RIP Hidalgo, but his sacrifice will only galvanize the junta forces to defeat the royalists
The Mexican Century: An Alternate Mexican History
- Thread starter AlexGarcia
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From the looks of things an early Mexican independence will create lasting affects to the entire continent
And so comes the end of Father Hidalgo. As tragic as his death may be, it will be the catalyst that the junta needs to push back and not only save Mexico City, but defeat the royalist forces. And Calleja should pray never to be captured by the insurgents, I bet things wouldn't be pretty for him.
My intention is to justify the existence of a stronger (although not to much) Latin America, with Mexico and Colombia as the leaders. Still, as I said before, the TL focus is Mexico, so probably Mexico will gain the hegemony over Latin America, or maybe not.
Another thing (partially) true is that the political developments of Mexico will certainly influence how the rest of Latin America sees radical liberalism and federalism.
I haven't decided the fate of Calleja yet, I guess I'll leave up to all of you to decide if I kill him or not. For the rest, yes, Hidalgo finally deserved a rest, R.I.P,
To my audience, do you prefer short publications or large ones? Depending on the answers I'll try to get either faster but shorter publications, or long but slow posts.
Make him be the one forced to sign TTL's treaty of Cordoba for the kicks and the giggles.
I'm partial towards long updates, I prefer having all the information about certain topic in one post than wait for each part to be posted. Short ones work if they're "standalone".
The Second Battle of Mexico City: Preparations
"Hidalgo had died, but the Nation had not. From a dying Supreme Junta, the indomitable, invincible, incorruptible Republic was born. Just as the French claimed their Freedom in 1789, the Mexicans shouted "Enough!", rose up and counterattacked. No one else would dominate the country, nor its people, determined to win, always. At the war cry of Father Morelos, the sons and daughters of Hidalgo shouted, "Union and Liberty" and became soldiers of the Homeland, which they would defend to the death."
-Benito JuárezMiguel Hidalgo had died in a city dominated by the enemy. The news of his death arrived about a week later, in a Mexico City about to be besieged. The truth is that, although Puebla had fallen almost a month earlier, there were still revolutionary remnants in the city, acting as guerrillas, sabotaging the enemy and giving the government of the Supreme Junta time to prepare. But that, logically, only delayed the inevitable. Calleja was going for the jackpot, and if he got it, it was the end. The odds were not really in favor of the insurgents, but Calleja did not know that the assassination of Hidalgo would make him a martyr. The first martyr of the Republic.
News of the priest's death arrived on February 6. There was only time to organize a funeral in the Cathedral of the Assumption of Mary, the Metropolitan Cathedral. All the members of the Junta were gathered there, trying to forget for a few minutes the delicate situation in which they found themselves. Although it was true that Hidalgo had been excommunicated, he was treated as an official priest, as a religious figure in his own right. No one in the Supreme Junta believed the words of the bishop who excommunicated him. The religious ministers in the capital, although reluctant, considered the excommunication as illegal, so they rejected the ecclesiastical judgment against the priest. After the mass, which took half a day, the Junta received information about the location of the royalist troops on the outskirts of the city. Fortunately, they had had all of January to prepare and set up some defenses throughout the city. It was now a matter of calling the regular troops to rest, and calling up the levy to provide more troops.
Calleja, knowing that he had superiority (not numerically, but in quality of troops), offered a peaceful surrender. It is generally assumed that he did not really intend to spare the insurrectionists, who would be executed in the same manner as their religious leader, but he felt confident enough to believe that his mere presence would instill terror in them and the general population of the capital, bringing them to their knees and begging for their lives. Other sources estimate that Calleja did not actually seek open conflict for fear of accidentally killing the captive Viceroy, or for the fact that since the conflict in Spain was still active, he would not receive much more reinforcements than those that had already been sent from Cuba. That is to say, in the hypothetical case that he could not take the capital, he could no longer have the necessary men for a second offensive.
