The Golden Dragon of Wales: A Glyndwr Rebellion TL

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Sounds cool.
The pedant in me cries out that this isn't an exercise of "Pan-Celtic-ry" but an Anti English Alliance.
I hate labouring the point but just trying to drive home that a Celtic identity doesn't exist at this time. A convenient, temporary, alliance to eliminate a common enemy is not the same thing.
Glyndwr will welcome any foreign support. His goal is Welsh independence now and future not some Cambro-Gael union.
I understand you yourself are not saying this but trying to make that clear to any readers who may misunderstanding - there is no shared Celtic identity at this time.
That's fair enough, though the prophecies of Merlin do seem to be a unifying tradition among the Welsh, Irish, Scottish and Cornish, its not exactly a shared cultural identity but it is a connection. I fully agree that Glyndwr's focus is Welsh independence and if he can get foreign support through an appeal to shared traditions and/or because of necessity he'll take it. One of his descendants might push for a pan-Celtic Union in the future, but it will be very far down Glyndwr's agenda, if he's even interested in it at all.
The problem with that is the idea of any correspondence between Edward Bruce and Gruffydd Llwyd doesn't appear in any history before about 1697 when it appears to have been invented out of whole cloth to add colour to a rather bare historical narrative (interesting account of the whole thing here) and it should also be noted that Gruffydd's entry in the Dictionary of Welsh Biography doesn't mention Bruce at all. Frankly too, given that he was probably the king's most important supporter in north Wales and remain so throughout his life he wouldn't be a good choice to incite to revolt anyhow. Sadly, I think the whole idea of a Bruce correspondence has to be dismissed as a romantic legend.

As for the wider point, it was hard enough to get the Welsh of the middle ages to think of each other as belonging to a single nation (as distinct from Gwynedd, Powys, Deheubarth, etc.) - forging this sort of national identity was one of Llywelyn the Last's key projects and one he never wholly achieved. Arguably, getting Welshmen to think of themselves as Welshmen first and foremost was one of Glyndwr's key achievements and certainly his most important one. If they're barely used to thinking of each other as sharing a common identity then any sense of common identifty with people a sea voyage away and speaking different languages is a long way away.
That is a shame, it makes for a nice story of Celtic connection between the people of the British Isles.

This is very true, Glyndwr's success in drawing many, many Welshmen to his cause and almost single-handedly forging a Welsh national identity, with even Welsh students from Oxford and Cambridge apparently leaving their studies to join him, is one of the reasons he is so well remembered in Wales today.
 
though the prophecies of Merlin do seem to be a unifying tradition among the Welsh, Irish, Scottish and Cornish, its not exactly a shared cultural identity but it is a connection.
The Scots and Irish didn't have any traditional prophecies of Merlin. The Scots may have known of Myrddin Willt via the Old North but it's specifically Brittonic. The closest I know is of Sweeney/Suibhne but he's not Merlin.
Of course the educated Scots and Irish may have read Geoffrey of Monmouth's works from the 1100s.
 
The Scots and Irish didn't have any traditional prophecies of Merlin. The Scots may have known of Myrddin Willt via the Old North but it's specifically Brittonic. The closest I know is of Sweeney/Suibhne but he's not Merlin.
Of course the educated Scots and Irish may have read Geoffrey of Monmouth's works from the 1100s.
Indeed, I should have been clearer. The prophecies of Merlin often refer to 'Britons' and people from Scotland and Ireland who will defeat the English, so even though they aren't part of the Scottish or Irish cultural tradition they do have some level of relevance to them.
 
Indeed, I should have been clearer. The prophecies of Merlin often refer to 'Britons' and people from Scotland and Ireland who will defeat the English, so even though they aren't part of the Scottish or Irish cultural tradition they do have some level of relevance to them.
No worries.
Though a deliberate merging of old Welsh and Irish myths by some Geoffrey equivalent would be a fascinating read!
That would probably require its own thread and someone more versed in the relevant and appropriate stories than I.
 
