooperation that Madison's government had signed with the government of the Supreme Junta implied U.S. de facto recognition of the Mexican insurgents, as opposed to the recognized government of the Viceroyalty of New Spain. As was expected, Spain broke off diplomatic relations with the United States, and given the mutual support between the Spanish and British as part of the efforts against Napoleon, the British government did not agree to negotiate with the insurgents in any way, just as it agreed to support Spain economically to stop the revolutionaries, at least once the situation in Europe could be stabilized. The truth is that the Americans didn't look favorably on the Mexican insurgents, but the riches from the Mexican mines (gold and silver) were necessary for the future U.S. war effort. Thus, at least indirectly, the two governments had different positions on how to deal with the revolutionaries in Mexico City.​
Overall, all of these factors meant that, after the Battle of Tippecanoe, Madison was forced to make the declaration of war. And, despite all this, opposition to the war was strong. The Federalists would not stand idly by. Nor would the Democratic-Republicans.

Mexicans and Spaniards would also be spectators of a conflict that could either help them in their opposing goals or ruin their expectations.​

[1] As you can expect, IOTL Mr. Perceval was killed. In fact, Perceval is the only PM to have been killed until today. It seems that luck smiled him in this world.
[2] IOTL, the Mexican War of Independence didn't affect the British-American relations, since the Americans never helped the insurgents. ITTL, it's the inverse. As you can expect, Spain will also take a somewhat more aggressive stance in the War of 1812.​
There were no police to arrest anyone in 1812 the first police force had not yet been established
 
There were no police to arrest anyone in 1812 the first police force had not yet been established
According to Wikipedia, Glasgow was the first city that had a police force, in 1800, but the modern police force was properly established nationwide in the 1850's, which means I'm unfortunately wrong. I don't have too much information about the UK, so I appreciate the feedback, thanks.
 
Wooo! It is back! Great looking map, Alex. Great to see Mexico does keep control over Florida. I can imagine the Americans aren't too happy about it, even if it was stipulated in the treaty between the US Government and the Junta. I would suppose that Mexico has developed an navy earlier in order to assert its control over this territory.
 
Wooo! It is back! Great looking map, Alex. Great to see Mexico does keep control over Florida. I can imagine the Americans aren't too happy about it, even if it was stipulated in the treaty between the US Government and the Junta. I would suppose that Mexico has developed an navy earlier in order to assert its control over this territory.
Well, eventually yes, but for the initial steps I have something planned for Florida, that involves a Scottish adventurer having the support of a government to actually try to impose some sort of control over a no man's land.

Also sorry for the lack of updates, I actually did another map for this world, and now I'm writing the next update on Mexico City.
 
The Second Battle of Mexico City: Cruelness, Hope and Republicanism
Although I don't think the post is explicit, if you are an extremely sensible person, take caution, just in case.

Some historians, both Spanish and Mexican, tend to idealize the Second Battle of Mexico City as a knightly duel, or, to an intermediate degree, a glorious battle, filled with patriotism, courage, and determination. The harsh reality is that, like any battle, it was a carnage. As the first guns were deployed and did their respective jobs, all you could hear was either the piercing screams of Nahua civilians pleading for their lives in Nahuatl, mestizo soldiers praying to God and the Virgin of Guadalupe as they prepared for their imminent death in a conflict they hardly understood why it happened in the first place, or Creoles hiding in their homes, keeping valuables and trying to flee to safe areas of the capital, if there were still any in the first place. The royalist side was not exempt from such demonstrations of human cruelty and desperation either, with individual accounts of Spanish soldiers losing their extremities or eyes in the battle, or being traumatized either by the brutality of the insurgent defenders against the "gachupín" enemy, or due to the indifference of their superiors, who only had the objective of destroying the insurgent government at any cost. Two experiences in particular completely refute this idealized perception of the battle, or of the war in general: the testimonies of an indigenous woman named María, and of a peninsular named José.

María was a Nahua (probably Mexica) woman who did not speak Spanish, as did the rest of her family, since that language was spoken at that time by the upper classes, Nahuatl being the general lingua franca. Neither she nor her family cared much about the change of government from the Viceroyalty to the Supreme Junta, as long as they could live in relative peace, but when the Siege began, her family suffered the most devastating consequences: hunger, pestilence, poverty, and death. Given the quasi-effective closure of the royalists on the routes in and out of the capital, food did not reach the city. Maria's father, an old man, succumbed to this grief, as did one of his brothers and uncles. Pestilence, that is, infection by disease, also arrived, taking the life of her youngest son at the hands of cholera, along with her mother. They could not even give them a proper funeral due to lack of money and the state of war in the capital. The lack of Ladino Indians (i.e Indians who could speak Spanish) due to the conflict made communication between Maria's family and the government of the Supreme Junta (represented by their bureaucrats) impossible. Finally, Maria witnessed the reprisals of those who had helped the insurgents, captured by the royalists: death by stabbing, or hanging. She was accused of helping the Insurgents, and instead of being killed, she was bullied, beaten and sexually abused by a royalist soldier, as were many indigenous women during the battle. After the conflict, María was ignored by the new provisional government, perhaps because she was a native, or perhaps because she was a woman. What was left of her family never recovered economically, suffering from the cruelest poverty. Her children that survived grew up, only to fight the Americans years later and never return. After the testimony collected by the "ladino Indians" who interviewed her, Maria died alone, forgotten by history, at least until the first feminist movements in Mexico raised.
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Portrait of a Nahua woman in the 1890's. Maria looked similar to this indigenous woman, although there are no photos/images of her.

José, on the other hand, was a peninsular soldier sent from Cuba to help Calleja's effort. José lived with his family in Havana, as part of the Spanish minority on the island, and as a patriotic Spaniard he voluntarily enlisted to crush the insurgency in the name of God and the King. He was bitterly surprised to see the atrocities of his fellow Spaniards, and the insurgents, against the "enemy". He was shocked (and disgusted) at the brutal treatment of his comrades towards the natives and mestizos they captured in the capital, whether they were insurgents or not. Hanged, beaten to death, or even in some cases guillotined. He saw a native teen crying before being silenced forever by a rifle. They were supposed to liberate Mexico City and the Viceroyalty from insurgent tyranny, not impose Terror on the civilians of the capital, who in many cases could not even beg because they could not speak Spanish. He was also terrified to see the treatment of the capital's Creoles towards people like him even though they were both Spaniards. The insurgent creoles, in perfect Spanish, proclaimed the death and exile of "all the gachupines," and in extreme cases mestizo and native soldiers were influenced to commit a "no prisoners" policy against all peninsular soldiers. In his memoirs, he described the streets of the capital as a bloodbath, an almost apocalyptic scenario, where you could find corpses of royalist and insurgent soldiers alike, with the same expressions of hopelessness and fear. You could hear children crying at the bodies of one or both parents, killed either by cannon fire and collapsing structures, or executed without trial, accused of a crime they surely did not commit. José was finally captured, and an unforeseen act, exiled rather than killed, once the war was over. But his sins followed him, thanks to the nightmares of those dead men disturbing him at night, claiming him, crying, screaming, shouting, laughing, cursing. His family never understood his grief, his new fears, those that would not leave him until death.

It is of the conclusion of this historian to emphasize that wars are cruel, even just wars.


The first week of the Siege was rather peaceful for both sides, as the capital's government had ordered the rationing of food and water, with the hope of holding out for a few months if necessary, until the Spaniards suffered from the effects of disease and exhaustion. The Spaniards, on the other hand, had "all the time in the world" to be able to take the city, or so it was said, which in reality was not true. In any case, sooner or later the capital would run out of basic goods to survive, and slowly chaos would do most of the work. It was not a completely wrong assumption, but Calleja believed that they must somehow bring such chaos forward, which meant bombing the city and damaging the food rations. It was either that or wait impatiently for months, something he did not want and certainly many of his soldiers did not want either. On February 18, the first barricades collapsed, as constant artillery and bayonet attacks annihilated those unfortunate enough to be defending the outskirts of the city. It was the beginning of the 2nd week. The human hordes of Indians caused panic among some Spanish soldiers, but it was nothing that a bayonet charge and a few cannons could not solve. The balance of each assault ended in hundreds of Indians dead against a few dozen Spaniards and collaborators. And those who did not die immediately were captured, tortured and "discarded". The insurgents were not exactly angels either, offering captures and imprisonments that were not exactly pleasant for the captured Spaniards, much less for the collaborationists. The Supreme Junta justified it as "desperate times require desperate measures". Understandable as soon as one studies the context in which it occurred, but equally terrifying for modern scholars of history.

By the end of the 2nd week, most of the outer barricades had been destroyed, and the inner ones were under siege. The royalist troops then set out to enter the abandoned parts of the city and impose "order" by terror. Men, women and children suffered death or lost their innocence, while food and water were poisoned to force the collapse of the capital. The actions of the royalists had their opposite in the insurgents who, enraged by the atrocities committed against the local population, assumed a policy of "blood for blood", killing as many royalists as they could find, either in battle or as prisoners. The 3rd week of the conflict saw the worst of both sides, where morality and military discipline were abandoned for the most primitive and degenerate human instincts. The situation reached such an extreme that both sides stopped hostilities for a few days to regroup and punish those who had "gone too far". Because of the need to get as many soldiers as possible, there were few cases of executions at the hands of (improvised) military courts, which occurred in extreme cases of rape, sodomy or treason/desertion.

By the end of the 3rd week, almost all witnesses agree that the stench of iron, from blood, abounded throughout the city. Not even the Zocalo, the main square, was exempt from the general situation. The elite soldiers, who were obliged to defend the government of the Junta, began to be dispersed to help in the defense of certain streets, of certain barricades. Alone, even the toughest of politicians and military insurgents wept. The 4th and 5th weeks were, in spite of being the definitive ones, the most merciless: faced with the lack of food and the constant siege, the capital's population was forced to depend more and more on non-food products, such as earth and mud. There are no official sources that denote signs of cannibalism, but the rumors never died and the story of poor families consuming their dead became a legend.

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The Siege of Mexico City saw, metaphorically speaking, the Four Horsemen of the Biblical Apocalypse: Death, Famine, Conquest/Pestilence and War.


The most important members of the Supreme Junta, Morelos and Rayón, debated at length for hours on what to do to delay the situation. Perhaps, if luck smiled on them, Galeana and Matamoros would bring reinforcements. Or perhaps they would have a divine revelation that would help them win the battle and destroy the enemy. But the days passed, and hope faded little by little. During the 3rd week of the Siege, Morelos summoned all the intellectuals living in the city (those who had not been killed yet), as well as the rest of the members of the Junta, and some "representatives" of the provinces of the Kingdom to decide the course of action to take, given the apparent impossibility of winning the battle. Surprisingly, most of those present, in a show of patriotism (or stupidity, depending on who studies history), stated that they would rather die as liberators than as collaborators or defeatists.

Once the assassination of Viceroy Callejas was officially announced and, given the apparent non-existence of a head of state of a Viceroyalty that clearly no longer existed, the "total separation of Mexico from Spain, not only at the level of sovereign nations but also with respect to the head of the Executive" was symbolically decided. In a resolution, entitled "Solemn Act of the Declaration of Independence of Mexican America" (Acta Solemne de la Declaración de Independencia de la America Mexicana), dated March 4, 1813, the generals of the Junta, as well as the provincial "representatives" in the capital unanimously signed Mexico's intention to fully separate from Spain, abandoning the intention to form a dual monarchy, but without deciding the form of government. It was accompanied a few days later (March 9, during the 4th week) by the "Act of Proclamation of the Mexican Republic" (Acta de Proclamación de la República Mexicana). These two documents, in particular, are the political and legal basis from which Mexico was born, not as an Empire, but as a Republic. In all fairness, given the quasi-collapse of the situation, it was merely a symbolic act, as stated before. The members of the Supreme Junta assumed that they would not get out alive, and that, at the very least, the republican proclamation would inspire others to take up arms and overthrow a government that no longer represented the interests of the Nation.

The "Solemn Act of the Declaration of Independence" explicitly stated that:
The Congress of Mexico, legitimately installed in the City of Mexico, of Mexican America, by the provinces thereof:
Solemnly declares, in the presence of Almighty God, moderating arbiter of empires, republics and other governments, and author of the society that gives and takes them away, according to the inscrutable designs of his providence, that by the present circumstances of Europe it has recovered the exercise of its sovereignty, usurped; that, in such concept, the dependence on the Spanish throne is broken forever and ever, and dissolved; That it is the arbiter to establish the laws that are convenient for the best arrangement and internal happiness, to make war and peace and to establish alliances with the monarchs and republics of the Old Continent, not less than to celebrate concordats with the Roman Supreme Pontiff, for the regime of the Catholic Church, Roman Apostolic, and to send ambassadors and consuls; that he neither professes nor recognizes any religion other than the Catholic, nor will he permit or tolerate the public or secret use of any other; that he will protect with all his power and watch over the purity of the faith and its dogmas and the preservation of the regular bodies; It declares as a defendant of high treason anyone who directly or indirectly opposes their independence, either by protecting the oppressing Europeans, by deed, word or writing, or by refusing to contribute with expenses, subsidies and pensions to continue the war until their independence is recognized by foreign nations; reserving to the Congress to present to them by means of a ministerial note, which will circulate through all the cabinets, the manifesto of their complaints and justice of this resolution, already recognized by Europe itself. (1)

On the other hand, the "Act of Proclamation of the Republic" mentioned that:
The Mexican Nation, which, for almost three centuries, has had neither its own will nor the free use of its voice, today emerges from the oppression in which it has lived.
The heroic efforts of its sons and daughters, thanks to the great martyr Hidalgo, have been crowned; and the eternally memorable enterprise, which a genius, superior to all admiration and praise, love and glory of his homeland, began in Guanajuato, continued and brought to completion, overcoming almost insurmountable obstacles, has been consummated.
This part of the septentrion was thus restored to the exercise of all the rights granted to it by the Author of Nature. And recognized as inalienable and sacred by the educated nations of the earth; at liberty to constitute themselves in the manner most convenient to their happiness; and with representatives who can manifest their will and their designs; begins to make use of such precious gifts, and solemnly declares, through the Supreme National Junta of Mexican America, that it is a Sovereign, Republican, Unbreakable and Independent Nation, independent of ancient Spain, with whom, henceforth, it will maintain no other union than that of a cordial and cautious relationship, under the terms prescribed by treaties: That it will enter into friendly relations with the other powers, executing, with respect to them, whatever acts the other sovereign nations can and are in possession of executing: That it will be constituted, in accordance with the agreements entrusted by the parties of the Supreme Junta, as well as the Solemn Act of the Declaration of Independence of Mexican America, wisely, the members and representatives of the Supreme Junta and of the Insurgent Army; and finally that it will sustain at all cost and with the sacrifice of the assets and lives of its individuals, (if necessary) this solemn declaration, made in the capital of the Republic on the ninth day of March, eighteen hundred and thirteen, the first of Mexican Independence. (2)


Morelos, Rayón, Jimenez and the Aldama brothers were imposing order in the Palace. Multiple Creole and mestizo representatives and intellectuals were shouting, accusing each other of reformism or claudication. Some conservatives had agreed to boycott the meeting if the Junta government "did not renege on the heinous act of separating Mexico from its sister nation, Spain". But none of that mattered. And the sound of a cannon hitting near the Palace silenced everyone. Quickly order returned to the session, to which Rayón spoke:
"It is not necessary to recall that the present circumstances in which we find ourselves should cause us to fight as brothers in harmony and fraternity. In view of the deplorable actions that the Gachupin enemy has done to our Mexican brothers, the five of us present here have decided that, to honor the martyr Hidalgo, he who died for the Liberty of our Nation, a government not led by kings, but by sovereigns, is to be proclaimed. It is not to my personal liking, and neither is it to the liking of many of you, but it is clear that we cannot return to the status-quo, regardless of what happens tomorrow. Almighty God, praise be to Him, gave us the gift of happiness, of free will. That is what allows us to affirm today that the union with Spain is not what we want, it is not what the Mexican people want. Just look at the reports of our emissaries at the front!

