EUROPEAN DEVELOPMENTS
"The lights of freedom are going out all over Europe. It will be decades before they are lit again." Maximilian of Habsburg in a private letter to his wife (May 1858).

Excerpt from British Imperialism in the 19th Century by Philip Churchill

After the assassination of Napoleon III, it was a miracle that Lord Palmerston's government managed to survive until the end of January.

His government had allowed a dangerous Italian radical to live for years in England without any problems, causing the first regicide in Europe since 1793. The fact that British citizens had participated in the assassination of Napoleon III humiliated the Prime Minister even more.

Moreover, anti-Italian violence had spread rapidly from France to England where there were large communities of both Italians and French. During January and February 1858 members of these two communities clashed in the streets of London due to what had happened in Paris.

Unlike their compatriots in France, many of the Italian residents in London were veterans of 1848 and perfectly capable of defending themselves and their property.

Although the riots in London were not as large or numerous as those that were taking place in France, the number of casualties and collateral damages in England was therefore significantly higher.

Lord Palmerston attempted to resolve the situation, but without success. The possible imposition of martial law was hindered by members of Parliament because it was considered too severe or, on the contrary, too moderate.

Although the Prime Minister proposed sending the army to patrol the streets of the English capital, the simultaneous British involvement in the colonial wars in India and China had greatly reduced the number of soldiers available in England.

The coup de grace, however, was the burning down of the Sabloinere Hotel, the usual residence of many political refugees and regular travelers from the Italian peninsula.

There was no evidence that the fire had been of arson origin, but the people of Clerkenwell quickly decided that the French had been responsible.[1] The subsequent clashes over the next three days caused the death of about forty people and a fire that destroyed St. Joseph's Church in Highate.

Having now lost the support of Parliament and Queen Victoria, Lord Palmerston resigned his office on January 27, 1858 and he retired to private life.

In order to avoid an early election, the Liberal Party decided to appoint Richard Bethell, Palmerston's former Attorney General, as the new british Prime Minister.

Bethell decided to use an iron fist against the responsible for the riots and anyone who might be associated with Orsini and his revolutionary ideas. Gaining the full support of Parliament, on February 15, 1858, the Prime Minister unveiled the "Extraordinary Act for the Protection of the Institutions of the British Empire from Domestic or Foreign Sedition."[2]

Despite its high-sounding name, the new law had numerous irregularities.

The new law established extremely harsh penalties for anyone considered a threat to the British monarchy. However, it did not specify under what circumstances an individual could be considered a risk.

The British government hoped to get rid of as many political agitators as possible because of the vagueness of this law. Soon, revolutionaries such as Giovanni Mazzini or Karl Marx were persecuted by the English police because their past statements or actions were considered suspicious.

Besides the new law, the arrest of François Bernard and his deportation to France in May 1858 were the main causes of the Great Escape. England was clearly no longer a safe place for the various revolutionaries and political activists fleeing from continental Europe.

By the end of 1858, numerous socialists, anarchists and revolutionaries had left London searching new and more tolerant homelands.

The distant and increasingly divided United States soon became a favorite destination for these disparate refugees.



Excerpt from Blood and Iron: the history of Europe in the second half of the 19th century by Edward Connors

England and France were not the only European nations to overreact to the assassination of Napoleon III.

Between 1858 and 1859, most European nations approved draconian internal security measures and repression to prevent other revolutionaries to follow the example of Orsini. An atmosphere of fear spread from Madrid to Istanbul as prisons and execution camps were filled to the brim.

However, there were two notable exceptions.

In Prussia, Prince Wilhelm Friedrich Ludwig asked Parliament to grant him special powers to allow him to better prosecute his war against the enemies of Berlin.

For nearly two years Wilhelm had been the regent for the increasingly ill Frederick William IV and he expected that Parliament would accept his proposals without any protest.

However, both liberals and conservatives rejected Wilhelm 's proposals. Prussian democracy had been one of the few successes of the 1848 revolution and nobody wanted to give it up in the name of a dead Frenchman.