No worries.
Though a deliberate merging of old Welsh and Irish myths by some Geoffrey equivalent would be a fascinating read!
That would probably require its own thread and someone more versed in the relevant and appropriate stories than I.
That could well happen ITTL, it might be a little passion project of Glyndwr or one of his successors and it could certainly be a nice piece of propaganda and would fit with the obsession with myths that Glyndwr has.
 
Chapter 14: The Consolidation of Wales
Chapter 14: The Consolidation of Wales
Having spent much of the first half of 1407 on a celebratory tour of the new Principality of Wales following his coronation at Tyddewi[1], Owain I moved in the later months to consolidate his hold over the territories that he had carved out for himself around the negotiating table in Tripartite Indenture two years previously. With much of that territory, barring the odd hostile castle in the Marches that remained in the hands of Lancaster supporters, already under his rule, or in some cases simply under the occupation of Owain I’s soldiers, his priority was assert his new royal authority and put in to practice his plans for the governance of Wales.

Seal_of_Owain_Glyndwr.jpg

The Great Seal of Glyndŵr from the Cyfraith Owain

The first step here was to set out the structure of Cynulliad Cymraeg, or Welsh Parliament, which had only been held on a somewhat informal basis with its members made up of little more than Glyndŵr’s retinue and whoever happened to be on hand and this situation could go on no longer if the new Principality were to last. The structure of the Cynlliad was the subject of much debate, as no-one really knew what should be done with the newly acquired Marches. The basis of the structure of Owain I’s Cynlliad was the Cynlliad of the greatest of Hywell Dda which had been based around the 44 cantrefi of Wales and had summoned 6 members, 2 of which were clergy and 4 of which were laity, from each cantref. That much was simple enough, but for the territories that the 44 cantrefi of Hywel Dda did not cover, there was a not inconsiderable debate about how these regions should be represented at the Cynulliad. Perhaps unsurprisingly, given that these territories, being the former Welsh Marches of England, were largely populated by Englishmen, there were several in Owain I’s court who advocated depriving the regions of representation in the Cynulliad, at least in the short term. Others, however, including Owain I himself hoped to promote the consolidation of this greater Wales as a cohesive country by giving the people of the Marches representation within the Cynulliad that they might be part of the new Wales. There was also the problem of how exactly to divide the Marches into cantrefi, one proposal was to convert the old English ‘hundreds’ directly into cantrefi but the problem with this idea was that even a conservative estimation of the hundreds in the Marches came in at 42 which would give the English almost half of the members at the Cynulliad. This issue thus remained largely unresolved, as neither side of the argument was able to press their case satisfactorily and in the end it was decided to simple leave these territories out of the Cynulliad until they became more integrated into Owain I’s domains and until that time, the Welsh Marcher Lords would effectively serve as governors of the region.

565px-Cantrefi.Medieval.Wales.jpg

The cantrefi of Owain I's Cynulliad

Having resolved to organise the Cynulliad along the lines of Hywel Dda’s cantrefi, Owain I then set out to draft the laws of his principality. Once more, he looked to Hywel Dda for his inspiration and took the Cyfraith Hywel, or Laws of Hywel, which were rumoured to be the ancient laws that had governed Wales for centuries and had been passed down through the years by the bards and jurists of Wales before, according to tradition, being codified by Hywel Dda in his reign. At the same time, Owain I also brought back the old currency of Hywel Dda, the ceiniog or penny, each of which was the weight of 32 wheat grains and was further divided into ceiniog cwyta, or curt penny, weighing 24 wheat grains, the dymey, or half penny, weighing 12 wheat grains, and the firdlyc, or farthing, weighing 6 grains. Owain I did not take the Cyfraith Hywel verbatim, not least because of the inconvenient stipulation of gravelkind inheritance which would have forced Owain I to divide his hard won kingdom among his sons, thus making Wales even more vulnerable to reconquest that it already was.