[...]
"Are you sure you're okay with this? You were never exactly a Republican; we don't have to damage what little unity we still have if you don't want it."
"No, José, you were right. We've already lost, anyway. The ways of the Lord are mysterious, and it appears that we will not be fortunate in his Providence. To proclaim an impossible goal like a moderate monarchy, at times like this, would only make me a traitor. Proclaim an equally impossible republic won’t change our destiny, but at least that will make the people rise in arms…eventually"
"And what about the Aldama and Jimenez?"
"They already know what you plan to do, I told them. They have no problem. They are as tired as I am. We have already killed the Viceroy, we are enemies of the King. We are already de facto a Republic. Whatever happens tomorrow, whether a Republic or a Monarchy is proclaimed, we will most certainly die."
"And the Creoles?"
"After seeing the barbaric acts of the gachupines? They would be blind not to support us."

[...]

After reading the sketch of the Act of Independence of the Republic, Morelos speaks with his remaining strength, given that hunger is affecting him as well:
"Brothers, comrades, it was an honor to have fought side by side with all of you. Whether we live or die tomorrow, today we have made history, we have honored Hidalgo, Allende, and all those who died on the road to Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. Today, we are not Creoles, Mestizos or Indians, today we are all Mexicans... Long live the Republic! Long live the heroes who gave us our Homeland!

A chorus is heard in unison: "Long live the Republic! Long live Mexico! Death to the Gachupines!"]

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The Republican Proclamation in the Congress of Mexico, in Mexico City.


On March 9, 1813 the Republic was born. After the republican proclamation, which is said to have made the Earth tremble, as many copies as possible of both Acts were issued, as well as translations of them into Nahuatl, for distribution to as many as possible, both from the upper and lower classes, if they were still alive. During the following days, it was not uncommon to hear insurgent soldiers shouting "Long Live the Republic!" and “For Hidalgo, for Allende!” in Spanish and Nahuatl. If the Republic was going to die, then it would die with all the glory possible, it would die leaving its mark on World History, making the reactionaries, the tyrants tremble: if only for a few moments, the people raised their voices and shouted "Freedom!".

Fortunately, the Republic would not die. God would be on the side of the insurgents, as it was said in the 19th century...​

(1) It's essentially, almost without changes, the OTL "Solemn Act of the Declaration of Independence of Septentrional America". I changed a few words. The original document can be seen here. (in spanish).
(2) It's a modified version of the "Act of Independence of the Mexican Empire", but removing the Imperial references and adding the Republican ones, aside from tweaking somem other things. The original version can be seen here (also in spanish).
 
The Second Battle of Mexico City: An end...?
Excerpt from "La Independencia Mexicana" [The Mexican Independence] (1982), by Ernesto de la Torre Villar:

They [the historians] say that clichés can occur in history. This term, coming from the French language, refers to the action or idea that has been used so often that it becomes repetitive, disinteresting. Clichés generally occur in written stories, in cinematography, or in other media such as television series; but clichés have rarely been analyzed in historical events, especially those of a military nature. Whether it is the outcome of a battle, a military tactic used by a commander, or the unfortunate but ongoing carnage committed against innocent civilians as a result of the indiscipline of soldiers on one or both sides, there are "events" that tend to seem clichéd to some people. Certainly, the updating of military strategies and the promotion of individual guarantees (or human rights) prevent such "military-historical clichés" from occurring, at least not to such high degrees as before. But they are there, and in Mexican Independence one cliché is always mentioned as the triggering event of the victory at the Siege of Mexico City: the allied appearance at the last moment before the final defeat. Similar events have happened before, either in other Sieges, or in pitched battles, where the disadvantaged faction resorts to an emergency safeguard (reserve troops) that are "activated" as soon as the possibility of a defeat before the enemy becomes latent. Now, it does not mean that it is a demerit, on the contrary, it is always said that "everything is valid in a war", and the Mexican Independence is no exception.

But unlike in other Sieges, the capital city where the authority to activate these troops emanated was the one under siege, and not the one that helped to break a siege. It is in these circumstances that, anticipating the inevitable, the Supreme Junta ordered generals Mariano Matamoros and Hermenegildo Galena to leave the city secretly, dressed as peasants on horseback, and head as soon as possible to the nearest towns controlled by the insurgents, warn the garrisons and local chiefs about the situation in the capital (although some of them already knew about the situation beforehand, as groups of Creoles and peninsulars declared rebellions against certain of these garrisons) and send troops as quickly as possible, something certainly easy in theory, but extremely complicated in practice, for two reasons: the first was that, as already mentioned, there were open rebellions of a royalist character, either because of the "misplaced" measures of the insurgent government, or because of open treason (or loss of hope). The second was that where they were headed was an area of Otomi majority, so communication in Spanish or Nahuatl would be complicated (a fact that was certainly not new, since the abundance of languages and ethnic groups in Mexican territory negatively affected administrative efficiency and communication between subjects (and, later, citizens) and the government, first viceregal, and then republican). Both insurgents headed north to the urban centers of Queretaro and Guanajuato, among the first to align themselves with the insurgent cause. As the city gradually came under siege, all attempts to communicate with the leaders of the Junta were lost, leaving the generals, in practice, "in the dark".

The specific details of what happened next are at least partially unknown. Preserved documents mention the arrival of both individuals in Pachuca, a city already important at that time because of the presence of mines (which, at least theoretically, supported the Mexican insurgent war economy directly, and the U.S. indirectly). Pachuca had been taken sometime in 1811, and its mines had been put to work, with an insurgent garrison charged with defending the city by any means necessary to keep mining as efficient as possible. The city, however, was sparsely populated, with no more than 12,000 inhabitants [1], almost half of whom were minors. Therefore, it only served as a resting place. Hermenegildo mentions in his memoirs that they recruited approximately 500 individuals, mostly mestizo men or Nahua and Otomi Indians, logically insufficient to even think of breaking the already secure siege in the capital.
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Pachuca in the second middle of the 19th Century.
From here, it seems that they decided to head for Queretaro, the birthplace of the Revolution. At the time of the arrival of the two generals, the city had about 38,000 people [2], mostly Spanish and indigenous. It is possible, by the way, that some civilians had fled to other places, so other estimates put the number of people in the city as high as 40,000. In any case, as the second largest city in the Intendencia of Mexico, after the capital itself, maintaining a garrison was not enough, so there are accounts of up to 3 garrisons, each of at least 300 to 400 armed insurgents. As representatives of the Supreme Junta, Galeana and Matamoros ordered the levy and the division of the recruits into two divisions, each led, logically, by one of the two insurgents. However, the Spanish population was reluctant to help the insurgent cause, mainly because of the growing Hispanophobia as a result of their characterization as gachupines, even threatening open rebellion, which would have been a disaster in every sense (if we take as true the data of the 1793 Census).

Although repression would theoretically have been enough to quell any royalist attempts, time was pressing. In a rare demonstration of mercy (probably one of the few in all the Independence, against the peninsular population), the generals negotiated with Spanish representatives: they would be granted important positions in the independent Mexico (if such a possibility would ever occur), their properties would be protected, or in case they wanted to leave, they would have the security to do so. Nothing like the Massacre of the Alhondiga de Granaditas would happen again, at least that was promised. All that was requested was military and economic aid to lead an offensive charge against Mexico City. The Creoles would be commissioned as lieutenants, sergeants and even sub-commanders, while the peninsulars would have to contribute some money and infrastructure to the revolutionary cause. Although the negotiations were not exactly amicable, part of the terms of the agreement were accepted: as was to be expected, the Creoles accepted willingly, being the most benefited. The peninsulares, on the other hand, only wished not to be killed, or worse, lynched by the population, accused of being gachupines, so they reluctantly accepted economic aid, although they were still unwilling to kill another peninsular. Approximately 6,000 people were recruited, most of them, logically, indigenous. Creoles and peninsulares acted as superiors, as well as some mestizos, reflecting the fact that the racial division remained almost unchanged, despite the abolition of the caste system. From this point on, the divisions took different directions: Galeana would head for Guanajuato, while Matamoros would target Valladolid (today's Morelia).
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The expedition of the two generals. Black represents both generals being together, Red is the route of Galeana, and Blue is the route of Matamoros.
Guanajuato was still in good hands, with an estimated population of 34,000 to 43,000 people [3]. For its part, Valladolid, with a population of between 18,000 and 24,000 people [4], was in a state of quasi-rebellion by the time the insurgents arrived. Valladolid had already been "pacified" the first time, and Matamoros was forced to pacify it a second time. Criollo royalists and peninsulares were outnumbered by an insurgent division of just over 3,200 soldiers and were forced to surrender. Even so, at least a quarter of those imprisoned were executed as a form of punishment. The rest were given the choice of joining the rebellion or death. Logically, many preferred the first option, since they valued their lives more than they hated the "traitorous Jacobins." The garrison that had kept the rebellion at bay was reinforced with men, and the Spanish conscripted prisoners (around 500) joined with another 2,000 volunteers and conscripts, of Nahua or Purepecha descent, to fight for the insurgents.

For its part, recruitment in Guanajuato culminated with Galeana's division amounting to almost 7,000 men. The details are again lost here, surely because of the priorities of arming the recruits. Some witnesses who were part of those recruits state disparate figures about the final numerical composition of the divisions, but if we had to choose the most realistic number, it could be stated that, at the moment of starting the preparations to help Mexico City, Galeana had a little more than 10,000 men under his command, and Matamoros, 6,000. The "drastic" increase in recruits was due to the recruitment of the towns and villages near the large cities mentioned above, as a way of ensuring the existence of numerically strong battalions. Specifically, Galeana's division went to Irapuato and Leon to recruit men. That gave a total of approx. 16,000 reinforcements, with at least half of them having some kind of firearm, ready to liberate the capital.

All this took 5 weeks of hard work and lots and lots of sweat. The almost non-existent gun industry of the Nation could not, not even close, supply so many individuals. The rifles used were either guns placed in reserve and captured from dead Royalist soldiers, or guns manufactured on an emergency basis, unregulated and surely defective. Nor was there a cavalry corps, or a substantial number of horses to be able to make a massive charge, at least not forever. And yet, in theory, both battalions were the best that could emerge in times of desperation. Galeana and Matamoros met jointly in Toluca, made final preparations...and proceeded.

[...]​



The 5th week was the hardest of all. The most hopeless. And he knew it. They all knew it. They would die, perhaps as martyrs, or as idealists, nothing else mattered. It is March 18. Nine days have passed since that moment of glory. The proclamation of the Republic was going to go down in history, he was sure of it. But he was more like a living corpse. He got up from his bed, he had only slept about 3 hours, while the piercing screams in the distance or the artillery explosions did not let him sleep. The Aldama brothers had left for the "front" (less than a kilometer away) to help the elite troops no longer to defend the Zocalo, but simply to kill as many gachupines as possible before the inevitable arrived. Rayón, despite being 40 years old, looked like someone in his 50s, as insomnia and stress had taken their toll. They knew nothing of Galeana and Matamoros. Both were fully loyal to the insurgent cause, so it is impossible for them to have deserted. Maybe they were killed, maybe they were captured. Maybe they were still recruiting men, but they wouldn't make it in time. Frankly, it didn't matter a bit at this point. His stomach was burning with hunger, and his thirst was slowly increasing, with the last reserves of water about to run out. At this rate, he would be dead within a week, either from his own body, or from the Spanish capture.

Mexico City was almost unrecognizable from a month ago. The corpses were consumed either by rats and other scavengers simply taking advantage of the situation, or by people who had abandoned their morality and ethics in order not to die. Priests and nuns attended to as many wounded as possible, but it was a struggle in vain. Dozens of women were losing their innocence at the hands of soldiers on both sides, which had degenerated into a spectacle of bloodshed. Children had lost their parents forever, acquiring a nascent feeling of hatred towards the Spanish, towards the murderers of their childhood. The insurgent battalions had retreated to the final barricades, set up outside the Zocalo. It was believed that Mexico City had more than 120,000 people by the time of the Siege. By March 18, the population was probably no more than 90,000. Piled up bodies of civilians, insurgents and royalists welcomed what is now the Historic Center of the city. In extreme cases, the bodies served as barricades or human shields.

When the battle began, Calleja had surrounded the city with at least 30,000 soldiers. Of these, between 8,000 and 11,000 had perished in the face of disease or the guerrilla and street-by-street tactics of the insurgents. Certainly a large number of dead, but not nearly comparable to the human losses of the insurgents, who had gone from 50,000 defenders to just over 15,000, almost all without firearms or artillery, only armed with spears and bladed weapons. The final assault is near, and those soldiers know they were going to die, and some had already accepted it.

Deep in his heart, Calleja knew he was gonna end up in Hell. Not even his hatred of the insurgency has eliminated his humanity, which has finally come to the surface in horror. The smell of rotting flesh, blood and feces momentarily made him think. He blamed the insurgents for having led to so much bloodshed, but he knew in his heart that he was not exempt from guilt. For his part, he decided to pray one last time, before his strength prevented him from walking properly. He asks God to be merciful to the innocent victims, and to be merciless to those who killed the martyrs, the Heroes, of the Nation. He let out a tear, and then two, and then several. The magnificent city that Alexander Humboldt had seen 10 years before would have made him vomit if he had seen it at that moment. It was the physical manifestation of the Apocalypse on Earth. It was the end of the world.

...Until the reinforcement troops arrived.​



[...]