In the end, the Prince withdrew his proposal. Unfortunately for him, the Prussian parliament would not forget how the future king had tried to violate the constitution.

In Russia, unlike in Prussia, it was the monarch who refused to pass any extraordinary law despite the advice of his ministers.

Although Alexander II had already begun to reform Russia's economy and armed forces after the Crimean War, until 1858 the Tsar was still reluctant to the idea of liberalizing his country's domestic politics.

The chaos caused in France by the Emperor's death convinced the Tsar that an absolute monarchy was a disadvantage in the long run. If giving more freedom to his subjects would save himself and his family from bomb attacks or constant internal instability, the Russian monarch was willing to adopt all necessary reforms.

Unfortunately, the distrust of Alexander against the Russian minorities was also reinforced by the fact that Napoleon III had been killed by a foreign radical. For Poles, Finns, Jews and Muslims in Russia the Tsar had quite different plans.

..........................................................................................

[1] Until OTL 1945 it was London's Italian ethnic enclave.
[2] OTL the Liberal Government felt as Lord Palmerson's bill was considered too soft and Lord Stanley knew the Conservatives could win the election . ITTL Palmerson is already gone and the situation is more chaotic so the Conservatives chose to not play any political game.
 
The spider spins its web
Excerpt from Memoirs of Hard Times by Pierre Magne

If the first Napoleon was like an eagle flying proudly in the sky, his son could only be compared to a spider standing still at the center of his web.

While legitimate members of the dynasty and far more honest politicians like myself were trying to save France from ruin, Walewski was busy plotting in the shadows for his own sake.

Taking advantage of the chaos caused by the cowardly assassination of Napoleon III, Walewski had begun to seek allies to ensure his political ascendancy. I do not know how or when, but that was how Walewski created the Triumvirate with Jean-Baptiste Philibert Vaillant and Ernest de Royer.

As Minister of War, General Valiant was one of the most powerful men in France after the death of Napoleon III. Valiant was the one in charge of all the French armed forces, determining what strategies the army would adopt and who would command the various troops

Valiant was also a staunch Bonapartist, having fought in the name of the first Napoleon in Russia and at Waterloo. This bizarre mixture of devotion to Napoleon and love for war had determined his alliance with Walewski.

Unlike many official members of the imperial family, Walewski seemed to share the general's colonial ambitions and his distrust of liberals, socialists and republicans.

To Valiant it was a dream come true. At last he could finally accomplish the Bonaparte's dreams for France with the help of Napoleon’s eldest son.

In contrast, Royer did not care in the least who Walewski's father was. The Minister of Justice had allied himself with the Minister of Foreign Affairs only to ensure his own political survival.

After all, one of the tasks of his ministry was to protect the imperial family. Given what had happened to Napoleon III, Royer had clearly failed in that regard.[1]

However Royer had not had the decency to resign or commit suicide out of shame. The minister had preferred to ally himself with Walewski, offering his connections and experience in exchange for protection.

Not surprisingly, Royer had supported the return of Charles de Maupas and the Ministry of Police. Maupas was a valuable ally whose return also weakened the position of Adolphe Billault, Minister of the Interior and Royer's political rival.

But neither Valiant nor Royer were as important to Walewski's plans as was his wife Maria-Anna.

Beneath her charming smile, the unhinged woman actually hid a personality as tough and ambitious as her husband's. Contrary to what many believe, she offered herself as Empress Eugenie's new lady-in-waiting on her own without any pressure or interference from her husband.

At the time, most ministers laughed at the proposal. Although the Empress's health was slowly improving, she was still in a coma and no one had any idea if she would ever wake up.

But Maria Anna's pleas and soft eyes moved us, and in May we appointed her as the Empress's new lady-in-waiting.

Little did we realize that this would greatly increase her husband's influence. From then on, Walewski would be the first to know about any changes in the empress's health and everything that happened in the imperial palace. [2]

Above all, his wife's move to the imperial palace allowed Walewski and his family to get even closer to Napoleon IV.