He did, however, take on much of laws that governed the royal court, which even went so far as to rank the members of the royal household by order of importance from the King/Prince at the top to the laundress at the bottom, as well the laws of the country which ranged from the laws of the land to laws concerning the naturalisation of the inhabitants of Wales. The criminal law of the Cyfraith Hywel were also rolled out across Wales, with courts established in each cantrefi and in the major towns of the Marches. Under these laws, murder was treated as offence against the family of victim, rather than the state or society, and the punishment was payment of blood money, known as galanas and calculated by the status and position of the victim, by the murderer and his/her extended family to the family of the deceased and other assaults, including rape, were similarly punishable with a fine which even went so far as to place a specific compensation value on each limb. The crime of theft, however, was punishable by imprisonment, at least for the first two times a thief was caught and after that the punishment was the loss of a hand. The Cyfraith Hywel meant much further than just this, however, and covered almost all aspects of Welsh society, thus allowing Owain I to establish his government and administration through the Cyfraith Owain in earnest during the first months of 1408.


A medieval Welsh judge

[1] St. David’s
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This originally started as a bonus chapter about Glyndwr's Wales but then it got a too long to be a bonus so I went and made it a full chapter instead. As usual, please do comment and, more importantly, enjoy!
Gwyn
 
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I have a nagging suspicion that the Marches question, or something like that, might very well turn out to be one of those issues who never truly go away for the new principalty.

On one hand they need them to act as buffer, protection the new principalty from England, and provide precious manpower and economic ressources.

Unfortunately, however, Wales just doesn't have the population to truly absorb them, in the short to mid term at least. The presence of an English population inside his borders might very well pause some serious risks to Glyndwr and his descendants.
 
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TruthfulPanda

Gone Fishin'
Unfortunately, however, Wales just doesn't have the population to truly absorb them, in the short to mid term at least. The presence of an English population inside his borders might very well pause some serious risks to Glyndwr and his descendants.
Just make the nobles content enough as not to rebel.
Absorbing or assimilation can wait ... or, as evidenced by OTL Welsh, in 2018 you can have non-Welsh speakers (using a form of English) inside the multi-language Cymru or British nation ...
 
Just make the nobles content enough as not to rebel.
Absorbing or assimilation can wait ... or, as evidenced by OTL Welsh, in 2018 you can have non-Welsh speakers (using a form of English) inside the multi-language Cymru or British nation ...
That's easier to be said then done tough... Basically Glyndwr and his heirs are gonna have to play a game of balance for sometime: their followers are gonna expect rewards and putting Welsh in key holdings is most likely gonna be needed since they are the only ones truly reliable for the time being. What they can't really do (or shouldn't do), however, is to truly purge the whole upper ladders of the nobility of the Marches as that will still leave an English gentry behind who would be quite hard to get rid off and who would be toroughly incensed and might lead the opposition to Glyndwr and his successors. Hell, allot of the support who allowed Glyndwr to make it came from the gentry rather then the nobility so ods are he know that's not a factor to neglect!

The analogy with the 2018 situation in OTL doesn't really work IMO. The way western societies work have just changed far too toroughly since then and unlike in the 15th century ITTL modern days Wales isn't an independant country who might very well face England, or some kind of english state, in the battlefield once more for the forseable future.
 
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Judging by their behaviour the Marcher Lords generally looked to themselves rather than the English crown so if Glyndwr can at least offer more than the Crown then they won't be actively disloyal to him.
 
Judging by their behaviour the Marcher Lords generally looked to themselves rather than the English crown so if Glyndwr can at least offer more than the Crown then they won't be actively disloyal to him.

It's too late for that. From Chapter 8 -

He also took the opportunity to appoint the first Welsh Marcher Lords, who would take on the responsibility of the English Marcher Lords to protect the border, but this time from the English. His eldest son, Gruffud was named Iarll Caer[9], a title that become synonymous with the heir to the Welsh throne, his loyal lieutenants Rhys Ddu and Gwilym Gwyn ap Rhys Llwyd were named Iarll Amwythig[10] and Iarll Henffordd[11] respectively, one of the Tudur brothers, Gwilym, was made Iarll Rhosan[12] and Glyndŵr’s brother-in-law John Hanmer was elevated to Iarll Llwydlo[13]. In addition to this, Glyndŵr’s brother, Tudur ap Gruffyd was made Iarll Penfro[14], the second of the Tudur brothers, Rhys, was made Sheriff of Ynys Môn and Glyndŵr’s Chancellor Gruffyd Yonge was translated from being Bishop of Bangor to replace the English Bishop of Tyddewi. These appointments established the first organised Welsh peerage and put in place native Welsh nobles, the first since the days of Llywelyn the Last, who replaced the Englishmen who had been imposed on Wales as part of the occupation of the region in the previous two hundred years.

