Swarajya - Maratha hegemony in the Indian subcontinent, a timeline (1707-1828)

Weren't the partisans a bit too brave? How'd they ever think they'd be successful?
I think they had a decent chance actually. If the garrison soldiers had been a little less prepared or a little more drunk, they could have captured Vellore Fortress itself. The closest base of the Maratha army is the Golconda faujdari and it would take weeks for them to arrive.
 
Chapter 10: Bengal in Peril
1742

In the southern-most parts of the Subcontinent, there is great rejoicing among the nobles and subjects in Padmanabhapuram, capital of the Kingdom of Travancore. With the support of his loyal subjects, the King of that realm, Marthanda Verma, has inflicted a great defeat upon the overbearing Dutch. Not only have the Dutch been forced to accept the King’s terms - surrendering a handful of coastal forts and abandoning their support to the small states that have been resisting Travancore suzerainty - some of their senior commanders have agreed to defect to the royal army and lead a modernization effort. Travancore will soon become the first Indian kingdom to incorporate the latest European innovations in infantry and artillery tactics. Apart from regaining control over all of his original territory and expanding greatly towards the north, the king is now able to impose his overlordship over the vitally important port city of Cochin. Marthanda Verma has, in one stroke, assured the security of his holdings and assured a steady stream of income from the renegotiated trade agreements with the Dutch. As time goes on, the Dutch will never manage to reach a position of power in the Indian subcontinent again, preferring to concentrate on their colonial holdings in the archipelago of the East Indies.

The Maratha governor of the Carnatic, the Peshwa, and Shahu Maharaj himself all send couriers bearing congratulatory letters and rich gifts to Marthanda Verma’s court. The jeweled sword adorned with a hilt in the shape of Travancore’s elephant head motif, made to order by Shahu’s master smiths, makes a particularly good impression with Marthanda Verma. The success of the Travancore kingdom in enforcing their tariff regime upon the Europeans, in particular, is lauded by states throughout the subcontinent. The Peshwa begins to formulate a strategy for containing the influence of the East India Companies - without building their own large warships, the Marathas cannot oust the Europeans from the coast. However, beyond the reach of their ships’ cannons, the Europeans are weak and vulnerable. Their ability to flout tariff regulations, therefore, can be restricted to the coast itself and the largest of the navigable estuaries. Even the latter can be denied them, if the Marathas are able to build up coastal batteries at their entrances.

In Pune, the so-called ‘Sangam School’, a new initiative that will educate the sons of the Maratha upper crust, begins its operations. Among the first batch of students that begin to study under noted scholar Waman Apte [1] are Baji Rao’s younger sons, Raghunath and Shamsher who are both eight years of age. Accompanying them are several sons of the senior leaders of Maratha military and administration, including Santosh, the scion of the Wable clan - celebrated for their valour in battle since the days of Shivaji Maharaj - as well as Madhav Shinde [2], the youngest son of the faujdar of Aurangabad, Ranoji Shinde.

Located at the confluence of the Mula and Mutha rivers, a mile or so north of Shaniwar Wada, this school is the brainchild of Apte Guruji (as he is fondly known), who considers it of great importance that the future leaders of the state receive the best possible education. Apart from Marathi, Sanskrit and Persian, the boys will also learn the basics of arithmetic and accounting, the geography of the Indian subcontinent, and the history of their people. When they are sixteen, it is hoped, they will have become young men of wisdom and learning, ready for further training (in the form of an apprenticeship) as junior officers for the army or as administrators. Eager to create a cadre of capable and loyal administrators and officers for the growing Empire, Baji Rao fully support’s Apte’s efforts. The Sangam School will come to produce the leading governors, generals and judges of the Maratha Empire for a century or more to come, and the provincial elites in places as far off as Mahendrapuram [3] and Jhansi will attempt to pull all sorts of strings to get their sons admitted. The education offered at the elite palace school is valuable, but the connections that a young man can make amongst the powerful nobles of the Empire are worth far more.