Excerpt from The Bonaparte Legacy: France from Napoleon I to Napoleon IV by Francois Le Pen

Even with the appointment of Empress Eugenie as regent, it was not possible to exclude other members of the imperial family from the French government. To legitimize the work of the Government of National Defense, it was necessary to include relatives of the late emperor among its members.

In the end, the choice feel on Jerome Bonaparte and Charles de Morny. Both men joined the government as ministers without portfolio towards the end of April.

Their main task was to place their signatures next to the imperial seal so as to reassure the French and other Europeans that the imperial government was functioning smoothly.

Jerome Bonaparte was chosen because he was the last surviving brother of Napoleon I and, more importantly, because he apparently showed clear signs of dementia.

Jerome signed whatever measures were put in front of him, although he often feel asleep during meetings or lost his train of thought ( Walewski ironized that "As long as he can write his name and we have ink, our relationship will be perfect.").

On the other hand, Charles de Morny quickly abandoned his earlier liberal views after the death of Napoleon III. The late emperor's half-brother knew he had no allies within the ruling class of the Second Empire and wanted to avoid ending up like Prince Plon-Plon. [3]

The Ministry of the Police had arrested many of his wealthy clients and investors, leaving de Morny without allies and almost on the verge of financial ruin. The more Morny stayed on the government’s good side, the more he was going to keep his privileges and freedom.

Walewski himself intervened on de Morny's behalf, despite the other ministers being wary of the nobleman and his past support for the Bourbon monarchy.

At the time, some of Walewski’s colleagues suspected that the foreign minister sympathized with de Morny because both were illegitimate sons. In reality, Walewski was only interested in de Morny's wife.

The previous year de Morny had married the Russian noblewoman Sof'ja Sergeevna Trubeckaja. Walewski feared that de Morny's arrest might have caused an international incident and he also wanted to use Trubeckaja to improve relations between Paris and St. Petersburg.

To avoid an unfounded accusation of treason or a founded one of corruption, de Morny became Walewski's shadow. Wherever the Foreign Minister went, de Morny was at his side.

That relationship would soon prove very beneficial to both men.


[1] Indeed, IRL he was forced to resign by a furious Napoleon III
[2] I immagine the Empress would be moved to the more secure and private Imperial Palece the moment her health showed a sligthly improvement. Needless to say, her room is the most protected and advanced hostital room in all the Second French Empire
[3] Not an exageration. De Morny was rather infamous for his quick changes of political teams. When asked what he would do if the Chamber were swept out, he simply answered that he would range himself on the side of the broom handle.
 

Ramontxo

Donor
Following this with a lot of interest. I hope a French Austeian alliance is in the cards against the, soon to come, Prussian expansionism
 
Following this with a lot of interest. I hope a French Austeian alliance is in the cards against the, soon to come, Prussian expansionism
I always have this vision of a Second Empire wank in which the Prussian Rhine Province becomes a reconstituted Grand Duchy of Berg and the Province of Westphalia a reconstituted kingdom by that name.
 
Butterflies in China
Excerpt from Imperial Beijing by Sun Yat-sen

In 1858 it would have been wrong to compare the Chinese Empire to a house on fire. This comparison gives the idea that there was only one fire in China, when in fact the country was ravaged by several and different flames.

For starters there was the Taiping rebellion. Since 1850 Hong Xiuquan, the self-proclaimed brother of Jesus Christ, had been leading a general insurrection against the Qing dynasty to free China from the influence of the Manchurian demons.

As a testament to the incompetence and unpopularity of the Beijing authorities, the promise of political reforms and the complete extermination of the imperial family had convinced thousands of Chinese peasants to side with a Christian fundamentalist.

After eight years of civil war, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom had conquered Nanking and controlled much of southern China.

Worse, the Taiping weren't the only rebellion threatening the future of the Qing. The gradual weakening of the imperial authorities due to military defeats at the hands of the Taiping had prompted numerous ethnic groups to rebel as well.
In addition to Xiuquan's followers, by 1858 Beijing was also facing at least three other religious rebellions by local Muslims in the provincies of Guizhou and Yunnan.