Glyndwr has swept the lot of them out and replaced them with placemen of his own, the dispossessed will have presumably fled to estates in England (and Ireland in some cases) where they are probably for the most part passionate Lancaster supporters. That said, it is something of a challenge to identify who the most important ones are. Somewhat awkwardly, probably the most important of them are our old friends the Mortimers, who Glyndwr is supporting as they make a bid for the English throne. Some deal involving support/cash in exchange for a transfer of title will presumably have to be made - it's cases like this that mean the very scale of Owain's success will cause problems.

(I suspect it's not just at the highest levels that the English are being replaced - if significant numbers of Welsh veterans of the war are not being rewarded for their service by being given farmland in the Marches abandoned by fleeing refugees or where the landholder was killed in the fighting I would be very surprised.)

I wonder how other parts of the Cyfraith Hywel are going down - the Law of Women forex. A dark age king like Hywel might have got away with giving women a legal right to divorce their husbands without their consent, complete with a defined financial settlement (the dowry back if the marriage lasted less than seven years, half of everything if longer) but Owain will find it a lot more challenging, it's inconceivable that either pope will be happy with it.
 
I have a nagging suspicion that the Marches question, or something like that, might very well turn out to be one of those issues who never truly go away for the new principalty.

On one hand they need them to act as buffer, protection the new principalty from England, and provide precious manpower and economic ressources.

Unfortunately, however, Wales just doesn't have the population to truly absorb them, in the short to mid term at least. The presence of an English population inside his borders might very well pause some serious risks to Glyndwr and his descendants.
Just make the nobles content enough as not to rebel.
Absorbing or assimilation can wait ... or, as evidenced by OTL Welsh, in 2018 you can have non-Welsh speakers (using a form of English) inside the multi-language Cymru or British nation ...
That's easier to be said then done tough... Basically Glyndwr and his heirs are gonna have to play a game of balance for sometime: their followers are gonna expect rewards and putting Welsh in key holdings is most likely gonna be needed since they are the only ones truly reliable for the time being. What they can't really do (or shouldn't do), however, is to truly purge the whole upper ladders of the nobility of the Marches as that will still leave an English gentry behind who would be quite hard to get rid off and who would be toroughly incensed and might lead the opposition to Glyndwr and his successors. Hell, allot of the support who allowed Glyndwr to make it came from the gentry rather then the nobility so ods are he know that's not a factor to neglect!

The analogy with the 2018 situation in OTL doesn't really work IMO. The way western societies work have just changed far too toroughly since then and unlike in the 15th century ITTL modern days Wales isn't an independant country who might very well face England, or some kind of english state, in the battlefield once more for the forseable future.
Judging by their behaviour the Marcher Lords generally looked to themselves rather than the English crown so if Glyndwr can at least offer more than the Crown then they won't be actively disloyal to him.
It's too late for that. From Chapter 8 -

Glyndwr has swept the lot of them out and replaced them with placemen of his own, the dispossessed will have presumably fled to estates in England (and Ireland in some cases) where they are probably for the most part passionate Lancaster supporters. That said, it is something of a challenge to identify who the most important ones are. Somewhat awkwardly, probably the most important of them are our old friends the Mortimers, who Glyndwr is supporting as they make a bid for the English throne. Some deal involving support/cash in exchange for a transfer of title will presumably have to be made - it's cases like this that mean the very scale of Owain's success will cause problems.