In the east, Raghuji Bhonsle, the lord of Nagpur, continues to prey on the poorly defended countryside of Alivardi Khan’s realm which comprises of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. In the past two years he has outdone himself, using his light cavalry to penetrate deep into Bengal proper, leaving a trail of destruction as his forces seize everything they can from the rich lands of that riverine province. The small garrisons they encounter guarding the even richer towns are simply swept aside, and their gruesome deaths are in themselves a dire warning to the rest of the population. Villages that attempt to resist this brigandage are simply slaughtered with impunity, with the survivors being marched off into slavery. While Alivardi Khan does maintain an army, every attempt to repel the invaders is unsuccessful, as the Maratha light cavalry force simply circumvents or, in some cases, encircles and destroys the larger, less mobile forces of the Nawab. Losing hope in his own ability to save his subjects from pillaging and his own realm from being consumed, he pleads for assistance from the Mughal Badshah. Muhammad Shah, well apprised of the desperate situation in Bengal, swallows his own pride and sends an envoy to Peshwa Baji Rao at Pune, requesting his intervention against the rapacious - and fully autonomous - ruler of Nagpur. The Peshwa responds politely to the Badshah’s letter and meets with Shahu Maharaj to discuss the issue but is otherwise noncommittal.


1743

Finally, an agreement is reached between the Peshwa and Alivardi Khan, the Nawab of Bengal. Under the terms of this agreement, the Peshwa will provide military support to the Nawab, forcing Raghuji Bhonsle’s army out of Bengal. In exchange, a sizable monetary contribution to the Peshwa’s coffers will be demanded. Out of options, Alivardi Khan accepts this deal at Muhammad Shah’s insistence, even if it leaves him close to penury. The Badshah himself is not in a position to raise an army to come to Bengal’s aid, after all. Mustering several divisions of the standing army, Baji Rao marches through Bundelkhand and then through Bihar, reaching the western districts of Bengal proper in February. The army of the Nagpur Bhonsles seeing the two armies advancing against them- the Peshwa from the north-west and the Nawab from the north-east - flees to the south, seeking safety beyond the hills of Orissa. It is clear that Raghuji will not plunder Bengal successfully for that year, atleast. The threat defused, Baji Rao returns to Pune, considerably enriched thanks to the Nawab’s generosity, and Alivardi Khan to Murshidabad. The armies of Raghuji Bhonsle will no longer rampage through Bengal’s countryside, the Nawab thinks. If only things were that simple…

In the monsoon of that year, Jai Singh II, better known as Sawai Jai Singh, sheds his mortal coil. The line of succession is unclear - the late king’s brother, Ishwari Singh, desires the throne, as does his oldest son, Madho Singh. With the Mughal throne still reeling from Nader Shah’s assault, the Rajput lords confer among themselves and decide to seek the help of the only major power left standing on the Subcontinent - the Marathas, in the person of Peshwa Baji Rao [4]. With a formidable standing army, the Peshwa is eminently qualified to play the role of kingmaker and the Rajas of Udaipur and Bundi invite his support for their favoured candidate, Madho Singh. After corresponding with the Peshwa, representatives of Udaipur and Bundi, as well as Madho Singh himself, reach Ujjain, the capital of the Maratha province of Malwa. A few days later, they are joined by Baji Rao and Trimbak Rao Patwardhan, the Empire’s senior diplomat.

The death of Jai Singh II, although mourned by Baji Rao - who considered him a personal friend, often exchanging cordial letters in Persian - and the rest of the princes, also presents a valuable opportunity for the Marathas to make significant inroads into Rajputana, for centuries a bastion of Mughal support. Baji Rao reiterates what he had conveyed to the Rajput princes three years prior - the Mughal Empire, glorious and mighty as it once was, is a spent force. Can such a ruler, whose capital is at the mercy of invaders, protect them from aggression from without or intrigues within? Far better to submit to the rising power of the Hindu Emperor, Shahu, direct descendant of the legendary Shivaji, whose kingdom clearly enjoys divine favour and protection. Become tributaries of the Chhatrapati, Baji Rao induces the three - two crowned and one hoping to be so - and the Marathas will gladly lend their might to the cause of your succession. Not only that, but the Rajputs and Marathas can proceed thence as allies in all matters, and the Chhatrapati’s servants will be your shields against all misfortune and threats whether internal or external.