The cliché of this story lies in the coincidence of events: Historical accounts relate the arrival of the joint troops of Galeana and Matamoros on the outskirts of Mexico City on March 18, 1813, the same day that Calleja and the Royalist Army were planning the final and definitive assault on the Zocalo, the site of Mexico City. Had they arrived a single day later, the City would have already fallen. Certainly, some historians tend to laugh at this cliché, stating that "somehow, everything came together so that Galeana and Matamoros could arrive on time to defend the capital". It is the opinion of this servant, however, that this detracts from the efforts of the thousands of Mexicans who died defending the capital. In any case, cliché or not, Calleja's troops were surprised when their rearguard began to be destroyed by cannons firing from afar, followed by a cavalry charge. While it was impossible to completely surround the Spanish troops, the insurgent battalions were grouped at a particular point, so that they could open the city and break the Siege. From there, the evacuation of civilians or the rearmament of their own trapped in the capital would depend on how well the Spaniards could counterattack.​

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Disposition of troops in March 18th, 1813. Calleja's troops have been reorganized into 5 divisions, with the V Division being the strongest one, with around 6,000 soldiers. The rest of them have around 3,500 soldiers. Galeana's I Division is the biggest one, since it has around 10,000 troops. Matamoros' II Division has 6,000 soldiers. The only cavalry troops available (represented by a pentangle) are on the front line. Both insurgent divisions are pointing towards the Realist I Division, the weakest one. [5]
Both battalions, together with their cavalry troops (the only ones available) attacked the weakest Spanish division (the Division I, marked on the map above), while a group of conscript recruits made an infantry charge to break the ranks of the justly surprised and terrified Spanish soldiers. While Calleja's strongest remaining division (Division V) was on the other side, attempting to penetrate the capital's Zocalo, news of the attempt to break the Siege from the outside only reached him when the breakthrough was practically a reality. Galeana employed a no-prisoner policy, ordering the extermination of the entire Spanish division. The survivors fled to the nearest division (III), warning of the seriousness of the situation. For their part, Matamoros' troops entered (as best they could) the half-destroyed city, trying to form a bridge in order to evacuate the leaders of the Supreme Junta and, if possible, the remaining besieged soldiers. The Spanish troops, of course, tried to prevent what happened, without much success, because despite the existence of supplies, the troops were already tired and sick. Once it was confirmed that the Supreme Junta was still alive, they were evacuated as quickly as possible and moved to the outskirts of the city, where they were given emergency treatment. Galeana decided to employ part of his forces to attack the nearest division (II) in order to break the siege on the city even more. These troops, rather than fight openly against a recently arrived and rested army, preferred to evacuate to Calleja's place, the Division V. The other battlements (III and IV) maintained their positions, for the time being.

As soon as the Siege was broken, Spanish morale collapsed. They had already lost 1/3 of their troops in the course of a month, and worse, more than 3,000 Spanish soldiers had now died in less than a day. The insurgents had regained hope along with the numerical advantage. Mexico City had been saved, but at a great cost. Cost that the Spanish would be made to pay. The objective, Calleja, was still alive. It is here that traditionally marks the end of the Siege of Mexico City, and the beginning of what some call "La Venganza".


He had been found unconscious by the troops sent to find him. He was almost at his last, but he was still alive. In his head, memories of his life flashed by. Of his youth, of his work as a priest. Of the birth of his son, Juan Nepomuceno. Of Father Hidalgo, of Allende. Of the love of his life, Brigida Almonte, mother of his son. It was a good way to die...until he woke up.
He had received emergency medical treatment. He had survived. Rayón and Juan Aldama had also made it, but Ignacio had succumbed to starvation...The Supreme Junta was furious. A feeling of joint hatred for Calleja was palpable. He saw the dead in the distance. And he swore revenge. They all swore vengeance.

For Jesus Christ had called to bring the sword. He would bring Fire to the Earth. And in his example, so would they.
Vengeance would be wreaked upon him and his gachupines. And the Earth would be painted in Blood.


[1, 2, 3 and 4] All this population data is based on the Census of 1793, the Census of 1803 and my own supposition using both Census.
[5] The numeration (I, II, III, IV and V) are just a mean of helping you to understand better the divisions of the battle. Realistically speaking, at least the insurgent divisions would not have a numeration, since it's a disorganized army. And the realist ones probably would have different numeration or actual names.​
 
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La Venganza
Just in case, discretion is advised.



After the annihilation of the I Division, Calleja's troops were demoralized. The exact indications are unknown, although the records are contradictory: there are documents where it is reported that Calleja called to defend the existing posts and to stop the breakup of the Siege or at least, to prevent it from being broken before the besieged troops could receive the necessary help to recover. Other documents however relate how Calleja ordered the retreat of all divisions to Puebla, which possessed a royalist garrison after having been captured months earlier. However, the divisions commanded by Galeana and Matamoros tried to kill as many royalists as possible before they could regroup with Calleja and his V Division.

The Supreme Junta, still quite weakened and in mourning for the death of Ignacio Aldama, ordered that every man still fit to fight needed to help prevent the escape of the royalist troops. It was now or never. Of the approximately 15,000 men that remained in the capital when the reinforcements arrived, some 5,000 were reorganized in the II Insurgent Division, helping Matamoros' troops numerically. An extra Division (III) made up of about 2,000 more troops was created, but its purpose was backup, to serve mostly as an auxiliary, not as a main attacking force. After all, even though the men were in better condition, they were still hungry and tired, so they would be a rearguard. By March 21, the battle positions clearly indicated a regrouping of Royalist troops around Calleja's V Division, which in turn was evacuating troops eastward towards Puebla. However, the serious situation of the evacuation made it impossible to massively help the royalist III and IV Divisions, which were practically surrounded, since they could not regroup with Calleja due to the constant harassment of the civilian militias and cavalry.

During the siege of March 22, 23 and 24, the insurgent II and III Divisions were in charge of killing the besieged Royalist III and IV Divisions. Some soldiers were pardoned (Creoles, mestizos and Indians forced to enlist after the captures of Puebla and other nearby towns), but the peninsulares were killed without the need for a summary trial or anything of the sort. La Venganza had begun, and the first unfortunate ones were those Spanish soldiers who saw their lives cut short at a stroke. The exceptions (soldiers selected and tortured in exchange for information) ended up being exiled to northern Mexico as a second option (the first being to die), or they were allowed to go to Spain after the end of the war. In general, out of approx. 7,000 troops, about 4,500 would end up dead, with the rest being the aforementioned tortured and exiled, or the forced conscripts who decided to change sides to the insurgent side. As for the Royalist II and V Divisions, they succeeded and began to flee to Puebla, with the Insurgent I Division hot on their heels.​

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The situation in Mexico City during the Royalist evacuation (March 21). Calleja's V Division is marked on dark red, to indicate that Calleja is in it.

What Calleja did not know was that information regarding the insurgent victory in Mexico City had spread throughout the Valley of Mexico thanks to the messengers sent in the previous days. Of course, it would take weeks for the news to reach the whole country, but with the availability of some horses, it was easy that by March 25 there was already information about it in different towns near the capital. One of them, Ixtapaluca, had received the news with vigor and happiness, so the civilians of the town, which had been a passing place for the royalists weeks before, had now prepared a trap: the royalists were encircled and forced to fight for control of the town. The civilians had almost no weapons, so they were quickly killed, but the trap had worked: The royalists were cornered by Galeana's I Division. A somewhat even battle: almost 9,000 soldiers on both sides. Unlike the Siege of Mexico City, however, it was now the insurgents who had the advantage both in terms of terrain and the number of weapons and artillery available. In addition, the civilians of Ixtapaluca continued to exert pressure on the royalists, who were having to face both a civilian guerrilla and a proper army.​



Calleja wanted to be among the most famous men. He wanted to be the next Cortés, the one who defeated the Triple Alliance, the Mexica Empire. He wanted to be the next viceroy. He wanted all the fame for himself. But above all, he wanted to be a hero, the hero of Spain, of New Spain and of Hispanidad.

All he got instead was a cannonball that literally tore off his leg. He quickly bled out, with the adrenaline and shock of the moment giving him a few moments of grace before suffering the sharpest pain of his life. In the midst of the battle, a stray cannonball hit his garrison. A pathetic outcome indeed for the supposed individual who would destroy a rebellion of "incompetents". He bled more and more. He was losing consciousness little by little, while the pain forced him to scream. "No, this is not the end of me!" he thought. Poor deluded man.

His sins had finally gone too far. His dreams and his ego made him not realize his weaknesses, made him commit blatant mistakes that did not make him look ridiculous, but gave legitimacy to the Republic. Felix Maria Calleja would not be Viceroy of New Spain, but an egocentric idiot who died in the most pathetic way. His dying body was found by the insurgents as soon as the Spanish divisions began to collapse as soon as their leader was attacked and left for dead. His final sight was that of a private soldier pointing a gun to his head. There was no time for judgment or farce.

He just said "shoot." And the soldier fired.
view

A miserable ending for a miserable person.


Antonio had been on the run for days, hiding. The "cursed hordes" of Indians and mestizos had murdered many of his people, and he would be no exception if they caught him. All he had managed to hear before said hordes began rampaging through the homes of those like him were stray words about calls to "avenge the fallen" in Mexico City. Whatever had happened in the capital, he was sure it had led to a wave of hatred for them, for him: a Spaniard. And yet, he thought that such hatred would pass quickly, that things would return to the "normalcy" to which he had become accustomed since Hidalgo had taken up arms in Queretaro.

Antonio, however, had a bad feeling. But he did not flee, not initially. Big mistake.

Antonio lived in Guadalajara, which until recently was the city he loved the most. But the insurgent military regiments arrived decreeing orders. And little by little the relative calm between castes was broken. The authorities of Guadalajara could not contain the hatred of the masses towards the peninsulares. Or in even more open cases, such as Queretaro itself, they made no attempt to stop the lynchings. Be that as it may, Antonio and his acquaintances were suddenly now public enemies just because of their origin. It had been no more than 20 years since they had arrived in New Spain, the New World. And now, they only wished to return home. But it was impossible, because they were completely outnumbered. And Hell broke loose. Entire houses burned, peninsular children and women jeered, abused, beaten or publicly humiliated, grown men hanged, lynched or burned. Documents destroyed, torn, or stolen to be sold or put to some less profitable use.

Antonio's arm had been injured; it was in bad shape. But he could not go to a church for help, because even the Creole priests were in cahoots with the assassins. His wife, unfortunately, had not been as lucky, being sexually abused and murdered groupally. His acquaintance, Hernán, had been forced to dig a grave, only to be executed with a rifle. His home, as beautiful as it was, was now a pile of wood and stone burning in a blazing fire. All the photos and mementos that could have been used in a museum or could have been inherited, perished in the fire. And all the money in gold and silver coins had been stolen, "redistributed" among the aggressors, to be used. As if that were not enough, some corpses were used as piñatas, or were cut or beaten, or beheaded, in a display of brutality and disregard for human life that had never been seen before in New Spain.

Antonio was scared, he was afraid. He had done nothing wrong, he thought. The sins of some individuals had no reason to affect him, and he was right. But the facts did not favor him, and at any moment they would find him. Creoles wanted the death of their peninsular fathers, and mestizos and Indians wanted to repay the pain they suffered during the Siege in the capital. Calleja was only the beginning: they would not rest until every gachupin was expelled or killed in the name of the Homeland. It was the eye for an eye that the insurgents felt was necessary and legitimate, to right the wrongs and apply revolutionary justice on the enemies of the Nation.

Antonio could feel his heart beating strongly. He heard their voices, and although he did not understand their words, because they were not in Spanish, he sensed what they were saying, or who they were looking for. It was the Terror, and the Terror does not forgive. He begged God, the Virgin Mary and anyone who would listen to his pleas to help him get out alive, and in return he would dedicate his life to faith, to Christianity. His arm wounds were only getting worse, surely they were beginning to get infected. The pain did not cease, and at times, it was getting worse. Nor did it help that in the distance he could hear the piercing screams of others like him being executed. Just and honest men killed because of a murderer whose only similarity with them was that he was born in Spain, in the Old World.

Antonio was found. His moans attracted the attention of a few Indians, lurking among the abandoned houses on the outskirts of Guadalajara. In tears, he begged for mercy. He gave all he had to give and cried more and more. He didn't want to die; he didn't want to f*cking die. His thoughts were somewhere between hatred towards his captors for treating him as if he was not human, and panic at the thought that it would be his last day in a world that had suddenly lost its mind. He knew that if his captors didn't know enough Spanish to even listen to him, he wouldn't be able to negotiate with them, and then he would be finished. He could smell the rotting flesh of his arm, as well as the blood that had left his presence in the air. Blood that came from the corpses of those who were unlucky to escape, or fought and lost.

Antonio was left alive, but was beaten. One of his captors was a ladino Indian, so he bargained as much as he could. He gave all he had and more in exchange for his life, but was not guaranteed safety. If he wanted to flee Mexico, he would do it alone and without help. Worse, as retribution for "300 years of Spanish abuse," he was mutilated, losing some fingers and with the bleeding being cauterized with hot iron. The pain was excruciating, but somehow the angels had granted him a second chance that he was not to waste. He was half-naked, he had been robbed of his belongings, which he still had at least, and his infection was still developing. But he would not stop.

Because he knew he wouldn't have another chance to get out alive. It was now or never.

Whatever would happen, Antonio would get out of these cursed lands, infused with hatred and vengeance. And only then would he be able to fulfill his promise before God and entrust himself to true faith.​

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A city of hate and vengeance. [1]


La Venganza is the period of Mexican Independence that was characterized by the massive flight of peninsular Spaniards living in what was then New Spain. There is no exact number of refugees or deaths, but it is estimated that at least 50% of the Peninsular Spaniards living in New Spain ended up fleeing or were killed in the region before the nascent Mexican government finally imposed order in the country. It is known as "La Venganza" (literally, The Revenge) for the unconscionable and cruel treatment that was meted out to the Spanish peninsulares living in the region, under the justification of "revenge" after the equally unfortunate events in Mexico City in 1813. Officially, it is known as "The Spanish Genocide in Mexico" (used in Spain) or the "Anti-Spanish Riots of 1813-1814" (used in Mexico), although there are other names that are used, so there is no general consensus, beyond the informal name, "La Venganza". It should be noted that, due to the events that occurred, diplomatic relations between Mexico and Spain were relatively negative until the normalization of relations, occurring only at the end of the 19th century with the Mexican government's official forgiveness of the events that occurred along with compensation to the descendants of the exiles, residing either in Cuba or in Spain itself. However, the event continues to be the subject of discussion and controversy because of both Spanish and Mexican nationalists who use the events that occurred to justify equally xenophobic and reactionary positions.