(I suspect it's not just at the highest levels that the English are being replaced - if significant numbers of Welsh veterans of the war are not being rewarded for their service by being given farmland in the Marches abandoned by fleeing refugees or where the landholder was killed in the fighting I would be very surprised.)
The Marches are indeed a substantial problem for Owain and his domain, he has swept out some, but not all the English Marcher Lords, with several not falling under his control (such as the Earl of Worcester) and others being insignificant enough to not be worth bothering with, and replaced them with his closest allies, but not directly as several of the Welsh Marcher Lords' titles are new creations like the Iarll of Rhosan for example. This strategy makes sense in the short-term, I think, with it helping to bring the regions under Welsh royal authority and also rewarding those who served him faithfully. There will, of course, remain English nobles in the area, and that's without considering the gentry, but as long as those that are still in the area are not actively discriminated against and treated fairly I can see them being content to remain, at least whilst England itself is a mess and a substantially more dangerous place to be than Wales right now. Some will also have fled, such as John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, who is now a big supporter of the Lancasters (though hasn't been mentioned yet) and this reduces the number of troublemakers further.

As for the landed gentry, Owain was one of these himself until 1400 so it seem reasonable that he would take steps to try and ensure that they don't rebel against him as he did against the English. As for what these steps are, I would imagine that the protection of their land and property as long as they remain loyal (with Owain's supporters being given land from the estates of those who have fled, committed crimes, died in the fighting, etc.) would be enough to pacify them for the short-term. In that short-term, meanwhile, I imagine that the Marches would be something of a military frontier (what with the ongoing conflict in England) and that Owain might be able to get away with a certain amount in the interests of national security, after all the gentry aren't going to want their estates rampaged through by marauding armies so as along as enough of them retain their lands and said lands are kept safe things should be OK in the Marches, at least until the English war ends.

I wonder how other parts of the Cyfraith Hywel are going down - the Law of Women forex. A dark age king like Hywel might have got away with giving women a legal right to divorce their husbands without their consent, complete with a defined financial settlement (the dowry back if the marriage lasted less than seven years, half of everything if longer) but Owain will find it a lot more challenging, it's inconceivable that either pope will be happy with it.
As I said in the Chapter, Owain hasn't taken all of the laws from the Cyfraith Hywel. The most notable of the omissions is, as I said, the gravelkind succession laws but certain other laws, like the laws concerning women, that do not fit with the medieval worldview have almost been omitted.
 
Chapter 15: Now is the Winter of Our Discontent
Chapter 15: Now is the Winter of Our Discontent
Much of the summer of 1408 passed by as a period of calm beneath the English sun, but that did not mean that nothing happened. Each faction took the opportunity to try and rebuild and reorganise their forces for the next stage of war, the Lancasters in the south-east and the West Country were undoubtedly under the most pressure of all the factions, having been pushed back and forced to endure a string of defeats under the leadership of first Henry IV and then Thomas I which had resulted in the north being all but lost and the capture of Thomas I himself by the Mortimers. Thus, as the campaign season began in the late spring of 1408, they were hoping that the tripartite leadership of John of Bedford, Henry IV’s third son, and John and Thomas Beaufort, the Earls of Somerset and Exeter, who were serving as counsellors to their nephew, would guide the Lancaster cause back from the brink. The Percys, meanwhile, were going evermore confident in their position, even to the point of arrogance, as the north fell ever increasingly under their dominion, although Liverpool frustratingly continued to stand strong with the support of the Stanleys, vehement Lancaster supporters particularly after the seizure of their lands in Swydd Caer by Glyndŵr, something which they blamed both the Percys and the Mortimers for, from their new estates on the Isle of Man. Last but not least, the Mortimers in the Midlands had enjoyed a fruitful time over the summer as they expanded their power base in the Midlands rapidly and, more importantly, peacefully as the great influence of Warwick in the region allowed the acquisition of first Worcester, whose castle formed part of the Beauchamp estates, and then Kidderminster and the towns of Bromsgrove and Pershore in quick succession. In addition, both the Lancasters and Percys had spent the summer engaged in some minor attacks, which were manifested as naval attacks from the Isle of Man for the Lancasters and forays southwards into the Midlands from Yorkshire.