Madho Singh, eager to the point of desperation of claiming the throne and keeping his uncle out of the succession, accepts almost immediately. The Rajas of Udaipur and Bundi are more experienced, and thus more circumspect. However, they too, do not see any other way to secure the Peshwa’s support for their favoured candidate, and do not wish to see Ishwari Singh elevated to the Raj of Jaipur. In the end, the three Rajput nobles are agreed to enter Chhatrapati Shahu’s vassalage and surrender one fourth of their state revenue as chauth tribute. Crucially, the Marathas will also take over control and administration of Gwalior and its fortress - a possession of great strategic importance that sits astride the major route between northern and central India. However, Ishwari Singh has not been idle. Getting wind of what his neighbours and nephew are up to, he has travelled to Bareilly to the north and east of Delhi, securing the assistance of the Rohilla Afghans. Should they put him on the throne, the pact states, he will pay an annual tribute and actively oppose the Maratha rule in Malwa and Bundelkhand. With these twin agreements, a confrontation between the Maratha and Rohilla forces becomes inevitable, and the next few decades will see this rivalry grow into a raging blood feud.

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[1] Apte is an OC character, named after a 20th century scholar whose Sanskrit-Marathi dictionary is considered authoritative.
[2] Santaji Wable and Mahadji Shinde (IOTL the founder of Gwalior State) respectively.
[3] OTL Rajahmundry on the Andhra Coast.
[4] In OTL, Baji Rao had died by this point; his sons and their inability to agree on a course of action led to a diplomatic mishap when the Marathas intervened in the Jaipur succession, alienating the Rajput Rajas, who could have become crucial allies.
 
Didn't this thing occur during Nanasaheb's term? ( Becoming a reason for the loss at Panipat)
 
Weekend Bonus 3
Panhala Fortress, near Kolhapur, Desh Province

The monsoon had been especially wet that year, and that usually meant an epidemic of febrile illness in the coastal lowlands of Konkan. One of the caravans coming inland over the mountain passes must have brought the disease with them, for people were dying with alarming regularity in and around Kolhapur [1]. When the dowager queen of the Kolhapur Bhonsles, Tarabai, had discovered this, she had instituted a series of incantations and rituals meant to ward off the evil that had come to Panhala. First, the Brahmin priests of all the major temples in the region were invited to the fortress and paid handsomely to perform Vedic fire sacrifices that promised deliverance from plagues. Then a variety of god-men and -women who were believed to be able to channel various deities and spirits were asked to intercede on their behalf. Finally, the feared aghori ascetics were called, coaxed and cajoled to perform their terrifying rituals - Tarabai going so far as to provide the macabre tools of their trade, including human skulls and the corpse of a recently deceased person.

In spite of all those efforts, however, the dreaded event had occurred. The fierce noble lady, wife and mother to Kings of the Marathas, had herself taken ill. She had a dangerously high fever and was confined to her bed with bodily aches. As soon as she realized what was happening, Tarabai had written to her brother, Anand Rao Mohite, a powerful noble in his own right - head of one of the oldest Maratha clans - and the deshmukh of Talbid, only a few days’ journey from Panhala Fortress.

Dearest brother,

Please come and visit me at the earliest. There is something very important we need to talk about.


Anand Rao had set out from his home on horseback with two attendants and was on his way, even as Tarabai’s condition went from bad to worse. She was frustrated with the weakness of her own body, grown frail over the long years of bitter struggle against the domination of the Satara branch of the Bhonsle family. Tarabai made one last attempt to put her plan into motion, and motioned towards the two attendants who were standing against the far wall. They came closer and Tarabai managed to croak “The boy… the boy must be found… and brought to Shahu…”

The attendants looked at each other with the same thought in their minds. The fever must have reached her brain; she’s delirious.

But they said nothing of the sort, responding only with a polite nod and gave their assent.

Tarabai slipped back into unconsciousness, and this time she never woke up.

—-------

[1] Since the Maratha Empire rules over the entire Deccan plateau, the heartlands enjoy greater prosperity during this period compared to OTL, the volume of internal trade is higher.

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AN: Readers who are familiar with the history of Tarabai and Shahu will recognize this is a major twist from OTL.
 
I'm not, please explain 🙏
From the Cambridge New History:

The second broad theme of the 1740-60 period was the further
consolidation of the power of the Peshwa, which occurred at the time
of the death of Shahu (1749). In the preceding two years, Shahu
recognized that the various Maratha leaders were lining up for a civil
war on his death. There was no acceptable heir. Shambhuji, of the
Kolapur line, himself an older man, had been Shahu's rival for
twenty-five years, and was an anathema to the Peshwa. There were no
other heirs.
Into this dilemma came Tarabai, the same Tarabai who had put
forward pretenders to the throne in 1707 and 1731 . She brought
forward a grandson of Rajaram (named Ram Raja), who she claimed
had been raised secretly. In spite of widespread skepticism, Shahu
accepted the boy. His will asked all the leaders to accept Ram Raja and
placed his care and the running of the polity in the hands of the
Peshwa.
 