Mexican historiography has two points of view on when the pogroms against the peninsular population in Mexico began: the traditional point of view, which states that the pogroms began after the consolidation of the Mexican government following the defeat of the royalists in Mexico City and the death of Felix Maria Calleja. Here, it is assumed that the Mexican government intentionally sought to consolidate its position and order the pogroms against the "gachupín" population in the main cities of Mexico, as a measure of chastisement. However, once the situation quickly degenerated into political violence and the newly born Mexican public administration was endangered, the pogroms were immediately ordered to stop, under penalty of death if the crime continued. The surviving Spaniards who did not go into exile were compensated or sent north to Alta California, New Mexico and Texas in exchange for federal protection. However, documents declassified in recent years reveal a different perspective on events: the pogroms began even before Calleja's final defeat and the reestablishment of order throughout the country, with the Mexican government taking an ambiguous position on the matter. Apparently, Morelos was in favor of offering some chastisement, of making a "blood for blood" payment, but he expressly ordered that only adult men were to be attacked. However, his emissaries either accidentally or intentionally omitted such instructions, causing chaos to break out in the cities. Once Calleja died and the royalist threat died the republican government tried by various means to resolve the situation, although the Supreme Junta never explicitly opposed the pogroms until it was reported that Creoles were also attacked for being of Spaniard origin, even if they proved they were not peninsulares. In order not to lose the existing Creole support in the country, and in the face of the murders of women and children, something unacceptable under any possible circumstance, the Mexican government then had to impose order and end the pogroms, but the isolated cases did not end until 1814 (some authors even expand it to 1815).

In any case, the end of the pogroms did not mean the normalization of relations between the theoretically abolished castes. The peninsulars who survived and did not leave Mexico were constantly harassed and insulted by Indians, mestizos and Creoles, accused of being traitors or spies for the Spanish government. It would take a few decades for the anti-Spanish sentiment in Mexico to subside, with the First Mexican-American War being of great help for the conciliation between the peninsular population and the other sectors of the Mexican population.​

[1] AI-generated image.
 
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Some Wikiboxes
Hello folks, in addition to the end of the Second Battle of Mexico City, La Venganza and the death of Calleja, I decided to bring some Wikiboxes to complement the recent posts. The Wikiboxes are in Spanish for head-canon/lore reasons (my supposition is that the TTL equivalent of Wikipedia will be primarily in Spanish). But don't worry, I'll explain every Wikibox for non-spanish people to understand them.​

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The Second Battle of Mexico City, or more specifically, the Siege of Mexico City, started officially on February 13th, and ended on March 23rd, occurring, logically, in Mexico City. As you already know, it was a Mexican decisive victory, because it managed the strengthening of the insurgents and the general collapse of the realist forces in the city that were forced to escape. It was also important because it triggered the events of La Venganza, and the battle itself saw the proclamation of the Mexican Republic.

The Battle saw the confrontation between, initially, around 30,000 royalist troops vs. around 48,000 to 50,000 insurgent troops. When Galeana and Matamoros arrived to help the sieged city, the number of the former had diminished to between 19,000 and 20,000 troops, and the latter, 15,000 troops. The troops that arrived to help the city were 16,000, so in total, the insurgents accumulated 31,000 troops.

The Battle saw 20,238 royalist troops being killed, injured or disappearing, along with 37,491 insurgent troops being killed, injured or disappearing. The civilian casualties (deaths, disappearances and injured people) reached between 30,000 to 48,000 troops.​



Ixtapaluca.png
The Battle of Ixtapaluca lasted 2 days, between March 26th to 27th. Although less important than its predecessor, it was the Battle where, finally, Félix María Calleja succumbed, basically beheading the royalist coordination and moral. It occurred in Ixtapaluca, a town located to the East of Mexico City, in OTL State of Mexico. The Battle was, as you can expect, a Mexican victory that allowed the nascent Republican government to start the Pacification of Mexico (the imposition of the Republican order and the destruction of remaining Royalist troops). It also was the predecessor of what will be the Second Battle of Veracruz, that I will discuss later.

The Battle saw the confrontation between the remaining royalist troops that escaped from Mexico City (around 9,000 to 10,000 people), against the combined forces of Galeana and Matamoros (8,500 to 10,000 insurgent troops), which meant it was, in theory, a matched encounter. The factor that made Calleja and his troops to lose was the participation of the civilian population of Ixtapaluca, that acted as a guerrilla force, killing soldiers and robbing equipment.

The Battle saw 6,417 royalist troops being killed, injured or disappearing. The same goes for the insurgents, with 4,213 casualties; and the civilian population, with between 700 to 1,200 people injured or killed.​


La Venganza-Wikibox.png
La Venganza is not established as a battle, but as an event. Officially named the Anti-Spanish Riots of 1813-1814, or the Spanish Genocide in Mexico, La Venganza is considered either a pogrom or a genocide, depending on the author's point of view (maybe both). It occurred over all Mexico, and the main events that happened were the public lynching of Peninsular Spanish people in the most important Mexican cities, along with the destruction or their property in general.

The event happened between March of 1813 and June of 1814 (a consensus timelapse), and it was motivated by three main causes: racial discrimination, Anti-Spanish sentiments/Hispanophobia, and the events in the Siege of Mexico City, that only increased xenophobia against the Peninsular Spanish population. The amount of dead people was around 3,000 to 7,000 people, according to different studies [1]. It's unknown the number of injured people, and the number of disappearances was between 167 to 418 people.

The outcome of La Venganza was "very simple": most of the Peninsular population that survived was either internally exiled to Northern Mexico (Alta California, Nuevo México and Texas), or expeled to Cuba (then part of Spain) or Spain itself.​


[1] Just to make an estimation, this article (in Spanish, it's downloadable as a PDF file) considers that the amount of Peninsulares living in New Spain in 1793 was an estimate of 9,236 people, with the estimations around 10 years later speaking about, at maximum, 11,000 people. With that in logic, by 1813 an ideal number of peninsulares living in Mexico would be between 13,000 to 14,000, assuming that some Peninsulares are arriving to Mexico as soldiers, aiding the royalists. With that in mind, the Peninsular population in Mexico decreased, at best, around 23% to 21%. At worst, around 54% to 50%.
 
Good night, folks, this is just some advice from mine relating to some things:
1. The political map that I uploaded some weeks ago, although canon, will be tweaked; by that, I mean that some of the internal borders will change.
2. Feel free to DM me if you know about Mexican history in the 1820-1850's, since I need some help related to the question of freedom of religion. Although I have my own time period tentatively set already, I want to check someone else that knows about the matter and confirm if my idea can work realistically or not. The question of the freedom of religion is heavily linked with the question of inmigration, a thing Mexico desperately needs to counter the Americans once the independence is over.
3. I'm heavily modifying the Constitution of Apatzingán to match it for this TL. Not only that, but I'm doing it in an actual formal document to be uploaded later into a
PDF file.
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As you can see, I'm not joking.
The question here is if you want me to be heavily realistic and only do a Spanish-only version of the document or translate it and also do a version on English. That's up to you, folks.

For now, that's all, have a good night everyone.​
 
The Constitution of 1813
After the fall of Calleja, the royalist army collapsed. While it is true that not many were happy with the proclamation of a Republic (especially the Catholic leadership, which urged the members of the Supreme Junta to rethink whether they really wanted a model that went against the Holy Scriptures, against divine law), what was done was done. The brutality committed by the Spanish troops had made it clear that Spain was not a friend, but an enemy. Only a few conservative groups, over the years, would continue to maintain a position in favor of the reestablishment of a monarchy. Fortunately, most of them, as well as the totality of liberals of all kinds, became republicans, being in a kind of harmony that for the time being benefited the nascent and disorganized country. However, the struggle between progress and capitalist modernity against obscurantism and feudal reaction was just beginning, and in some cases it would have violent consequences.

The royalist remnants fled to Veracruz again, waiting to be evacuated to Cuba, or to resist until the war in Europe was over in order to receive reinforcements. For its part, the nascent Mexican State had to reorganize itself as quickly as possible in order to avoid a generalized collapse of its authority, to gain legitimacy and, above all, international recognition that would allow it to survive. This period is commonly known as the Pacification of Mexico or Mexican Pacification (Pacificación de México/Pacificación Mexicana, in spanish), which lasted approximately 6 months to a year, and was characterized by the reorganization of all national institutions, including the Supreme Junta, which renamed itself as the Supreme Mexican Authority (Suprema Autoridad Mexicana, in spanish), in a transitional manner, until the necessary Laws were made official to establish a government truly divided into sovereign powers. The Pacification of Mexico and La Venganza, to a certain extent, went hand in hand, as different time periods/historical events, but at the same time simultaneous or connected.

Once Mexico City was finally freed from its Siege, the Supreme Junta, prior to its reorganization, had mandatorily declared the sending of material resources to help rebuild the city. After all, being the capital of the nascent Republic, it could not be left in a deplorable state. However, the massive number of dead made it very difficult to clean it up. Although attempts had been made to give tombs to each of the dead, civilians and insurgent soldiers (the royalist soldiers were deposited in common graves), the high number of them ended up causing them to be buried in common graves or, in extreme (and theoretically illegal) cases, cremation. Accounts of the time narrate that, since the bodies were finally laid to rest in peace within 2 months, during that time the city smelled of death. However, in a bitter twist of events, with less population inhabiting the city, outbreaks of diseases such as typhus were not able to claim as many lives as they might have initially. One negative aspect however was that the lack of people working in the fields would make the situation in 1816, the "Year Without Summer," worrisome.

With the Spanish garrison fleeing Puebla and reconnecting with the outside world, the insurgents received the unfortunate news that the United States was still at war with the United Kingdom, so they could not afford to send aid or any kind of economic negotiation to develop the nascent industry. Worse still, the situation in Europe seemed to be winding down, with French troops having suffered a serious setback after certain events in Russia. Sooner or later, Spain would return, and that would only cause more problems. That forced the government of the Supreme Junta to declare before the Creole intellectuals in Mexico City the need to form a responsible government as soon as possible, as well as to delimit what would be the borders of the new independent nation. The Supreme Junta, then, declared the convocation to form the equivalent of a Constituent Assembly, especially when certain copies of the so-called "Constitution of Valencia", proclaimed by the Spanish Cortes after their flight from Cadiz in 1811, arrived [1]. Although it was true that certain intellectuals already existed as representatives of the provinces of the new country, it was necessary to have at least one representative from each province/intelligence in order to organize the Assembly correctly and legally.

For the moment, what was known as "Anahuac'', except for certain parts of Veracruz, was in firm insurgent control, beyond a few royalist strongholds here and there. However, the northern parts of the country were another story; partly because of the indigenous populations in quasi-open rebellion against both Spanish and Mexican authority; and secondly, because it was not really known how loyal would be the Peninsulares who were obligatorily deported in exchange for not being exiled or assassinated, which forced the future individuals summoned from among the Intendencias to delimit exactly how it would be management in the Internal Provinces. For the time being, it was decided to send certain numbers of insurgents as escort and surveillance, ensuring both the due protection of the northern towns, as well as to act as police in case of any attempted uprising.

Similar situations occurred in other cities of the country, where rumors of a supposed Calleja victory had rekindled realism among the locals. Similar garrisons were installed, acting as prototype military police corps. The nascent Mexican Army was also in serious need of some kind of reorganization, but in the chaotic circumstances, such a task became a distant one. For the time being, the orders of the Supreme Junta consisted of recruiting various mestizo, Creole and indigenous leaders who had performed well on the battlefield, or had shown their loyalty to the insurgent government. No one could replace Allende's genius, but there certainly had to be talented people. Another important action was the order to form a Secretariat of War, at that time more of a theoretical body and not a practical one, since there was no secretary in charge of it, but it was supposed to regulate the Army and the hypothetical Navy that would form the country's Armed Forces. An important step, but insufficient.

The Pacification of Mexico saw the birth, at least legally, of a new Province: Tecpan [2]. There had previously been vague ideas about forming some kind of government south of the Intendency of Mexico, but nothing had materialized until the proposal of Vicente Guerrero, an acquaintance and colleague of Morelos, who was in Chilpancingo during the Siege of Mexico City as a possible rearguard in case things went wrong. Guerrero advised Morelos and Rayón of the need to avoid the overextension of the Intendencies, especially that of Mexico, by forming a Province with either Acapulco or Chilpancingo as its capital. Although the separation was approved, it would not become official until the ratification of the Constitution of 1813. Florida, on the other hand, was the subject of discussions, since there was no real capacity to send troops to the peninsula, which was de jure Mexican, but de facto no man's land, which, to a certain extent, justified the Americans. The arrival of Gregor McGregor in 1814 would change the status quo, but for the time being, there was nothing that could be done.

Finally, the Pacification of Mexico saw three discussions on the matter:​
  1. The formation of a currency to replace the Spanish real; the units in which it would be offered/realized; as well as the debate on whether to keep the octal value or replace it with the decimal value, in parity with the U.S. dollar;
  2. The negotiation with local Central American leaders for the annexation of Central America into Mexico, or failing that, its proper invasion. Central America was still under Spanish rule, so it was certainly a matter of discussion on the part of the insurgents.
  3. The degree of political participation of the Catholic Church in the government. This would be a headache for a long time.
In any case, by July to August, the situation seemed to be stable enough to speak properly of a real and existing government, and not mere vague talk. Veracruz had to fall by any means necessary, and it would. The last act of the Supreme Junta before its reorganization was the recruitment of at least 50,000 people, destined to fight in the fortifications of the coastal city. This time, the same mistakes would not be made again.


The Constitution of 1813, as it is known in modern times, is, in essence, an amalgam of the Constitution of Valencia in Spain, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, the French Constitution of Year I, that of Year III, and to a certain extent, the Constitution of the United States (although the greatest contribution would come later, with the conformation of the Senate) [3]. The Constitution had an ambiguous character, because, although it was defined in all rules to be permanent and modifiable after the conflict, at the same time it was marked as a provisional document, which indicated that, in theory, it was not permanent. The ambiguity ended up giving reason to the first character, with the result that the Constitution was reformed several times throughout its history, and not immediately discarded.

The Mexican Supreme Authority, formerly the Supreme Junta, together with certain individuals belonging to each province and intendency (except Cuba, under Spanish control, and Central America, in a situation of ambiguity) met in Mexico City from September 9 to October 30, 1813, when the Constitution was proclaimed and ratified. This authority was therefore both executive and legislative government, with a non-existent judicial authority to be formed. The objective of the union of all these intellectuals and politicians was the definition of a Constitution that would allow the establishment of the guidelines that would lead to the conformation of laws established for the development of the newborn country.