The arms of John Stanley of the Isle of Man

This persistence on the part of the Percys was the key driver in John of Bedford’s decision to march his army north in a bid to retake the city of York, which had been held by the Percys since 1406 and served as the capital of their fledging kingdom in the north. As such, John of Bedford, accompanied by Thomas FitzAlan, 12th Earl of Arundel, marched northwards at the head of a significant Lancaster army in early August, whilst John and Thomas Beaufort, the Earls of Somerset and Exeter who now acted as counsellors to their nephew, remained in the south. Whilst John and his army marched northwards, the Mortimers, sensing an opportunity to march on London itself, assembled their forces and headed south across the river Avon and into the idyllic countryside of the Cotswold. The region, famous for its wool production, was rapidly overrun by the Mortimers and Sir Edmund and his men reached Cutteslowe, a heath a short way outside Oxford, in late August after a some minor clashes near Woodstock. At Cutteslowe, the Mortimer army encountered a significant Lancaster army, under the command of Richard de Vere, 11th Earl of Oxford, and the two armies drew up to face each other in battle lines on the heath. The two armies were unevenly matched, with the Mortimers holding the numerical advantage, and the battle began in earnest with the Mortimer army charging across the field and smashing into de Vere’s force, which was quickly overwhelmed by the Mortimers and driven from the field, with de Vere being among the dead left scattered across the heath.


The arms of Richard de Vere, Earl of Oxford

With de Vere killed, and much of the Oxford garrison with him, the Sir Edmund and his men advanced on Oxford itself and found the city gates wide open to welcome them, having been opened by the people of the university. With the city in Mortimer hands, Edmund I, the Mortimer King, moved to imitate the methods of John the Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, and build his support through demagoguery. With that in mind, he set out a series of promises for his reign, which included a reduction in taxes, the curbing of the powers of the monarch and, perhaps most importantly, the reaffirmation of Magna Carta, which still held a prominent position in the English political consciousness. Much like John the Fearless’ promises had done in France, the promises of Edmund I were designed to appeal to the people of the universities of England and the middle classes and so they did, with many of people of Oxford, both the city and the university, joining the Mortimer cause. Boosted by this support, the Mortimers moved on from Oxford to march down the Thames Valley on London with all the force that they could muster. By this time, however, John of Bedford had, unsurprisingly, heard of the Mortimers seizure of Oxford and turned his men back, having only fought the Percy forces once, at Lincoln where a small force that had strayed southwards was routed.

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Oxford Castle

The Mortimers reached London first and had hoped to march into London unopposed, but found the city walls manned by Lancaster supporters led by John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury. As such, the Mortimer army set up camp at Runnymede in order to besiege the city. A few weeks into the siege, John of Bedford and his army arrived at Runnymede to fight the Mortimers, having been harassed and harangued by soldiers loyal to the Percys on their journey south, and arrayed themselves in battle lines opposite the Mortimer camp. The resulting Battle of Runnymede was fought on the 2nd October 1408 and was long and bloody, with hundreds of soldiers from both sides dying on the once beautiful meadows of the area. The battle was eventually won when Sir Edmund Mortimer, himself, led his knights in a charge against the Lancaster right wing, commanded by Thomas FitzAlan, Earl of Arundel. Arundel’s wing was smashed by the charge and, once the Mortimer infantry joined the Lancaster centre in fierce hand-to-hand fighting on the banks of the Thames, the Lancaster force was broken and John of Bedford fled the field. After the surrender of London several weeks later and the entry of the Mortimers into the city, John of Bedford was forced to flee England itself and sailed to France where he was taken in by the Orléanists, many of whom had favoured peace with England in the first place. As a result, the Beaufort brothers in the West Country promptly raised their standards in rebellion against the Mortimers and prepared to move on the Mortimer holdings in the western Midlands.

ec77758a981ad0d377ea9bd6092fe2e5.jpg

John of Bedford

The seizure of London by the Mortimers in early November was a massive blow to the Lancasters as Edmund I was crowned King of England in Westminister Abbey on the 16th November 1408 with only the Beauforts standing strong in opposition in the West Country in the hope that John would return from France with Orléanist soldiers to back their cause. The Percys, meanwhile, were greatly enjoying the defeat of John of Bedford in the south and moved to take Liverpool at last. They besieged the city in early November and the city fell a month later to mark the low point of the winter of discontent for the Lancasters who were now on the verge of defeat.
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The War of Three Kings is more or less over for the Lancasters now, but they'll be a continuing thorn in the Mortimer side for a long time to come. As usual, please do comment and, more importantly, enjoy!
 