One of his soldiers was sent as a messenger on February 7 with the terms of surrender:
News of the priest's death arrived on February 6. There was only time to organize a funeral in the Cathedral of the Assumption of Mary, the Metropolitan Cathedral. All the members of the Junta were gathered there, trying to forget for a few minutes the delicate situation in which they found themselves. Although it was true that Hidalgo had been excommunicated, he was treated as an official priest, as a religious figure in his own right. No one in the Supreme Junta believed the words of the bishop who excommunicated him. The religious ministers in the capital, although reluctant, considered the excommunication as illegal, so they rejected the ecclesiastical judgment against the priest. After the mass, which took half a day, the Junta received information about the location of the royalist troops on the outskirts of the city. Fortunately, they had had all of January to prepare and set up some defenses throughout the city. It was now a matter of calling the regular troops to rest, and calling up the levy to provide more troops.
Calleja, knowing that he had superiority (not numerically, but in quality of troops), offered a peaceful surrender. It is generally assumed that he did not really intend to spare the insurrectionists, who would be executed in the same manner as their religious leader, but he felt confident enough to believe that his mere presence would instill terror in them and the general population of the capital, bringing them to their knees and begging for their lives. Other sources estimate that Calleja did not actually seek open conflict for fear of accidentally killing the captive Viceroy, or for the fact that since the conflict in Spain was still active, he would not receive much more reinforcements than those that had already been sent from Cuba. That is to say, in the hypothetical case that he could not take the capital, he could no longer have the necessary men for a second offensive.
One of his soldiers was sent as a messenger on February 7 with the terms of surrender:
1. Disarmament and surrender of all ammunition and artillery existing in the capital, to be delivered as quickly as possible to the royalist armies on the outskirts of the City at determined points;
2. Full restoration of Viceroy Venegas in his attributions as representative of Ferdinand VII in New Spain, while it was assumed (correctly) that Venegas was still alive, under house arrest;
3. Submission of the Supreme Junta, as a collective governing body, to be tried for treason against the Spanish Crown. Other collaborators would also have to lay down their arms and surrender. Otherwise, the civilian population would be punished as an example.
The royalist soldier mentioned that the Junta had one day to offer an answer, otherwise the peaceful surrender would be considered rejected. The Supreme Junta's response, by letter to Calleja, was:
"Men of integrity do not submit before anyone, not even before the Devil himself. We do not recognize your authority, just as we refuse to betray the ideals for which we initially took up arms, because to fight and die for Liberty and Justice is what makes a man free and sovereign, makes him a true Christian and human being. If you want to defeat us, try it. We will be waiting for you."
Calleja was furious, he could not believe such a defiant attitude from a group of insurrectionists. And yet, a part of him came to have a certain vague respect for the Junta for their "foolish determination". But there was no time to lose. The battle plan had already been foreseen: the taking of the Capital's Zócalo. If the independence leaders were arrested and/or killed, the rest of the insurgency would fall like a row of cards. But thinking things through is easier than doing them, because Mexico City had many civilians who were not willing to be executed under accusations of alleged treason. While it was true that there was a sort of Fifth Column of Creoles and peninsulares opposed to the Junta for its revolutionary measures (and inciting disorder in the city by exploiting the Junta's real administrative failures), they represented a minority with respect to the intellectuals and citizens in favor of the Junta's government. The Junta was a dysfunctional and unprepared government, but the revolutionary repression was not as macabre and bloodthirsty as that which the royalists carried out in their occupied cities. Even Veracruz itself, a royalist stronghold, was under constant repression to prevent the existence of subversive elements.
Many criollo and mestizo intellectuals were both terrified and disgusted by the peninsular repression. Hidalgo, who was Creole, was assassinated by those who despised other Creoles and mestizos. The memory of the coup d'état of 1808, when Viceroy Iturrigaray was deposed in an alleged conspiracy that would favor the Creoles, came back to the minds of these intellectuals: the peninsulares would never leave them alone, would never yield power. If Hidalgo, who was a priest, was assassinated, what would become of them? Spain did not see them as their sons or brothers. And, likewise, the ethnic minorities also feared. They feared losing the few rights they had acquired. Blacks did not want to be slaves. The Indians did not want to have to pay excessive taxes again. Mestizos and castes did not want to lose the legal equality that had been granted to them by Hidalgo's decrees. When the Junta organized the regular soldiers it possessed and called for a temporary levy for the defense of the capital, thousands of the capital's inhabitants voluntarily left to enlist. They would not return to the Viceroyalty; they preferred to die rather than return to the old order. In addition, given their status as capitalinos, they knew the capital well, so they would be helpful in providing logistics. Given the time the insurgents had to prepare, at least from the civilian regiments they received some type of firearm, from rifles seized from dead royalist soldiers, to English/American rifles that had arrived before the start of the War of 1812. Logically, most did not know how to use their assigned weapon, but were given quick training. Those who did not receive firearms had to make do with the bladed weapons of a lifetime: swords, spears, clubs, stones, etc.