The main points to be discussed, using the aforementioned Constitutions, were:​
  1. The division between federalism and centralism, which in turn implied the formation of a unicameral or bicameral Legislative.
  2. Diplomatic relations with other countries, especially the United States, which was failing to comply with its economic obligations to the insurgent government.
  3. The individual guarantees, or rights that the inhabitants and citizens of the country could have, as well as their limitations.
  4. The question of freedom of worship, both for the inhabitants of the Nation, as well as for foreigners who came to visit or settle permanently.
  5. The relationship between the three powers that would exist, as well as the presidential question, that is to say, if there would be only one president, or a Directory.
  6. The economic backwardness of Mexico with respect to other nations and the need for a strong and intervening government for national economic development.
  7. The formation of a National Army and Navy that could defend the Nation from any foreign intervention.
  8. The Central American question.
Certain political issues related to these constitutions and the events in Europe and the United States, such as the formation of political rights for women (women's suffrage), or the separation of Church and State, were left aside [4]: the women's issue was considered irrelevant as the sexist and discriminatory perception of women was shared by almost unanimity of those gathered at the sessions. At most, and as a contribution of the feminine struggle in the war, primary education would be guaranteed universally to both sexes, as a requirement to eliminate "ignorance and other vices" in Mexican society (in a clear allusion to illiteracy). Regarding the issue of secularization, it was rejected insofar as not even the most radical liberal was anti-religious. It was not that the excessive role of the Church in the political decisions of the State was ignored (after all, there was already the precedent of the Bourbon Reforms), but no one dared openly to eliminate the relationship of the Church with the State, as long as there was no political will for this.

Each of the points to be considered for the drafting of the articles was extensively discussed. The following points can be mentioned about each of them:​
  1. Three of the four constitutions studied clearly had a centralist connotation, the only exception being the Constitution of the United States, which favored a federal model. As a result of the permissiveness in favor of trade between each of the Viceroyalties during the Bourbon Reforms [5], some Creoles had already established the notion that cooperation between the different parts that made up the Nation was preferable, and not the disposition of the central government to completely dictate the actions to be taken in a despotic manner. Thus, if the Mexican government had the same form of government as the Viceroyalty, one could not really speak of a liberal break from Spanish despotism. On the contrary, other actors argued that, based on the conditions in which the Viceroyalty was involved, Mexico could not form a federal system, since national stability was necessary through a strong and leading government that would avoid any secessionism.​
  2. The Treaty between the United States and the Supreme Junta signed at the end of 1811 had stipulated that, in exchange for gold and silver exported to the United States, this country would give military equipment of various types. However, the United States had practically forgotten its obligations, focusing on the war with the United Kingdom. In addition, the payment of 10 million dollars ($10,000,000) for West Florida was partially overdue (not all of what had been agreed had been paid). Thus, certain actors considered in the United States not a friend, but a traitor. On the other side, however, there was information about the possibility of establishing diplomatic relations with the Republic of Haiti, led by General Alexandre Pétion [6]. In exchange for mutual diplomatic recognition, Pétion would assist the Mexican war effort in any way possible. Of all the political actors, Vicente Guerrero was the most enthusiastic about such a proposal, as were some other mulatto and black intellectuals. For its part, the Haitian government looked favorably on the Mexican independence process because of its radical and abolitionist character.​
  3. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, a document of French origin, had influenced the development of the French Constitutions used, as well as the Constitution of Valencia. This document, detailing the rights inherent to all men (predecessor of human rights), influenced Mexican political actors to a greater or lesser extent. Most agreed on the freedom of commerce, the defense of property, the right to life, happiness, equality before the law, and other precepts emanating from the Declaration.​
  4. However, freedom of worship, both private and public, was a source of great controversy. In other places, such as the nascent United Provinces of the Río de la Plata (Argentina), it was also being discussed. Although the great majority of representatives and politicians supported Catholic supremacy and the implicit or explicit exclusion of other religions in the country, an intellectual minority supported the implementation, even partially, of freedom of worship. One of them, Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi, as an intellectual with the right to speak but not to vote, advocated for a confessional government but tolerant of other religions, under the argument that religious intolerance would only close the doors to foreigners who wanted to migrate to Mexico, and the country desperately needed immigrants in order to populate the north of the country [7]. Carlos María Bustamante, Morelos' protégé, on the contrary, advocated religious intolerance as a means for the protection of the Nation "against Protestants", with no possibility of openings to non-Catholic foreigners. In an intermediate route, José María Becerra advocated Catholic supremacy, but with the possibility that non-Catholic foreigners could settle, as long as they did not spread their religion, that is, private freedom of worship.​
  5. The influence of the French Revolution had made Morelos and the members of the Supreme Junta advocate for a directorial government, which collectively exercised the role of the Executive Power. The French Republic had used such a de jure model both during the Jacobin government between 1793 and 1794, and during the Thermidorian Reaction, until the coup of the 18th of Brumaire. The argument of the Mexican liberals was simple: monarchies, as despotic governments, were represented by a single person, as king or emperor. A free and sovereign government, therefore, could not be exercised by a single person or corporation, in any of its three branches of government, thus guaranteeing liberty. Although there were contrary opinions, which advocated an individual presidency, as in the United States, as long as the Supreme Junta had already exercised collective government, and had managed to survive, there were no reasons, for the time being, to be against such a form of governance.​
  6. Modern historians and economists have always had trouble defining how feudal or capitalist Mexico was during the colonial era, and later, at Independence. However, one thing they all unanimously agree on is that the economy of New Spain, once the largest in the continent, was a shadow of its former self by the time the war was over. The debates were not so much about whether or not it was necessary to guarantee trade with other nations, but to what extent the State had to guarantee certain economic development, and the question of private property, as well as land, both State, ecclesiastical, and communal-indigenous [8].​
  7. There is not much to say here: unanimously all deputies, intellectuals and politicians supported the military development of the country. The main question was whether to depend on the military industry of foreign countries for the time being, or to develop a domestic industry of their own as much as possible. Likewise, the tasks of liberating Cuba were impossible without developing a navy capable enough to confront the Spanish ships.​
  8. Some moderate republicans argued that it was necessary to intervene in Central America, but not to annex the region, but to provide Central Americans with the opportunity to be free from Spanish rule, either directly or indirectly. That is, to form a Central American government allied with Mexico. Yet, somewhat ironically, both conservatives and radical liberals advocated the annexation of Central America. However, the approach to how this would be accomplished was contested, in part because of the risks of aligning the Central American people and their political class toward pro-independence positions. In the end, it was decided to negotiate with the Creole, mestizo and indigenous authorities in the Captaincy of Guatemala in favor of a peaceful unification, but if such intellectuals and politicians were defeated by the Peninsulares, or, became allied with the Spanish government, the invasion of the Captaincy General would proceed.​
With all this in mind, finally the articles of the Constitution ended up being drafted, a total of 218; some having a clearly permanent character, and others being provisional, while the war came to a conclusion. The Provisional Constitutional Decree of the Mexican Republic was ratified and sanctioned on October 30, 1813.


The Constitution of 1813 has two Titles, divided into eight and twenty chapters, respectively. The First Title delimits:​
  1. The form of government, as a sovereign Republic (Chapter I);
  2. The Catholic supremacy in the country, with the possibility for non-Catholic refugees [9], merchants and foreign diplomats to enter the country (Chapter II);
  3. The definition of what is sovereignty, and the sovereign character of the Mexican people and State, divided into the three levels of government, which cannot be represented in a single person (Chapter III);
  4. The requirements to be a citizen, both for natives and foreigners, and the reasons for which said citizenship may be suspended or lost (Chapter IV);
  5. On the Law and its meaning (Chapter V);
  6. The rights of all inhabitants (citizens or not) of Mexico, encompassed in four principles: Equality, Liberty, Security and Property (Chapter VI);
  7. The territorial organization, in provinces (organized in turn in sub-delegations, also called partidos (literally, “parties”)), with political representation, and the territories, organized in jurisdictions. Cuba and the territories of the Captaincy General of Guatemala are included as provinces to be liberated (Chapter VII);
  8. The obligations of Mexicans in general (Chapter VIII).
On the other hand, the Second Title delimits:​
  1. The obligation of the Mexican government to carry out a mechanism that allows knowing the number of people living in the country in the future, in order to delimit how many people will be represented by a deputy, which in turn implies the temporary nature of the election of the deputies (Chapter I) [3*];
  2. The division of powers: The executive power (Supreme Mexican Government), legislative power (Supreme Mexican Congress), and judicial power (Supreme Court of Justice) (Chapter II);
  3. The characteristics of the Supreme Congress, the time in office of a deputy, the deputies to be elected by province, and the requirements to be a deputy (Chapter III);
  4. The manner in which a deputy is elected by indirect election at three levels (parish, subdelegation/partido, province) (Chapters IV, V, VI and VII) [3**];
  5. The attributions/powers possessed by the Supreme Congress (Chapter VIII);
  6. The procedure for modifying, creating, eliminating and debating bills or laws already established (Chapter IX);
  7. The characteristics of the Supreme Government, including the composition of its members (four in total), the alternation between each of them (primus inter pares), the time in office, etc. (Chapter X);
  8. The manner in which the members of the Supreme Government are elected, carried out by the Congress (Chapter XI);
  9. The attributions and limitations possessed by the members of the Supreme Government (Chapter XII);
  10. The conformation of the so-called Intendences of Treasury, both general/national and provincial (Chapter XIII);
  11. The characteristics of the Supreme Court of Justice, its numerical composition (six in total), the form of election, the time in functions of each judge, etc. (Chapter XIV);
  12. The attributions/faculties of the Supreme Court, as well as the regulation to follow up the functions of the Supreme Court in case not all the judges present are present (Chapter XV);
  13. The conformation of inferior civil and ecclesiastical courts, created by the Supreme Government, with functions of justice and police (Chapter XVI);
  14. The legality of the pre-existing laws from the Viceroyalty of New Spain, with the exception of those that openly contradict the Constitution, while new laws are being prepared to replace them (Chapter XVII);
  15. The characteristics of the Court of Residence, a body designed to oversee the three levels of government [10], its numerical composition (seven judges), the manner of their election, and the term of their office, etc. (Chapter XVIII);
  16. The powers given to the Court of Residence for the oversight of individuals belonging to the three levels of government, as well as the duration of the trials to be held in the event of proceeding with the indictment of these (Chapter XIX);
  17. The prohibition of altering the Constitution in any way while the war has not ended, accepting suggestions for future discussion. The exceptions are the laws or articles in matters of war, which are exempt from the prohibition (Chapter XX).
With the ratification of the Constitution on October 30, the Mexican Supreme Authority was finally dissolved, proceeding to the extraordinary election of the Supreme Government. The deputies who elected said Government were those already present in Mexico City, as representatives of their provinces, since the possibility of an indirect election was difficult, until the country was in conditions to allow it.

José María Morelos, Ignacio López Rayón, Juan Aldama, and Mariano Jiménez were provisionally elected to be the first governors of the Mexican Republic, as, unofficially, Councilmen-Presidents, until the Congress was able to hold a proper election. Thus, there was no real transition of power, at least not for now. The four members drew lots privately to define their first into equals, and Rayón was the winner, acquiring the title of President of the Republic.


[1] If you don’t remember, I decided time ago to delay the Spanish victory in the War of Independence by making Cadiz fall against the French. The thing here is that the Spanish Cortes managed to escape, and resume the works on their Constitution project, which OTL was the Constitution of Cadiz, but TTL here is the Constitution of Valencia. They are basically the same, with virtually no changes.
[2] OTL, since Morelos and his government were encircled into the southern parts of Mexico, he managed to control what would become the state of Guerrero, and declared the existence of Tecpán as a province. Since he died, Tecpán didn’t become an actual state. In other words, Tecpán here is the TTL equivalent of Guerrero.
[3, 3* and 3**] The Constitution of 1813 specifies that the deputies are elected in an indirect election, and they are the representatives of the provinces they come from, not the people living in said provinces per se, since there’s no national representation to define how many deputies there will be per province, according to the population living there. Each province is represented by two deputies (a Titular and a Substitute) independently of the population living in each province, so, in short, the deputies in the Constitution are actually senators, since all provinces are equally represented in the Congress. That also means that once the proper representation is made, the deputies that represent the province will be renamed to senators, as a spoiler.
[4] OTL, the first discussions about secularism/laicism started around the 1830’s/1840’s, with the 1850’s seeing the new generation of liberals having more and more anticlerical positions. The 1850’s also saw the first discussions about the question of political rights (not social ones) to women. Since the conditions from OTL have not changed too much on that matter, it will remain mostly the same. Emphasis on mostly.
[5]
This is something I also posted some time ago, to argue how the sentiment towards federalism is stronger TTL, and also to add some extra economical bonuses to the whole of Latin America, and Creole nationalism.
[6] Right now (1813) Haiti is divided into two entities: North Haiti, which is a monarchy, and South Haiti, the Republic of Haiti. The Republic helped Simón Bolívar during the War of Independence of Colombia OTL, so that means it can be a reliable ally of Mexico too TTL. I also personally wanted Haiti to be mentioned because of its situation as a forgotten nation in history books, something I don’t like. I will make sure Haiti has some protagonism too in the future.
[7] This was actually one of the stronger arguments to support freedom of freedom of religion OTL: the possibility of attracting more immigrants from Europe to Mexico, and populating the mostly abandoned North.
[8] The question of the abolition (or not) of both ecclesiastical and communal-indigenous lands will be a pain in the as* TTL, since it was OTL, especially because of the complexity of the matter, and the increasing necessity to enforce the process of capitalist accumulation. In my perception, not enforcing it early will only delay said process of accumulation and rise of modern private property.
[9] I intentionally put this in the Constitution as a legal vacuum: the government can’t and won’t define properly what’s a refugee, which in turn will allow more and more non-catholic people to migrate to Mexico as refugees. One exception of actual refugees could be people that escaped from conflicts in Europe, or slaves escaping from the U.S. Independently of that, the legal vacuum can be usable as a means to, in the future, support partial or even full freedom of religion.
[10] The Court of Residence is the equivalent of Who watches the Watchmen? in the Mexican government, since it was supposed OTL to check the members of all the three powers of government and initiate judgements if necessary. TTL has the same function.​


THE FULL TEXT OF THE CONSTITUTION (Google Docs) IT'S HERE: LINK. You can comment but cannot edit directly the document. As I promised, the Constitution was translated to English for all of you to actually understand it and read it! The Constitution is a heavily modified version of the OTL Constitution of Apatzingán, but with a more radical emphasis, and somewhat more formal (I also eliminated some redundant Articles, along with other ones that excessively punished the Executive Power, among other things).​
 
I wonder if the butterflies are strong enough to allow Haiti to keep the whole island; also I'm calling it now, Haitian volunteers fighting in the Mexican Army during the Mexican-American War.
 
Wouldn't Mexico want the eastern half?