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So, how long until the Mortimers and the Percys come to blows?
I think there should be an uneasy peace for a while, not least because the Percys have the troublesome Stanleys to deal with on the Isle of Man and the Mortimers still face considerable opposition in the West Country from the Beauforts.
 
The Isle of Man has an odd constitutional status in this period, technically an independent kingdom until 1399 when the English crown claimed it by right of conquest and awarded it as a feudal fief to the Percys - who promptly reinstated the title of "King of Mann", a title which was retained by John Stanley when Man was stripped from the Percys and awarded to him.

Just mulling over the thought that all this posits a possible way forward - if Stanley offers to renounce his rights to the considerable holdings in the Welsh Marches his family has which have been conquered by Glyndwr and also to recognise the legitimacy of the Mortimer king in exchange for both Glyndwr and Mortimer recognising his independence then Percy, by the terms of the Tripartite Indenture, may have no choice but to swallow it...
 
The Isle of Man has an odd constitutional status in this period, technically an independent kingdom until 1399 when the English crown claimed it by right of conquest and awarded it as a feudal fief to the Percys - who promptly reinstated the title of "King of Mann", a title which was retained by John Stanley when Man was stripped from the Percys and awarded to him.

Just mulling over the thought that all this posits a possible way forward - if Stanley offers to renounce his rights to the considerable holdings in the Welsh Marches his family has which have been conquered by Glyndwr and also to recognise the legitimacy of the Mortimer king in exchange for both Glyndwr and Mortimer recognising his independence then Percy, by the terms of the Tripartite Indenture, may have no choice but to swallow it...
Very true, indeed John Stanley is officially the King of Mann at the moment. As for making it independent, I think that might actually be a possibility, assuming he surrenders his family's lands and recognises young Edmund I of course, especially as the Percys principal annoyance, apart from it being their former territory, is that they represent a threat to their new kingdom in the north.
 
Chapter 16: The New Britain
Chapter 16: The New Britain
John of Bedford’s flight to France all but ended any serious threat that the Lancasters posed to the allies of the Tripartite Indenture, especially as the Lancaster King, Thomas I, had been imprisoned in the Tower of London by the Mortimers after they had seized London in late 1408. The Beaufort brothers, along with Humphrey of Gloucester, their nephew and the last son of Henry IV still in England, had raised their flags in rebellion in the West Country, but the 8 years of continuous war that had gripped England had depleted their forces to such an extent that their rebellion was hardly a major threat to Edmund I’s new throne, albeit it remained a threat that needed to be quelled before it could gain momentum. In addition, the welcoming of John of Bedford by the Orléanists and tried the Lancaster-Mortimer war in England to the Orléanist-Burgundian dispute in France. The Mortimer interest in supporting the Burgundians as and if they could went beyond the ties established by the support offered to John of Bedford by the Orléanists, since the new Mortimer kingdom would have to rely on the wool trade for its wealth, at least in the short term, and the Burgundians were the holders of Flanders, the centre of the continental wool trade. These matters were occupying the thoughts of the Sir Edmund and Richard de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, who were powers behind Edmund I’s throne, as 1409 began whilst Mortimer forces in the rest of England (used here to for the area of pre-1400 England assigned to the Mortimers in the Tripartite Indenture of 1405) moved to bring the south-east fully under Mortimer control.