Famine and excessive tax increases due to the First Opium War had also caused a peasant rebellion in the north of the country in 1851. For nearly seven years the Nian rebellion had been fighting against the armies of Beijing, preventing the Qing from sending more arms and men against the other insurrections in South China.

As if a multi-frontal civil war wasn't enough, the Qing had also started the Second Opium War in 1856.
Overzealous imperial officials had blamed Westerners and their drug trade for what was happening in South China. These accusations had led to the killing of a French missionary and other incidents of anti-Western violence in the city of Canton, prompting Paris and London to declare war against Beijing for the second time in less than fifteen years.

However, the situation of the Qing did not yet seem so desperate. The Taiping uprising and the other popular/religious insurrections had radically different goals, making any cooperation between Beijing's enemies almost impossible.

In a rare display of intelligence, Emperor Xianfeng had also entrusted the reorganization of the imperial forces to Zeng Guofan, the same general who had repeatedly defended northern China from Taiping incursions. Guofan soon demonstrated his skills as a general and administrator by successfully repelling the Taiping troops from the province of Anhui.

The real fortune of the Qing was the almost simultaneous start of the Sepoy Revolt in India and the Second Reign of Terror in France. London and Paris soon began to divert men and resources from their military expedition to China in favor of other destinations deemed more important.

These unexpected windfalls culminated in the Chinese victory at the Battle of Taku Forts in May 1858. The lack of support from French troops and the paucity of men at Rear Admiral Michael Seymour's disposal allowed Chinese troops to repel the British assault, thus preventing the occupation of the main supply line still controlled by the imperial court.[1]

Seymour's own death during the attack was the icing on the cake. Besides being a propaganda victory for Beijing, the unexpected British defeat reestablished Qing control over the Yellow Sea at least temporarily.

Many historians consider the victory at Taku the swan song of the Qing. Like Icarus, Xianfeng had come too close to the sun with his victory and was now about to fall, dragging his own empire with him.

Excerpt from British Imperialism in the 19th Century by Philip Churchill
The defeat at the Battle of Taku Forts shocked England to the core. For centuries, London had proclaimed itself absolute mistress of the seas, but now a hundred of its sailors had died on the other side of the world at the hands of Asian barbarians.

Almost immediately, Prime Minister Bethell's political rivals began to blame the defeat on his insistence for a frontal attack against the Teku forts, even after numerous soldiers had already been recalled from China to contain the post-Orsini riots in London or to fight against insurgents in India.

Prime Minister Bethell was well aware that his political survival depended on satisfying the English public's thirst for revenge. Unfortunately for many, Bethel chose to achieve this goal by supporting the Taiping rebellion rather than just sending more soldiers to fight against the Qing.

Obviously Bethell did not want the Taiping to win the civil war. Besides Xiuquan's bizarre theological beliefs about Christianity, a Taiping victory in China could have jeopardized British interests in Asia.

In the eyes of the British prime minister, however, Hong Xiuquan was the perfect tool to weaken the Qing and facilitate the work of British soldiers in China. The more Beijing wasted men and resources against Nanjing, the more easily London could emerge victorious in its war against the Qing.

Beginning in the summer of that year, London secretly opened its first diplomatic contacts with the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. In exchange for payments of various kinds, including women and looted works of art, British troops stationed in Canton and Hong Kong began to supply guns and cannons under the table to Taiping troops.

To avoid overstrengthening the Taiping, Bethell also ordered British troops to exchange only a limited number of weapons and ammunition with Nanking.

Unfortunately Bethell had underestimated Hong Rengan, a cousin and chief adviser to the Taiping emperor. Unlike the other leaders of the Celestial Kingdom, Rengan was well aware that British weapons would not be sufficient to defeat the Qing.

However, these new supplies could become much more useful through a good series of lies and deception.