So both of the Gadis are getting united under Satara
Or there are some things the authors of the Cambridge New History aren't taking into account :coldsweat:

Edit: By the way, after the treaty of Mungi-Shevgaon (1728) the Kolhapur branch is no longer considered a sovereign royal house but a noble cadet branch like Ekoji's descendants who rule in Thanjavur. Although now that I think of it the conflict that led to the treaty is butterflied away by the early death of Asaf Jah in this TL, hmm...
 
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Or there are some things the authors of the Cambridge New History aren't taking into account :coldsweat:

Edit: By the way, after the treaty of Mungi-Shevgaon (1728) the Kolhapur branch is no longer considered a sovereign royal house but a noble cadet branch like Ekoji's descendants who rule in Thanjavur. Although now that I think of it the conflict that led to the treaty is butterflied away by the early death of Asaf Jah in this TL, hmm...
That's the thing I was going to say! 😏😎
 
Like it so far! Really am looking forward to this.

I was thinking of doing an "alternate of an alternate" for my Just in Time story. Where it becomes even more insane (as if it wasn't already), involving a Socialist USA, and a massive world war between the imperialists and anti-imperialists. IDK though.
 
Like it so far! Really am looking forward to this.

I was thinking of doing an "alternate of an alternate" for my Just in Time story. Where it becomes even more insane (as if it wasn't already), involving a Socialist USA, and a massive world war between the imperialists and anti-imperialists. IDK though.
Thanks! I like your idea. Would love to see some focus on the internal politics and social developments of a leftist America. What would race relations in the 50s and 60s be like?
 
Chapter 11: War of the Jaipur Succession
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1744

The year begins with the two rival Jaipur factions gathering their strength and preparing for confrontation. Sardar Ali Khan, the chief of the Rohilla Afghans, is feared throughout the region for his brutal subjugation of the Kateria Rajputs who had once lorded over the region now known as Rohilkhand (a project begun by his father, Daud Khan, the first of the Rohilla Nawabs). Aqeel Mohammed, the brother of the former lord of Bhopal - Dost Mohammed, now fights alongside him along with his personal retainers, determined to avenge his fallen brother. Baji Rao takes no chances and leads the Maratha forces personally, calling up Malhar Rao Holkar (the faujdar of Ujjain in Malwa) and Damaji Rao Gaekwad (the faujdar of Vadodara in Gujarat) for support. The various garrison commanders who served under Jai Singh II also take sides. Bhangarh fort, just to the east of Jaipur itself, declares for Madho Singh, the late Raja’s son, while the commander of Bala fortress near Alwar town to the north announces his support for Ishwari, the brother of Sawai Jai Singh. The village of Dausa, located in the midst of the Jaipur domains, looks like the natural battleground where the Marathas and Rohillas will fight against each other, each striving to secure the throne of Jaipur for their favoured candidate. The commander of Gwalior fortress has wisely decided to stay out of the brewing conflict, hedging his bets and waiting to see who comes out on top. The Rohillas, with some 30,000 warriors are already pouring across the (hastily-constructed) wooden pontoons serving as bridges across the Chambal river, and into central India. They are to be reinforced by Ishwari Singh’s partisans at Bala Fortress. Although they are outnumbered by the Marathas and their local allies, the Rohilla Afghans show no fear - they are seasoned warriors to a man and have prevailed against more numerous opponents before.

As people across the subcontinent get ready to celebrate the spring harvest festival (known by various names in different regions) Ali Khan and Baji Rao prepare to face off on opposite sides of Dausa, using Bhangarh and Bala fortresses as their respective base of operations. Both the Marathas and the Rohilla Afghans are relying on their local allies for supplies, as neither side intends for this conflict to become a protracted one. By mid-march both armies have assembled and are ready to settle the matter of Jaipur’s succession once and for all. Baji Rao, however, has an ace up his sleeve. With the revenues from the Raj of Jhansi, which he holds as Shahu’s vassal, he has raised six battalions of light cavalry composed of local men, nearly all of whom have made their bones fighting for King Chhatrasal of Bundelkhand against the Nawab of Banda. He orders this personal army to ride north, using the very same pontoon bridges constructed by the Rohillas to bring their own forces south, and attack the Rohilkhand heartlands while their fighting men are occupied in Rajputana.