In the lands already controlled by the Mortimers, meanwhile, Edmund I began to put his promises into action and lowered some, but not all, taxes as well as making a great show of reaffirming the Magna Carta in a public ceremony full of pomp and circumstance that included Edmund I swearing an oath in front of the Bishops of London, Winchester and Norwich, as well as a large crowd of the people of London. The decision was also taken to commission a new coat of arms for the new king. In this process, there was a lengthy debate on whether or not the Mortimer King would abandon the English claim to the French and end the expensive, in both men and money, campaigns on the continent. Sir Edmund felt that the cause should be abandoned as France seemed to serve only as a killing field for the flower of English youth and that it would be especially pointless to continue to pursue the French throne now that even English Gascony had been taken by the French. On the other hand, Warwick sought to unite the Mortimer England with a French adventure to stir nationalism behind the Mortimer King and saw the Burgundian-Orléanist conflict stirring in France as an excellent opportunity for just such an adventure. The debate threatened to boil over into something of a feud between the Sir Edmund and Warwick before the argument was eventually decided that abandoning the claim to the French throne would make the Mortimer king appear weak and might well lose the Mortimer’s important support. As such it was eventually decided to mimic the arms of Richard II and create an arms quarterly, 1st and 4th, France ancien, 2nd and 3rd England, impaling, Barry of six, Or and Azure, on a chief two pales, the corners gyronny, overall an escutcheon argent. These arms represented both the continuing claim to the French throne by the Mortimer and the House of Mortimer’s new throne.

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The Royal Arms of Edmund I Mortimer

The Percys, meanwhile, having at last taken Liverpool in the last weeks of 1408 and received the surrender of Pontefract castle in January 1409, turned their attentions south of the Humber for the first time to seize control of the territories assigned to them in the Tripartite Indenture. In the process, they took advantage of the Mortimers’ distraction with the Beauforts to sweep southwards and move into Lincolnshire and march on Lincoln, a city rich in both money and connections to the English thrones over the years. With the draining of Lancaster supporters from the north of England to both the Stanley-held Isle of Man and France, as they fled the wrath of the Percys and the Mortimers, the Percys initially encountered little resistance to their march southwards. They’re arrival at Lincoln was greeted by crowds lining the streets, crowds who hoped that the end of the war and a new king in the north would bring back the days of prosperity to Lincoln. As they moved on to Nottingham, however, they were greeted by popular resistance from the people of the region, who did not want to be ruled over by a northern king. The resistance was surprisingly strong given its non-military nature and was led by the Mayor of Nottingham, John de Alastre, but was soon defeated by the battle-hardened army of the Percys. The defeat of the Mayor and his army was immediately followed by the surrender of Nottingham and its castle to the Percys as their domain spread steadily southwards into the Midlands. Despite their best efforts, however, the Midlands between Warwick and Nottingham remained as something of a no man’s land as neither the Mortimers nor the Percys had been able to subdue the region as they each struggled with their own problems in the form of the Beauforts and Stanleys respectively.

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Nottingham Castle

As such, 1409 ended with the Mortimers having cemented their hold over the English throne, at least ceremonially, and the Percys having extended their domain ever southwards as both factions sought to establish their control over the lands that they had mutually been promised in the Tripartite Indenture of 1405. The Lancasters, meanwhile, had all but been removed from the fight for the English throne, although they would remain as trouble for both the Percys and the Mortimers as their loyal supporters remained in force in some areas of the country.
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Sorry for the delay, I'm a bit busy recently! Anyway, this new chapter is a development of the Mortimer and Percy realms, but especially the Mortimers. As always, please do comment and, more importantly, enjoy it!
Gwyn
 
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TruthfulPanda

Gone Fishin'
Very true, indeed John Stanley is officially the King of Mann at the moment. As for making it independent, I think that might actually be a possibility, assuming he surrenders his family's lands and recognises young Edmund I of course, especially as the Percys principal annoyance, apart from it being their former territory, is that they represent a threat to their new kingdom in the north.
Wouldn't Stanely's holdings on the Big Island be worth several times what Mann is worth?
 
Nice update but...
I'm not really sure Mortimer would impale his arms like that. He needs to show he is England not just Mortimer. Impaling his House arms is a bit presumptuous, especially as he still retains the rights to use the Mortimer Arms in Mortimer territory anyway.
 
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