For years, the Taiping had tried to ally with the other rebellions going on in China, despite the fact that Xiuquan hated the Muslim and Taoist rebels for their refusal to convert to his particular version of Christianity.
While the Muslim rebels in southern China had agreed to cooperate with the Heavenly Kingdom, the Nian rebels were only nominally allied with Nanking and still acted as an independent group.

The combination of the Qing victory at Taku and the arrival of British supplies to the Taiping changed the situation. Rengan convinced Zhang Lexing, leader of the Nian revolt, that the British were ready to abandon the Qing to their fate and recognize the Taiping as the legitimate leaders of China.

Now Lexing could choose between fighting against both Beijing and Nanking or agreeing to cooperate with the Celestial Kingdom in exchange for more modern weapons.

Paradoxically, Lexing decided to accept Rangan's proposal partly because of Qing propaganda. Convinced that the Battle of Taku had been a much larger and more violent confrontation than what had actually occurred, Lexing believed that a devastating counterattack by Beijing against his forces was imminent and that he would have been defeated without an alliance with the Heavenly Kingdom.

For this reason, Lexing agreed to coordinate his military strategy with the Taiping, creating a new united front against the Qing.

Although this alliance ultimately failed to conquer China, its consequences forever traumatized the nation.


[1] IRL it was a close British victory even with the support of 700 French soldiers. ITTL France is more focused on its internal issues, allowing the Qing to divert more troops to Taku as well.
 
Last edited:
And yes, all the various insurrections began long before the POD. The decade of 1850 was very unplesant for China
 
Happy awakening
Happy news from the imperial palace -Published Sept. 6, 1858 in La Presse

"THE EMPRESS HAS AWAKENED. The Prime Minister confirmed the happy news, reassuring the French people that Empress Eugenie is already in excellent shape and ready to resume her institutional roles."

Excerpt from the medical report compiled following Empress Eugenie's awakening (09/09/1858)

"When not sedated due to pain, the Empress seems to know who she is and where she is. Spinal damage is irreversible, but facial damage and other scars can be covered with the right cosmetics and clothing..."

Excerpt from The Bonaparte Legacy: France from Napoleon I to Napoleon IV by Francois Le Pen

Eugenie's decision to meet Alexandre Walewski and Achilles Fould before her son had multiple implications. First, the Empress approved at least in part of the government's actions during her coma. Moreover, Joseph Bonaparte was further sidelined since he was allowed to visit the monarch only three days after the rest of the imperial family and government.

Excerpt from Blood and Iron: the history of Europe in the second half of the 19th century by Edward Connors

An unexpected consequence of Napoleon III's assassination was the readjustment of the Second Empire's foreign policy. Until 1858, French foreign policy had been determined by the Emperor's mercurial passions and his admiration for the exploits of his most famous uncle.

After his death, control of French diplomacy passed to decidedly more pragmatic personalities. The first country to pay the price was the Kingdom of Sardinia.

According to never confirmed rumors, Turin and Paris had discussed a possible alliance against Austria before Napoleon III's assassination. The new French leadership, politically and economically linked to the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the Papal States, had quite different plans for the peninsula.

Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph's visit to Paris in November confirmed this change in French foreign policy. Although the official reason for the visit was to celebrate the awakening of the Empress, Franz Joseph spent more time with Alexandre Walewski than with other ministers or the rest of the French imperial family.

Despite his participation in the failed Polish uprising of 1830, Walewski also sought to improve diplomatic relations between St. Petersburg and Paris. In a series of meetings with the Russian ambassador, Walewski tried to assure the tsarist government that he had no interest in interfering with St. Petersburg’s rule in Poland since he now considered himself a French citizen.

Walewski's foreign policy was not always successful. Following the unofficial withdrawal of French troops from the Second Opium War, diplomatic relations between London and Paris deteriorated considerably.

In addition to the fatal decision to support the Taiping, the British government had in fact begun to blame Paris for the military defeats suffered at the hands of the Qing.
Many English newspapers blamed Paris both for causing the war in China and for withdrawing when the conflict became more complicated. "Cowardly" and "warmonger" were the terms most frequently used to describe the French government and its actions in China.