I wonder if the butterflies are strong enough to allow Haiti to keep the whole island; also I'm calling it now, Haitian volunteers fighting in the Mexican Army during the Mexican-American War.
As far as I'm concerned, Mexico didn't had plans to annex the territory of what is now the Dominican Republic (East Haiti). When the country declared independence in 1820, the ephemeral government declared its intention to unite with Gran Colombia, until the Haitian government invaded the country and annexed it. The plans that the Mexican government had together with Colombia were the joint liberation of Cuba and Puerto Rico from Spanish dominion, but the hostility of both the US and Britain killed such plans.

So, for now, the question of Spanish Haiti is undecided for me. Maybe it occurs as in OTL with Haiti invading the country, but with Mexico and Colombia enforcing the Haitian government some sort of compromise to maintain the autonomy of the Dominicans. Maybe both countries convince Haiti that the self-determination of the Dominicans must be respected, and the country unites to Colombia, as was planned.

The only Caribbean territory that both OTL and TTL the Mexican government is reclaiming, as of now, is Cuba. Puerto Rico, along with the Philippines, was a point of ambiguity in the First Mexican Empire OTL, with Puerto Rico being considered an option to be reclaimed/annexed, and the Philippines being considered unimportant to the Mexican project. When the Empire collapsed, such plans collapsed, with Puerto Rico being considered a problem of Colombia, not Mexico.
 
The National Symbols
Hello y'all, I want to show you the new flags that I made for the TL. Almost all of them won't be used aside from maybe some mentions and wikiboxes, but all of them are canonical. This is also a sort of soft-retcon to my original post in which I showed the flag of the Republic, and the coat of arms. Logically, the flags will change in due time, but for now, they will be the same during the first years of the nascent country.​



DECREE OF THE CONGRESS CREATING THE NATIONAL COAT OF ARMS, MEXICO CITY, DECEMBER 11 AND 12, 1813.

The Supreme Mexican Government, to all those who see the present, be it known: That the Supreme Mexican Congress, wishing to conform in a whole with the customs that the law of nations has introduced in sovereign governments, and finding itself in the case of reforming the ancient coat of arms in order that the latter may serve as a distinctive, both to recognize its flag and to authorize its providences, diplomas and all kinds of instruments proper to its high and sovereign functions, has decreed:

"That, although the dispatches previously given with the first seal which was said to be of the Supreme Board are firm and valid, but that from now on the following are recognized by arms and great seal of the Mexican Republic:



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In a shield of gold and silver field will be placed an eagle standing with a snake in its beak and resting on a cactus loaded with fruit, whose trunk is fixed in the center of a lagoon. Trophies of war will adorn the shield, and a civic laurel wreath will be placed at the top of it, through the center of which a ribbon with this inscription will cross: Mexican Independence, Year of eighteen hundred and ten. Fasces will hold a Phrygian cap, illuminated by the Sun, representative of Liberty. These arms will form the Great Seal of the Nation, with which will be authorized the decrees in which the laws are sanctioned, the powers of the plenipotentiaries and other diplomatic ministers, the dispatches of all kinds of employees, those issued by the Supreme Court of Justice, and the passports for foreign nations, without any chief or subordinate magistrate being able to use it.

[...]


DECREE ON THE CREATION OF NATIONAL FLAGS OF WAR, PRESIDENTIAL, PARLIAMENTARY, JUDICIAL AND COMMERCIAL FLAGS, MEXICO CITY, DECEMBER 12 AND 13, 1813.

The Supreme Mexican Government, to all those who shall see the present, be it known, that the Supreme Congress, in legislative session of December 13, has sanctioned the following decree:

"The Supreme Mexican Congress, seeing with the greatest pleasure and satisfaction that, having shaken off with incalculable efforts and sacrifices the ignominious Spanish yoke, the heroic American nation has succeeded in placing itself with the investiture of independence and sovereignty among the others that populate the universe, and persuaded at the same time that to this favorable change of fortune it is consequent to appear in the world with all the characters and signs that according to the law of nations indicate a supreme government and free of all foreign domination, conforming to the custom adopted by all nations, has resolved to establish in the following form the national flags with which war, peace and commerce shall be announced, both at sea and on land.

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National War Flag: A cloth of longitude and latitude used by other nations, presenting a checkerboard of white and light blue. The arms established and delineated for the great seal of the nation in decree of the same date, without any alteration or change, shall be placed in the center and within a white rectangle on a silver field; and the entire extremity of the cloth forming the flag shall be garnished with a red border six inches wide.
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Presidential Flag: A cloth of square longitude and latitude, similar in design to the preceding flag. In the center will be placed the national coat of arms by itself, which in its upper part will have the following inscription: "Mexican Republic". In its lower part, it shall have the inscription: "Supreme Mexican Government".
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Parliamentary Flag: A white cloth of the same measures as the previous one, trimmed at the extremity with two borders, one blue and one red, four and two inches wide respectively, which will have in its center the national coat of arms, surrounded by two olive branches through a sword placed in the center. In its upper part, a civic laurel wreath will be placed, as well as an inscription: "Mexican Republic". In its lower part, it will have the inscription: "Supreme Mexican Congress".
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Judicial Flag: A white cloth of the same measures as the previous one, trimmed at the extremity with two borders, one red and one blue, of the same inches as the previous one, which will have in its center the national coat of arms, as well as fasces, from which a Phrygian cap will be held. It will be surrounded by two swords, through an olive branch placed in the center. In its upper part, it will have the inscription "Mexican Republic", and in its lower part, the inscription "Supreme Court of Justice".
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Flag of Commerce. A light blue cloth of the previous dimensions, bordered with red and white, of the same inches as the previous flag, and placed in the center a white cross.

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The [national] pennants of the same colors as the flags.


The original documents are here and here, both in Spanish. All the flags, except the Judicial and Presidential flag, actually existed (or were planned to exist), with the other two being entirely made for this timeline, because "why not?".​
 
The War of 1812: Part 1
Disclaimer: Forgive me if some events mentioned are wrong. My knowledge when it comes to the War of 1812 is limited. I appreciate it any feedback when it comes to that theme.



The United States went to war with the United Kingdom beginning on June 18, 1812 with a feeling of total confidence. After all, they had two things: a government increasingly led by Democratic-Republicans; and Mexican monetary support. It's not really as if the U.S. government had any real interest in the situation in New Spain; after all, the "recognition" of East Florida as Mexican was more of a temporary way to buy time. The Americans could, if they wanted, invade the region and annex it, either from the Supreme Junta in Mexico City, or from the Kingdom of Spain, once the matters with the British settled down. In any case, there was no hurry, and the priorities were others: to make the United Kingdom pay for the obstruction of American trade with Europe, especially with France; the seizure of American commercial vessels; British support for the native rebels led by Tecumseh, and the remote possibility of being able to annex British North America.

In any case, James Madison underestimated the combined Anglo-Canadian defenses, which had feared a possible U.S. invasion, thanks in part to preparations made by Issac Brock, the governor of Upper Canada. In addition, Mexican monetary aid was irregular, while the mines north of New Spain were in a state of disrepair due to the war of independence in that country. There was no certainty that the Mexicans could, in fact, fulfill their mandate of gold and silver, so required for the functioning of the American war machine, especially when it became apparent that the Supreme Junta was on its last legs after the failure of a poorly organized offensive in the port of Veracruz. Another problem that Madison's government possessed, besides the lack of a stable source of metals, was the quasi-open rebellion of the Federalist Party, opposed to the war. The Federalists, Anglophiles and centralists, were opposed to the D-R, Francophiles and in favor of decentralization. Precisely, one of the problems of being able to keep the war afloat seemed to be the non-existence of a Central Bank, one of the projects that precisely the Federalists sought to form, based on the ideas of Alexander Hamilton. Another of the problems that plagued Madison was the deplorable state of the national militia, partly because of the reluctance of the states to cooperate with men, and partly because of the poor pay of militia soldiers. Whether they had Mexican gold and silver or not, the Americans were not providing adequately for their troops, partly because of the limitations of their own political system.
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James Madison, president of the United States during the war; Issac Brock, governor of Upper Canada, and main protagonist of the war from the British; and Tecumseh, hero of the Indians and leader of the Tecumseh's Confederation.

The war initially sided with the Americans, in part because of the apathy of George Prevost, the governor of the whole of British North America, who sought to negotiate with the Americans; and the military situation of the United Kingdom in general, which was unable to provide reinforcement troops to the Canadians because it had to focus on the defeat of Napoleon in Europe. However, when news of the declaration of war reached London between July and August 1812, it did not take long for PM Spencer Perceval to use his popularity to call for the defense of the British Crown and Empire in the face of American aggression. Moreover, it was not long before some pressure could be brought to bear on Napoleon, engaged in his "little" disaster in Russia, which allowed the liberation of Madrid from French troops in mid-August, leading to the sending of reinforcement troops to Canada by the British government. In retrospect, Perceval acted as a determined patriot, even at the cost of the lives of British soldiers, as well as the already poor economy of the poor population of the United Kingdom, a factor that would only worsen when the Great Famine occurred.

The first clashes and advances were quick victories for the American militias, who after receiving money in the form of metal coins, and not paper money, suffered a certain boost in morale and vigor. Such confidence, ironically, would be the cause of more defeats than victories, as Issac Brock took advantage of such excessive bravery. William Hull invaded Upper Canada in July 1812, with the objective of capturing York (now Toronto), crossing the Detroit River, which served as the border between Canada and the United States. The successive captures of River Canard, Sandwich; and the successful defense of an American contingent against a group of natives at Brownstown [1] only further boosted American morale, in a show of apparent invincibility. Logically, York would be captured if Hull's troops were not stopped, or delayed long enough before any reinforcements could help. In an act of showing patriotism, and to raise the spirits of the Canadian people, Brock conducted a naval operation for the capture of Detroit, on the U.S. side. Since much of Hull's troops were on the Canadian side of the Detroit River, Brock and his men made contact with Tecumseh and his army of natives to capture Fort Detroit. Despite the American victories, the British capture of Fort Mackinac had given encouragement to the natives, who sought, first and foremost, their independence.
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Fort Mackinac during the war.

Between August 16 and 17, 1812, the combined troops of Brock and Tecumseh, about 2,000 men (mostly natives) attacked Fort Detroit, being supplied from Lake Erie. While there was a contingent of U.S. troops defending the Fort because of its strategic importance, most of Hull's troops were in Upper Canada, advancing toward York. In all, estimates put the number of militia at the Fort at 150 to 400, which, lacking a general who could serve as commander, were in complete disarray. After a few deaths (30, to be exact), the contingent surrendered. Hull's troops, having lost their supply chain, quickly attempted to return to Detroit, only to encounter a terrifying scenario: hundreds, if not thousands, of Indians, as well as "red shirts," waiting for them. Hull decided to surrender, and he and his men (approximately 3,000 men) were quickly disarmed, and forced in many cases to give up their gold and silver coins, which, strangely enough, were real Spanish. Although it did not take long to find out the origin of these coins, it was really better to take advantage of this situation, both on a personal level (enrichment) and on a general level (supplying the Canadian economy). A second attempt to take Brownstown was successful, with General Thomas Van Horne being captured as a prisoner of war, and his men disarmed and likewise expelled.

The massive American defeat led, among other things, to a trial of Hull, who was only spared execution because he had participated in the War of Independence, and thus had heroic status. Similarly, the election of 1812 saw the Federalist Party, supporting the dissident D-R candidate DeWitt Clinton, slowly increase in popularity, which the British exploited by not making maritime sieges of the New England region, as opposed to the rest of the country. However, the situation became even more complicated for Madison's government when the Battle of Queenston Heights occurred. Not only did the Americans fail to make it through the Battle, which was, in practical terms, a massacre, but Brock managed to survive, albeit wounded [2]. The reasons for Brock's fate are not fully clear, but it appears that his decision to order Colonel John Macdonell to make a charge to retrieve the redan at any cost succeeded in saving him, although it did not prevent Macdonell's death. Brock, on the other hand, managed a diversionary attack as Roger Sheaffe's troops arrived, but was shot in the arm, leaving him temporarily incapacitated. In any case, his, Macdonell's and Sheaffe's combined efforts paid off, with at least 100 Americans being killed, and another 900 being captured and stripped of their weapons and coins, all from New Spain.

Once reports of the American failure at Queenston Heights came in, Madison seriously feared he would lose the presidential election that was soon to take place. Fortunately for him, and thanks to D-R influence in the South, he managed to remain president, albeit at the cost of losing New England to the Federalists, who were increasingly opposed to the war, although without openly speaking of rebellion, independence or insubordination against the federal government. In any case, the war was seriously beginning to take an unexpected turn for the Americans, so there were changes of generals, as well as a willingness, however minimal, to contribute to militia armament, so that the militiamen would have more incentive to fight, as well as have emergency supplies. This in fact contributed positively in some respects, as well as enabled the American victories at York or Fort George in mid-1813. Nevertheless, the joint efforts of Brock and Sheaffe, as well as Prevost, now openly in favor of winning the war as soon as the first reinforcements arrived from Europe, managed to maintain cohesion in the Canadian militia, as well as keeping Tecumseh safe and alive.
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Map of the U.S presidential election of 1812 [3]



Tecumseh had hopes for his people, or rather, the people who inhabited the Confederacy formed by the efforts of his younger brother, Tenskwatawa. The Tecumseh Confederacy, which had no official name, at least not at the moment, had been preparing for an American assault, following the events at Lake Erie. Although the British troops had managed to hold off the Americans for some time, an error had apparently caused the sinking of several Allied vessels, resulting in an American victory. However, Generals Henry Procter and Issac Brock had assured Tecumseh that they would defend their positions around the Confederacy. Apparently the American victory had been rather pyrrhic due to the efforts of Captain Robert Barclay, resulting in the death of Oliver Perry as he attempted to flee the ship Lawrence, so any attempted offensive would take some time to be realized [4], giving the British troops time to mount defenses around Detroit. Tecumseh was reluctant to trust Canadian generals, but he had a respect for Brock, with whom he had good relations, so he knew he was telling the truth. Brock knew that Tecumseh could provide native troops for the defense of the Crown, so it was a mutually beneficial relationship.

The liberation of Detroit by U.S. troops was not peaceful, as initially thought, with at least 250 Canadian, native and even British troops defending the Fort, against a contingent of about 4,000 U.S. troops, led by William Henry Harrison. About 40 defending soldiers were killed, compared to 200 U.S. soldiers, certainly a notable difference, but the Fort was given up, and the remaining defenders surrendered. It was impossible to contain so many U.S. troops. Harrison ordered to retake forces, rather than directly attack the British forces at Moraviantown, giving the latter crucial time to prepare for the impending assault, which finally took place on October 21, 1813. The combined British-Native forces numbered about 1,500-1,800, compared to approx. 3,750-3,800 U.S. troops. Despite difficulties from minor clashes between natives and British, the solid reaction of Brock and Tecumseh avoided complicating matters further, as well as retaining most of the morale among the soldiers. When the American cavalry began to make charges, they had not anticipated the formation of several abbots on the ground, making it difficult for both men and horses to pass, which allowed the British artillerymen to defend the defensive position with some success. In an attempt to break through the British artillery, Harrison ordered James Johnson to make an infantry charge to engage the British regulars, but Tecumseh managed to surprise the Americans by a surprise attack from one of the flanks.