Many criollo and mestizo intellectuals were both terrified and disgusted by the peninsular repression. Hidalgo, who was Creole, was assassinated by those who despised other Creoles and mestizos. The memory of the coup d'état of 1808, when Viceroy Iturrigaray was deposed in an alleged conspiracy that would favor the Creoles, came back to the minds of these intellectuals: the peninsulares would never leave them alone, would never yield power. If Hidalgo, who was a priest, was assassinated, what would become of them? Spain did not see them as their sons or brothers. And, likewise, the ethnic minorities also feared. They feared losing the few rights they had acquired. Blacks did not want to be slaves. The Indians did not want to have to pay excessive taxes again. Mestizos and castes did not want to lose the legal equality that had been granted to them by Hidalgo's decrees. When the Junta organized the regular soldiers it possessed and called for a temporary levy for the defense of the capital, thousands of the capital's inhabitants voluntarily left to enlist. They would not return to the Viceroyalty; they preferred to die rather than return to the old order. In addition, given their status as capitalinos, they knew the capital well, so they would be helpful in providing logistics. Given the time the insurgents had to prepare, at least from the civilian regiments they received some type of firearm, from rifles seized from dead royalist soldiers, to English/American rifles that had arrived before the start of the War of 1812. Logically, most did not know how to use their assigned weapon, but were given quick training. Those who did not receive firearms had to make do with the bladed weapons of a lifetime: swords, spears, clubs, stones, etc.
The battle began on February 13. Although the ultimatum had already passed, Calleja wanted to be sure to define the military actions to be taken. The battle plans of the royalists and insurgents were made: on the one hand, the royalist troops would seek an assault by different specific points, in an effort to save time and be able to reach the capital's Zócalo as quickly as possible. Other garrisons would maintain a defensive position, in order to carry out a Siege in case the city's defenses were too much for the attacking troops, a partial inspiration from the Siege of Tenochtitlán centuries earlier. On the other hand, the insurgents placed barricades at the 4 cardinal points of the city, as well as at different intersections or important streets, to ensure that either the royalist forces would succumb when trying to pass into the city, or in the worst case, that taking the capital would end in a Pyrrhic victory. In other words, the royalist troops expected to carry out a series of assaults at specific points that would give them open access to the Zócalo, while the insurgents designed a defense mechanism based on a war of attrition. Rayón and Morelos foresaw the possibility of a Siege they could not win, so they secretly sent Mariano Matamoros and Hermenegildo Galeana by a hidden route, together with an escort. Their mission was to call for reinforcements to the cities in insurgent control, in case things went wrong.
Battle Map of the Second Battle of Mexico City, using the map of Mexico City in 1793 (approved in 1807). Royalist regiments are marked as red rectangles. Regular insurgent regiments, as blue rectangles, meanwhile armed civilian garrisons are marked as blue diamonds. The light blue rectangle represents the elite troops protecting the Zócalo, where the Supreme Junta is. Different barricades (minuscule rectangles) are dispersed as layers over different points of the city. Each layer is stronger than the previous one.