This tension played in Achilles Fould's favor. By September 1858 the then prime minister had started considering Walewski a dangerous adversary and had advocated the recall of troops from China precisely to weaken the foreign minister.

In just over six years, these internal rivalries and the slow development of new alliances would have significant consequences in France and the rest of Europe.


"Berlin and Turin have the same problem. Our peoples are still divided not because of cultural or political divisions, but because the creation of a single Italian nation and a single German nation terrifies the oppressors in France and Austria." - Prince Frederick of Prussia during a diplomatic visit to Turin (6/01/1859)

Excerpt from the personal papers of Napoleon IV
07/08/1904
Since I am going to die very soon (or at least I hope so), I find it necessary to write my last confession. Under normal circumstances I would entrust myself to a priest, but after what happened in Rome I think God has neither time nor desire to hear me.

I think I have to start from the beginning, from the murder of my father and the rise of Alexandre Walewski. As much as it saddens me to say it, I do not have many memories of Napoleon III. I remember his mangled body in the coffin at Notre Dame, but I have no memory of him alive.

I remember Walewski and his promise to defend my family's legacy. I remember my beloved and terrible mother and the effect Orsini's assassination attempt had on her.

I would love to blame a bastard with enormous self-esteem problems and a woman not quite sane for the difficult situation our empire is facing. But this is a confession, so it is impossible to deny my guilt.

Sorry Pauline. I realize that I am digressing. My teachers never bothered to teach me how to write a text longer than a congratulatory note to the czar or the sultan of Egypt.
You deserve a more coherent confession than the simple whining of a failed emperor.

What I mean is that Walewski and my mother dominated much of my childhood. Walewski never aspired to oust me, apparently content with being a mere shadow always close to the imperial throne.
Perhaps Walewski really loved my father and me, despite the fact that he was not a recognized member of the Bonapartes. Or perhaps he simply needed someone to hide behind while approving various laws and political choices.

Yet, I still consider him the closest thing to a father I ever had. My father's relatives were too busy finding positions of power within the new government to worry about me, so I was left alone with many (perhaps too many) servants and the Foreign Minister's children.

I sometimes think that those were the happiest years of my life.

Even my mother's awakening from her coma did not change my situation, as she never fully recovered from the assasination attempt. Although my parents did not love each other, I guess seeing her husband explode had traumatized my mother at least a little.
After she woke up, she immediately asked for me. I remember that my mother looked almost as pale and thin as my father's corpse and how terrifying was the look in her healthy eye.

According to those present, she too promised me that she would protect my empire. Her words were, "Now we have many enemies. One day you will become emperor, and by then none of them will be a threat."

In retrospect, I should have realized what my mother and Walewski's promises entailed. I guess this stupidity was the beginning of the many mistakes I made during my reign.
 
It seems that the Second French Empire is doomed to walk a tightrope.

images - 2024-02-19T164245.027.jpeg
 
Watched - this is definitely a time and place that seems underexplored, especially compared to the tons of timelines in the same era but focused on the Civil War here in America. You've already shown lots of butterflies from around the world and I hope to see more of that going forward.
 
Watched - this is definitely a time and place that seems underexplored, especially compared to the tons of timelines in the same era but focused on the Civil War here in America. You've already shown lots of butterflies from around the world and I hope to see more of that going forward.
Thank you. There are a lot of historical figures and events from this time I think they are worth exploring

Also yeah, I will focus on the US as well
 
Well that man they brought back to lead the police reminded me of Lavrenyi Beria
Tbf Maupas was genuely insane IRL. Dude openly boasted about making up accusations and evidence to use against people he didn't like

When even the absolute monarch thinks you need to chill, it is time to reconsider your life choices
 
Tbf Maupas was genuely insane IRL. Dude openly boasted about making up accusations and evidence to use against people he didn't like

When even the absolute monarch thinks you need to chill, it is time to reconsider your life choices
Makes sense. Although I get the feeling the German and Italian states are gonna get backing from Austria and France
 
Top