In the face of stiff British resistance, the Americans decided to withdraw, as the supply chain was insufficient for a sustained offensive. Tecumseh and Brock had won, further reinforcing their mutual respect and camaraderie. However, joint British and native losses forced the British and natives to regroup, unable to exploit the successful defense of Moraviantown, and the battle ended in a status quo, a battle without a clear winner. Harrison's attempts to negotiate individually with the tribes of the Tecumseh Confederacy were a total failure after they learned of the events at Moraviantown, which demonstrated the imperative need for further cooperation with British troops. Likewise, Tecumseh had now become a hero not only to the tribes that paid allegiance to him, but also as a hero of Indian resistance in general, now and forever, inspiring others over time to rise up and demand respect for indigenous peoples. [5]

While it was true that Detroit was still under U.S. control, at least after the events of Lake Erie, the continued resistance of the Tecumseh Confederacy was putting pressure on the U.S. militias, who gradually began to demoralize. Worst of all, they were being paid less in Spanish coins and more in paper money. Their superiors did not openly mention the reason for this change in payment, but the soldiers wanted answers, they wanted to continue to be paid appropriately. If that was not the case, what was the point of continuing to fight? Tecumseh's victory in the North inspired the Red Sticks, Muscogee, or Creek traditionalists, to fight American expansionism in the region, especially in Alabama and parts of Florida, both American and Mexican. The situation got even worse from January of the following year, when the U.S. economy began to collapse, and all payments began to be made entirely in paper money. The situation only degenerated as British troops gained the initiative and proceeded to fight in New York, Washington D.C., or even Florida and Louisiana, further weakening the American war economy, and forcing reinforcements to the South.
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The Creek Nation and its surroundings, where the Creek War happened. Florida is mentioned as Spanish since there was no official recognition of the U.S controlling West Florida, and Mexico controlling East Florida.


Between the months of November and December 1813, the nascent Republic discussed how to deal with the government of the United States. Although a good part of the revolutionary intelligentsia had a certain respect and even admiration for the Americans, their form of government, politics and economy in general, they were not happy about the lack of military support for the Mexican government, as stipulated in the Treaty between the United States of America and the Junta of Government of New Spain on Commercial, Territorial and Military Affairs. Said Treaty, signed in 1811, stipulated, among other things, the shipment of U.S. arms in exchange for Mexican gold and silver; and the free transfer of U.S. troops in Mexican territory. However, the lack of arms shipments, as well as the stipulations of the nascent Mexican Constitution of 1813, were points of practical breach, or violation, of what was agreed in the Treaty.

Legally, the Mexican Republic was the legal successor to the Supreme Junta that signed the Treaty. Therefore, the obligations of both parties still stood, at least in theory. However, many agreed on what was the point of continuing to send gold and silver to the Americans if they did not respect their part of the Treaty, under two points:​
1. The national economy had to look after itself and not for that of other countries, especially taking into account that the country was still at war with Spain. Both the war economy and the future peace economy that Mexico would have to take necessarily required the proper exploitation of its natural resources, among which were included, logically, precious metals, the basis of monetary value.​
2. It was inconceivable that a much weaker and poorer country like Haiti could send military support to Mexico (specifically, some cannons with their respective ammunition), even without recognizing de jure the nascent Republic. The government of Alexandre Pétion was in solidarity with the rebellions in both Mexico and New Granada. On the other hand, the United States had practically forgotten Mexico and its national liberation struggle.​


On the other hand, the second point, i.e., the free entry of U.S. troops in time of war, though not necessarily a bad thing as such, was now illegal under the terms of Article 106 of the Constitution of 1813, which stipulated that license to grant or deny such entry must be given by the Mexican Supreme Congress. In other words, the Supreme Congress was now forced to decide whether to uphold that section of the Treaty, or to deny it and modify the Treaty. Initially it was felt that, as long as there were no reports of U.S. troops causing any kind of disturbance in Florida, permission could continue to be granted, provided there was a commitment on the part of the U.S. government to resume its military obligations to the Mexican government. The war between the U.S and the British was not directly affecting Mexico and its independence for the moment, so there was no practical reason to deny the Treaty, and with that, damaging the already unstable relationship with the Americans.

However, that principle was shattered when, in late December, rumors later confirmed arose about U.S. troops actively fighting in Mexican territory against Indians supposedly aligned with the British cause; on the one hand, and on the other, reports of U.S. troops killing or abducting black freedmen based in Florida. These individuals, runaway slaves, had fled to Florida, no man's land, and established small freeman communities, such as the town of Angola. In addition, they had good proximity to the Indians known as Seminole, in some cases directly having mixed ancestry with them. Although they were not considered Mexicans, inasmuch as the Mexican government's control over the region was virtually nil at that moment, aside from some parts of the coast, legally they were considered protected subjects by the Mexican state, under the auspices of Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution of 1813, which prohibited slavery and gave every slave settled in Mexico the status of free man, being considered one more inhabitant of the country, or what is the same, being considered a Mexican.
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A maroon (fugitive slave), a Seminole woman, and a Black Seminole. All this groups were automatically considered Mexican thanks to the Constitution of 1813.

In short: the U.S. government had committed a flagrant violation of Mexican sovereignty by assassinating Mexicans in national territory. This went beyond the stipulations of the Treaty, which only allowed Yankee troops to cross national territory, but not to carry out full military actions (i.e., battles in the strict sense of the word). In addition, the murder and kidnapping of black freedmen was a violation of the Constitution itself, an unforgivable offense to Mexico and its freedom. Initially it was thought to demand some kind of compensation, but the Supreme Government, with Rayón as its representative, argued that this had gone beyond what the Mexican Nation could tolerate. He asked the Supreme Congress to vote decisively against granting U.S. troops the right to remain in Mexican territory, and that, if they did so, it would be considered a casus belli. Although realistically there was no possibility for Mexico to actually go to war with the Americans, the country needed to demonstrate that they were not playing, not anymore. No more compromises.

The Supreme Congress went even further, decreeing on January 2, 1814, the total annulment of the Treaty. The arguments considered were:​
  1. The complete violation of Mexican sovereignty by a power that clearly showed apathy towards a government that extended its hand in a friendly manner. Massive disrespect had been shown to the Mexican state, its people and laws, through a war to which Mexico was not even a party. In other words, the U.S. government did not consider the Mexican government as a friend, nor as an equal. Therefore, the Republic was under no obligation to continue maintaining a treaty that had lost its legal, moral and ethical validity.
  2. The imperative need of the Mexican State to win the war against Spain by any means necessary, and under its own resources and metals. If the United States was not going to help Mexico, Mexico would have to fight on its own, and, in fact, it was already doing so since June 1812.
None of the members of the Supreme Government raised any objection, and with a Supreme Court still in the process of formation, it was unanimously declared valid. Andrew Jackson, without knowing it, had caused great damage to Mexican-American relations...and perhaps much more.


Reactions to the cancellation of the Treaty between the United States and the nascent Mexican government were swift: Madison was furious and terrified at the same time. While the Treaty forced the Americans to recognize the Supreme Junta as the authentic government in the now defunct Viceroyalty, the cancellation of the Treaty effectively nullified that recognition, and to be fair, the Mexican government no longer cared. In any case, Madison's main concern was not whether or not to recognize the Mexican government, but the gold and silver needed to keep the U.S. economy afloat. Now that such resources were non-existent, and in the absence of a Central Bank, it was only a matter of time before the country went bankrupt, a situation that would logically favor the Federalists. Worse yet, the Mexican government was demanding the repatriation of the black freedmen captured in Mexican territory, as they were considered as full Mexican inhabitants, under penalty of the total cancellation of diplomatic relations, and the loss of security to the American inhabitants living in Mexico. Madison in truth wanted to insult Andrew Jackson for his bloodthirsty campaign, which had now caused a headache for the U.S. government.

Worse yet, this was not the end for either one or the other. Gregor MacGregor's arrival in Florida around April of 1814, initially unrecognized but ultimately sponsored by the Mexican government, succeeded in establishing a semblance of order in a region plagued by chaos and neglect, which led to the establishment of black, Seminole and Creole-mestizo militias that, in exchange for protection, declared allegiance to the Mexican Republic. Subsequent U.S. assaults were repelled in most cases, further worsening the already tense relationship between Mexicans and Americans. In addition, it was not uncommon for fugitive slaves to flee to Mexican territory, especially Texas and Florida, in search of new opportunities. Jackson, little by little more and more angered by an alleged Mexican interference in the War against the Red Sticks (which is certainly false, since there are no records of Mexican troops supporting them at any time), acquired resentment towards Mexico as a nation in general. And, despite everything, his campaign against the Creeks was a success, despite the difficulties. Little did he know, however, that his greatest humiliation was near at hand.

New Orleans.

[1] IOTL, the natives won the Battle of Brownstown, which in turn caused Hull to evacuate to the American side of the Detroit River to avoid any encirclements or supply lack. Without the natives winning, Hull maintains his disposition to advance to the Canadian side of the river.
[2] I personally believe that Brock was probably the best military leader that had the British during the War of 1812, and his loss contributed to several mistakes committed later by the British side. Therefore, having him alive is necessary.
[3] The map is similar to OTL except by one change: Vermont is now in the Federalist camp. Technically it shouldn't change too much the political situation in the U.S too much, but it's clear that the Federalists are getting stronger than OTL, at least in New England.
[4] The Battle of Lake Erie is still a victory for the Americans, but with a difference: Oliver Perry is assassinated while trying to evacuate the ship Lawrance to go to the Niagara. This in turn causes the British to better defend their position, and while they still lose and are captured, the Americans lose more ships, essentially having a pyrrhic victory.
[5] Yes, Tecumseh will live. With Brock being in good terms with him, and without Henry Procter being basically a coward and disorganized leader, I can see him surviving. Why? Punish a bit more the Americans and ensure the survival of the Tecumseh's Confederacy. I hate Manifest Destiny.​
 
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Disclaimer: Forgive me if some events mentioned are wrong. My knowledge when it comes to the War of 1812 is limited. I appreciate it any feedback when it comes to that theme.



The United States went to war with the United Kingdom beginning on June 18, 1812 with a feeling of total confidence. After all, they had two things: a government increasingly led by Democratic-Republicans; and Mexican monetary support. It's not really as if the U.S. government had any real interest in the situation in New Spain; after all, the "recognition" of East Florida as Mexican was more of a temporary way to buy time. The Americans could, if they wanted, invade the region and annex it, either from the Supreme Junta in Mexico City, or from the Kingdom of Spain, once the matters with the British settled down. In any case, there was no hurry, and the priorities were others: to make the United Kingdom pay for the obstruction of American trade with Europe, especially with France; the seizure of American commercial vessels; British support for the native rebels led by Tecumseh, and the remote possibility of being able to annex British North America.

In any case, James Madison underestimated the combined Anglo-Canadian defenses, which had feared a possible U.S. invasion, thanks in part to preparations made by Issac Brock, the governor of Upper Canada. In addition, Mexican monetary aid was irregular, while the mines north of New Spain were in a state of disrepair due to the war of independence in that country. There was no certainty that the Mexicans could, in fact, fulfill their mandate of gold and silver, so required for the functioning of the American war machine, especially when it became apparent that the Supreme Junta was on its last legs after the failure of a poorly organized offensive in the port of Veracruz. Another problem that Madison's government possessed, besides the lack of a stable source of metals, was the quasi-open rebellion of the Federalist Party, opposed to the war. The Federalists, Anglophiles and centralists, were opposed to the D-R, Francophiles and in favor of decentralization. Precisely, one of the problems of being able to keep the war afloat seemed to be the non-existence of a Central Bank, one of the projects that precisely the Federalists sought to form, based on the ideas of Alexander Hamilton. Another of the problems that plagued Madison was the deplorable state of the national militia, partly because of the reluctance of the states to cooperate with men, and partly because of the poor pay of militia soldiers. Whether they had Mexican gold and silver or not, the Americans were not providing adequately for their troops, partly because of the limitations of their own political system.
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James Madison, president of the United States during the war; Issac Brock, governor of Upper Canada, and main protagonist of the war from the British; and Tecumseh, hero of the Indians and leader of the Tecumseh's Confederation.

The war initially sided with the Americans, in part because of the apathy of George Prevost, the governor of the whole of British North America, who sought to negotiate with the Americans; and the military situation of the United Kingdom in general, which was unable to provide reinforcement troops to the Canadians because it had to focus on the defeat of Napoleon in Europe. However, when news of the declaration of war reached London between July and August 1812, it did not take long for PM Spencer Perceval to use his popularity to call for the defense of the British Crown and Empire in the face of American aggression. Moreover, it was not long before some pressure could be brought to bear on Napoleon, engaged in his "little" disaster in Russia, which allowed the liberation of Madrid from French troops in mid-August, leading to the sending of reinforcement troops to Canada by the British government. In retrospect, Perceval acted as a determined patriot, even at the cost of the lives of British soldiers, as well as the already poor economy of the poor population of the United Kingdom, a factor that would only worsen when the Great Famine occurred.

The first clashes and advances were quick victories for the American militias, who after receiving money in the form of metal coins, and not paper money, suffered a certain boost in morale and vigor. Such confidence, ironically, would be the cause of more defeats than victories, as Issac Brock took advantage of such excessive bravery. William Hull invaded Upper Canada in July 1812, with the objective of capturing York (now Toronto), crossing the Detroit River, which served as the border between Canada and the United States. The successive captures of River Canard, Sandwich; and the successful defense of an American contingent against a group of natives at Brownstown [1] only further boosted American morale, in a show of apparent invincibility. Logically, York would be captured if Hull's troops were not stopped, or delayed long enough before any reinforcements could help. In an act of showing patriotism, and to raise the spirits of the Canadian people, Brock conducted a naval operation for the capture of Detroit, on the U.S. side. Since much of Hull's troops were on the Canadian side of the Detroit River, Brock and his men made contact with Tecumseh and his army of natives to capture Fort Detroit. Despite the American victories, the British capture of Fort Mackinac had given encouragement to the natives, who sought, first and foremost, their independence.
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Fort Mackinac during the war.