A little earlier, on February 11, the decision was made to execute the Viceroy. Surprisingly, it was not Morelos who called for this, but Mariano Jiménez, the "least" important member of the Junta (or, rather, the most cautious). Jiménez had argued that a punishment similar to the one meted out to the priest should be given, a sort of counter-response to the actions of Calleja and the realists. The decision was made and approved unanimously by the 4 remaining members of the Junta: Rayón, Morelos, Mariano Jiménez and Ignacio Aldama. Juan Aldama, Ignacio's brother, even without being de jure one of the captain generals, was de facto already the fifth, replacing the deceased Allende. Ironically, the Viceroy himself knew that his days were numbered. He did not like the Supreme Junta, but cursed Calleja for having, indirectly, condemned him to die. When Morelos informed him of the decision, Venegas only responded dryly "let's get it over with". Morelos himself was not comfortable with the decision to kill Venegas, but in his mind he saw it as a necessity and a matter of revenge: the first in case Calleja managed to win the city; at least then there would be no Viceroy to rule the Viceroyalty. The second, obviously, because of Hidalgo's death. [1]
Francisco Xavier Venegas had no regrets about his actions, except perhaps for having been soft on the insurgents, and for not being able to return to his native home, Spain. Perhaps in another time, the rebellion could have been put down, and he could have ruled in peace, and then returned to the Peninsula. He was not completely opposed to certain changes, but he was opposed to the abolition of absolutism in New Spain. But "what would have been" would not change his destiny, so he just decided to have breakfast, take a bath, go to mass, and get dressed to embrace death inside the Viceroyal Palace. He died of a gunshot to the head in front of an insurgent platoon that, unlike Hidalgo and his platoon, openly despised the Viceroy. There is no record of his last words, although it is popularly said that he had a talk with Rayon and Morelos, accusing them of leading the country to civil war, but ultimately accepting the reasons why he should die.
Calleja did not know of the Viceroy's death until the climax of the Battle. It was a very hard personal blow.
Francisco Xavier Venegas had no regrets about his actions, except perhaps for having been soft on the insurgents, and for not being able to return to his native home, Spain. Perhaps in another time, the rebellion could have been put down, and he could have ruled in peace, and then returned to the Peninsula. He was not completely opposed to certain changes, but he was opposed to the abolition of absolutism in New Spain. But "what would have been" would not change his destiny, so he just decided to have breakfast, take a bath, go to mass, and get dressed to embrace death inside the Viceroyal Palace. He died of a gunshot to the head in front of an insurgent platoon that, unlike Hidalgo and his platoon, openly despised the Viceroy. There is no record of his last words, although it is popularly said that he had a talk with Rayon and Morelos, accusing them of leading the country to civil war, but ultimately accepting the reasons why he should die.
Calleja did not know of the Viceroy's death until the climax of the Battle. It was a very hard personal blow.
[1] This is inspired on how OTL the Russian Royal Family was executed by the Bolsheviks: as a matter of necessity (avoiding the Romanovs to be saved by the White Army) and as a matter of revenge. At least in this case Venegas was informed that he was going to die.
Hello everyone. Sorry for the lack of updates, I got COVID, and I decided to take some time to rest, aside from the school responsibilities I have to fulfill. Thank you for your patience. This TL is not dead. Take care of each other!
I was wondering when they were gonna kill the viceroy, but I’m glad that revenge was served! Pretty good update
I'm actually seeing about possible places to install different private and public industries. For now, as IOTL, Northern Mexico seems to be the best place to install industries (especially textile ones), although of course, Central Mexico (and by definition, Mexico City) will also be a central focus for industrialization.
About Central America/Southern Mexico, I need more information about the strength of the oligarchy to determine how the Mexican government will try to industrialize the region. Independently of that, as a result of Mexican politics being radicalized to liberal or even jacobin positions, I don't see the oligarchy having a good time.
How long till the butterfly effects of the TL start spreading to the rest of Ibero-America?
Well, Gran Colombia will survive, so let's just say that around the 1820's. The legalization of intra-colonial trade between the Viceroyalties has ensured that federalism will have a better position in Ibero-America compared to OTL. But the status quo won't change until the wars of Independence are won.
I actually was thinking about mines, since the region has cooper, gold and silver, along with other materials (although that will be painful for the Central American peoples). Fertilizer factories can work, along with the development of agriculture, tourism and livestock industry. I accept suggestions for the matter, since I'm not Central American.
That's probably the easiest since it directly benefits the landowners; fertilizer factories, canned food and food stuffs in general.
Now that you mention it, I need to think about the question of the landowners and how their existence can hurt the development of capitalism in Mexico.
Aren't the majority of the really big landowners siding with the Vice Kingdom while medium to small landowners and peasants sided with the revolutionarie? If so the Junta can just expropriate their lands and give to the peasantry, you'll still have the medium landowners but maybe they are more pragmatic.