Between August 16 and 17, 1812, the combined troops of Brock and Tecumseh, about 2,000 men (mostly natives) attacked Fort Detroit, being supplied from Lake Erie. While there was a contingent of U.S. troops defending the Fort because of its strategic importance, most of Hull's troops were in Upper Canada, advancing toward York. In all, estimates put the number of militia at the Fort at 150 to 400, which, lacking a general who could serve as commander, were in complete disarray. After a few deaths (30, to be exact), the contingent surrendered. Hull's troops, having lost their supply chain, quickly attempted to return to Detroit, only to encounter a terrifying scenario: hundreds, if not thousands, of Indians, as well as "red shirts," waiting for them. Hull decided to surrender, and he and his men (approximately 3,000 men) were quickly disarmed, and forced in many cases to give up their gold and silver coins, which, strangely enough, were real Spanish. Although it did not take long to find out the origin of these coins, it was really better to take advantage of this situation, both on a personal level (enrichment) and on a general level (supplying the Canadian economy). A second attempt to take Brownstown was successful, with General Thomas Van Horne being captured as a prisoner of war, and his men disarmed and likewise expelled.

The massive American defeat led, among other things, to a trial of Hull, who was only spared execution because he had participated in the War of Independence, and thus had heroic status. Similarly, the election of 1812 saw the Federalist Party, supporting the dissident D-R candidate DeWitt Clinton, slowly increase in popularity, which the British exploited by not making maritime sieges of the New England region, as opposed to the rest of the country. However, the situation became even more complicated for Madison's government when the Battle of Queenston Heights occurred. Not only did the Americans fail to make it through the Battle, which was, in practical terms, a massacre, but Brock managed to survive, albeit wounded [2]. The reasons for Brock's fate are not fully clear, but it appears that his decision to order Colonel John Macdonell to make a charge to retrieve the redan at any cost succeeded in saving him, although it did not prevent Macdonell's death. Brock, on the other hand, managed a diversionary attack as Roger Sheaffe's troops arrived, but was shot in the arm, leaving him temporarily incapacitated. In any case, his, Macdonell's and Sheaffe's combined efforts paid off, with at least 100 Americans being killed, and another 900 being captured and stripped of their weapons and coins, all from New Spain.

Once reports of the American failure at Queenston Heights came in, Madison seriously feared he would lose the presidential election that was soon to take place. Fortunately for him, and thanks to D-R influence in the South, he managed to remain president, albeit at the cost of losing New England to the Federalists, who were increasingly opposed to the war, although without openly speaking of rebellion, independence or insubordination against the federal government. In any case, the war was seriously beginning to take an unexpected turn for the Americans, so there were changes of generals, as well as a willingness, however minimal, to contribute to militia armament, so that the militiamen would have more incentive to fight, as well as have emergency supplies. This in fact contributed positively in some respects, as well as enabled the American victories at York or Fort George in mid-1813. Nevertheless, the joint efforts of Brock and Sheaffe, as well as Prevost, now openly in favor of winning the war as soon as the first reinforcements arrived from Europe, managed to maintain cohesion in the Canadian militia, as well as keeping Tecumseh safe and alive.
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Map of the U.S presidential election of 1812 [3]



Tecumseh had hopes for his people, or rather, the people who inhabited the Confederacy formed by the efforts of his younger brother, Tenskwatawa. The Tecumseh Confederacy, which had no official name, at least not at the moment, had been preparing for an American assault, following the events at Lake Erie. Although the British troops had managed to hold off the Americans for some time, an error had apparently caused the sinking of several Allied vessels, resulting in an American victory. However, Generals Henry Procter and Issac Brock had assured Tecumseh that they would defend their positions around the Confederacy. Apparently the American victory had been rather pyrrhic due to the efforts of Captain Robert Barclay, resulting in the death of Oliver Perry as he attempted to flee the ship Lawrence, so any attempted offensive would take some time to be realized [4], giving the British troops time to mount defenses around Detroit. Tecumseh was reluctant to trust Canadian generals, but he had a respect for Brock, with whom he had good relations, so he knew he was telling the truth. Brock knew that Tecumseh could provide native troops for the defense of the Crown, so it was a mutually beneficial relationship.

The liberation of Detroit by U.S. troops was not peaceful, as initially thought, with at least 250 Canadian, native and even British troops defending the Fort, against a contingent of about 4,000 U.S. troops, led by William Henry Harrison. About 40 defending soldiers were killed, compared to 200 U.S. soldiers, certainly a notable difference, but the Fort was given up, and the remaining defenders surrendered. It was impossible to contain so many U.S. troops. Harrison ordered to retake forces, rather than directly attack the British forces at Moraviantown, giving the latter crucial time to prepare for the impending assault, which finally took place on October 21, 1813. The combined British-Native forces numbered about 1,500-1,800, compared to approx. 3,750-3,800 U.S. troops. Despite difficulties from minor clashes between natives and British, the solid reaction of Brock and Tecumseh avoided complicating matters further, as well as retaining most of the morale among the soldiers. When the American cavalry began to make charges, they had not anticipated the formation of several abbots on the ground, making it difficult for both men and horses to pass, which allowed the British artillerymen to defend the defensive position with some success. In an attempt to break through the British artillery, Harrison ordered James Johnson to make an infantry charge to engage the British regulars, but Tecumseh managed to surprise the Americans by a surprise attack from one of the flanks.

In the face of stiff British resistance, the Americans decided to withdraw, as the supply chain was insufficient for a sustained offensive. Tecumseh and Brock had won, further reinforcing their mutual respect and camaraderie. However, joint British and native losses forced the British and natives to regroup, unable to exploit the successful defense of Moraviantown, and the battle ended in a status quo, a battle without a clear winner. Harrison's attempts to negotiate individually with the tribes of the Tecumseh Confederacy were a total failure after they learned of the events at Moraviantown, which demonstrated the imperative need for further cooperation with British troops. Likewise, Tecumseh had now become a hero not only to the tribes that paid allegiance to him, but also as a hero of Indian resistance in general, now and forever, inspiring others over time to rise up and demand respect for indigenous peoples. [5]

While it was true that Detroit was still under U.S. control, at least after the events of Lake Erie, the continued resistance of the Tecumseh Confederacy was putting pressure on the U.S. militias, who gradually began to demoralize. Worst of all, they were being paid less in Spanish coins and more in paper money. Their superiors did not openly mention the reason for this change in payment, but the soldiers wanted answers, they wanted to continue to be paid appropriately. If that was not the case, what was the point of continuing to fight? Tecumseh's victory in the North inspired the Red Sticks, Muscogee, or Creek traditionalists, to fight American expansionism in the region, especially in Alabama and parts of Florida, both American and Mexican. The situation got even worse from January of the following year, when the U.S. economy began to collapse, and all payments began to be made entirely in paper money. The situation only degenerated as British troops gained the initiative and proceeded to fight in New York, Washington D.C., or even Florida and Louisiana, further weakening the American war economy, and forcing reinforcements to the South.
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The Creek Nation and its surroundings, where the Creek War happened. Florida is mentioned as Spanish since there was no official recognition of the U.S controlling West Florida, and Mexico controlling East Florida.


Between the months of November and December 1813, the nascent Republic discussed how to deal with the government of the United States. Although a good part of the revolutionary intelligentsia had a certain respect and even admiration for the Americans, their form of government, politics and economy in general, they were not happy about the lack of military support for the Mexican government, as stipulated in the Treaty between the United States of America and the Junta of Government of New Spain on Commercial, Territorial and Military Affairs. Said Treaty, signed in 1811, stipulated, among other things, the shipment of U.S. arms in exchange for Mexican gold and silver; and the free transfer of U.S. troops in Mexican territory. However, the lack of arms shipments, as well as the stipulations of the nascent Mexican Constitution of 1813, were points of practical breach, or violation, of what was agreed in the Treaty.

Legally, the Mexican Republic was the legal successor to the Supreme Junta that signed the Treaty. Therefore, the obligations of both parties still stood, at least in theory. However, many agreed on what was the point of continuing to send gold and silver to the Americans if they did not respect their part of the Treaty, under two points:​
1. The national economy had to look after itself and not for that of other countries, especially taking into account that the country was still at war with Spain. Both the war economy and the future peace economy that Mexico would have to take necessarily required the proper exploitation of its natural resources, among which were included, logically, precious metals, the basis of monetary value.​
2. It was inconceivable that a much weaker and poorer country like Haiti could send military support to Mexico (specifically, some cannons with their respective ammunition), even without recognizing de jure the nascent Republic. The government of Alexandre Pétion was in solidarity with the rebellions in both Mexico and New Granada. On the other hand, the United States had practically forgotten Mexico and its national liberation struggle.​


On the other hand, the second point, i.e., the free entry of U.S. troops in time of war, though not necessarily a bad thing as such, was now illegal under the terms of Article 106 of the Constitution of 1813, which stipulated that license to grant or deny such entry must be given by the Mexican Supreme Congress. In other words, the Supreme Congress was now forced to decide whether to uphold that section of the Treaty, or to deny it and modify the Treaty. Initially it was felt that, as long as there were no reports of U.S. troops causing any kind of disturbance in Florida, permission could continue to be granted, provided there was a commitment on the part of the U.S. government to resume its military obligations to the Mexican government. The war between the U.S and the British was not directly affecting Mexico and its independence for the moment, so there was no practical reason to deny the Treaty, and with that, damaging the already unstable relationship with the Americans.

However, that principle was shattered when, in late December, rumors later confirmed arose about U.S. troops actively fighting in Mexican territory against Indians supposedly aligned with the British cause; on the one hand, and on the other, reports of U.S. troops killing or abducting black freedmen based in Florida. These individuals, runaway slaves, had fled to Florida, no man's land, and established small freeman communities, such as the town of Angola. In addition, they had good proximity to the Indians known as Seminole, in some cases directly having mixed ancestry with them. Although they were not considered Mexicans, inasmuch as the Mexican government's control over the region was virtually nil at that moment, aside from some parts of the coast, legally they were considered protected subjects by the Mexican state, under the auspices of Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution of 1813, which prohibited slavery and gave every slave settled in Mexico the status of free man, being considered one more inhabitant of the country, or what is the same, being considered a Mexican.
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A maroon (fugitive slave), a Seminole woman, and a Black Seminole. All this groups were automatically considered Mexican thanks to the Constitution of 1813.

In short: the U.S. government had committed a flagrant violation of Mexican sovereignty by assassinating Mexicans in national territory. This went beyond the stipulations of the Treaty, which only allowed Yankee troops to cross national territory, but not to carry out full military actions (i.e., battles in the strict sense of the word). In addition, the murder and kidnapping of black freedmen was a violation of the Constitution itself, an unforgivable offense to Mexico and its freedom. Initially it was thought to demand some kind of compensation, but the Supreme Government, with Rayón as its representative, argued that this had gone beyond what the Mexican Nation could tolerate. He asked the Supreme Congress to vote decisively against granting U.S. troops the right to remain in Mexican territory, and that, if they did so, it would be considered a casus belli. Although realistically there was no possibility for Mexico to actually go to war with the Americans, the country needed to demonstrate that they were not playing, not anymore. No more compromises.

The Supreme Congress went even further, decreeing on January 2, 1814, the total annulment of the Treaty. The arguments considered were:​
  1. The complete violation of Mexican sovereignty by a power that clearly showed apathy towards a government that extended its hand in a friendly manner. Massive disrespect had been shown to the Mexican state, its people and laws, through a war to which Mexico was not even a party. In other words, the U.S. government did not consider the Mexican government as a friend, nor as an equal. Therefore, the Republic was under no obligation to continue maintaining a treaty that had lost its legal, moral and ethical validity.
  2. The imperative need of the Mexican State to win the war against Spain by any means necessary, and under its own resources and metals. If the United States was not going to help Mexico, Mexico would have to fight on its own, and, in fact, it was already doing so since June 1812.
None of the members of the Supreme Government raised any objection, and with a Supreme Court still in the process of formation, it was unanimously declared valid. Andrew Jackson, without knowing it, had caused great damage to Mexican-American relations...and perhaps much more.


Reactions to the cancellation of the Treaty between the United States and the nascent Mexican government were swift: Madison was furious and terrified at the same time. While the Treaty forced the Americans to recognize the Supreme Junta as the authentic government in the now defunct Viceroyalty, the cancellation of the Treaty effectively nullified that recognition, and to be fair, the Mexican government no longer cared. In any case, Madison's main concern was not whether or not to recognize the Mexican government, but the gold and silver needed to keep the U.S. economy afloat. Now that such resources were non-existent, and in the absence of a Central Bank, it was only a matter of time before the country went bankrupt, a situation that would logically favor the Federalists. Worse yet, the Mexican government was demanding the repatriation of the black freedmen captured in Mexican territory, as they were considered as full Mexican inhabitants, under penalty of the total cancellation of diplomatic relations, and the loss of security to the American inhabitants living in Mexico. Madison in truth wanted to insult Andrew Jackson for his bloodthirsty campaign, which had now caused a headache for the U.S. government.

Worse yet, this was not the end for either one or the other. Gregor MacGregor's arrival in Florida around April of 1814, initially unrecognized but ultimately sponsored by the Mexican government, succeeded in establishing a semblance of order in a region plagued by chaos and neglect, which led to the establishment of black, Seminole and Creole-mestizo militias that, in exchange for protection, declared allegiance to the Mexican Republic. Subsequent U.S. assaults were repelled in most cases, further worsening the already tense relationship between Mexicans and Americans. In addition, it was not uncommon for fugitive slaves to flee to Mexican territory, especially Texas and Florida, in search of new opportunities. Jackson, little by little more and more angered by an alleged Mexican interference in the War against the Red Sticks (which is certainly false, since there are no records of Mexican troops supporting them at any time), acquired resentment towards Mexico as a nation in general. And, despite everything, his campaign against the Creeks was a success, despite the difficulties. Little did he know, however, that his greatest humiliation was near at hand.

New Orleans.

[1] IOTL, the natives won the Battle of Brownstown, which in turn caused Hull to evacuate to the American side of the Detroit River to avoid any encirclements or supply lack. Without the natives winning, Hull maintains his disposition to advance to the Canadian side of the river.
[2] I personally believe that Brock was probably the best military leader that had the British during the War of 1812, and his loss contributed to several mistakes committed later by the British side. Therefore, having him alive is necessary.
[3] The map is similar to OTL except by one change: Vermont is now in the Federalist camp. Technically it shouldn't change too much the political situation in the U.S too much, but it's clear that the Federalists are getting stronger than OTL, at least in New England.
[4] The Battle of Lake Erie is still a victory for the Americans, but with a difference: Oliver Perry is assassinated while trying to evacuate the ship Lawrance to go to the Niagara. This in turn causes the British to better defend their position, and while they still lose and are captured, the Americans lose more ships, essentially having a pyrrhic victory.
[5] Yes, Tecumseh will live. With Brock being in good terms with him, and without Henry Procter being basically a coward and disorganized leader, I can see him surviving. Why? Punish a bit more the Americans and ensure the survival of the Tecumseh's Confederacy. I hate Manifest Destiny.​
Weres Santa Anna? What happened to him?
 
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