Baji Rao’s private army commences a devastating chevauchée against the defenceless villages of Rohilkhand, slaughtering and burning in an unrelenting onslaught. It does not take long for the word of these outrages to reach Ali Khan and his men, many of whom begin to protest vociferously. How can we remain here, the Afghan chieftains demand of their lord, taking sides in a war of succession that does not truly concern us, when the wicked and dishonourable Marathas are murdering our families and destroying our settlements? Ali Khan manages to stop his officers from questioning him by stressing the importance of stopping the Maratha advance before they can swallow up all of Hindustan in their greed. He points to Aqeel Mohammed and the fate of Bhopal, telling his men that the same fate awaits all Muslim nobles in the subcontinent if the Marathas are not prevented from advancing further north. The men are suitably cowed, although the grumbling continues. Ishwari Singh picks up on the sentiment of the Rohillas and is unsettled, now worried that his new allies will abandon him, forcing him to give up on his royal ambitions and quite possibly die at the hands of his nephew. His recriminations and needy behaviour start to grate on Ali Khan’s nerves and he too begins to question whether putting this man on the throne is truly more important than defending their homes.

It is this demoralized army that takes the field against the Maratha army at Dausa a few days later. Both sides are reasonably well-equipped with musket and cannon [1], and inflict significant losses on each other as the ebb and flow of battle continues. There are a few exploratory cavalry charges launched by each army, but these are handily repelled by the defenders. The first day of the Battle of Dausa ends inconclusively, with both sides retiring to their respective camps having taken some losses, but nothing that could be considered devastating. The second day proceeds much the same, and by the time the Afghans and Marathas retreat to their respective camps at sundown, the discontent among the officers has reached dangerous levels. Fearing a violent overthrow if he does not acquiesce, Ali Khan quietly gives his men orders to begin packing up - they will leave for Rohilkhand at dawn. Ishwari Singh is left in the dust and must go on the run, hiding himself away, knowing that if his nephew’s men apprehend him he will be executed. The Battle of Dausa has been an inconclusive engagement, but this was all that Baji Rao needed - with the commander of Bala fortress capitulating by noon and Gwalior following suit not long after, Madho Singh has gained the throne of the Raj of Jaipur, and the Marathas have gained the vital fortress of Gwalior.

By the time the Afghans return to their territory, Baji Rao’s light cavalry has already vanished, leaving piles of charred corpses and burned-out villages in their wake. Well over a thousand villagers have been deprived of their lives in a series of senseless massacres. Those who were alerted in time and took shelter in the hills and forests, or fled across the river into Awadh, begin to return slowly as the Nawab re-establishes his authority in the region, only to find that their homes have been destroyed and must be rebuilt. Ali Khan, Aqeel Mohammed, and the rest of the Afghans vow to enact a bloody revenge against Baji Rao and the Marathas. Ali Khan, alas, is destined to meet his maker in 1748 and will not live to see the next confrontation against his sworn enemies from the south.

In Bundelkhand, the death of Baji Rao’s brother-in-law Hriday Shah a few years prior has led the kingdom to spiral into chaos. Two of his grandsons, as well as two former lieutenants of his, now vie for power. Each potential ruler is ensconced within their respective fortified capitals, making sorties against some rival or the other from time to time. However it is clear none of the potential candidates are strong enough to triumph on their own, and that the internecine warfare is leading to devastation for the common people. Baji Rao considers his options. The situation in Bundelkhand is untenable - due to the region’s instability, any enterprising Mughal noble with a half-way decent army could seize it for himself and use it as a launching pad for an invasion of Malwa. However, before he can march his armies east to restore order in Bundelkhand, a messenger from Satara arrives. Shahu Maharaj’s letter congratulates Baji Rao on the strategic victory he has just achieved in Rajputana, and summons him to attend the royal court. Raghuji Bhonsle has himself made the journey from Nagpur, requesting the king’s favourable intercession into the ‘disagreement’ between Baji Rao and Raghuji, over the latter’s invasions of Bengal. Baji Rao must put Bundelkhand on the back burner for now and hope Malhar Rao can hold off any incursions into Malwa. The king cannot be kept waiting. With a sinking heart, knowing that Shahu will most likely support his cousin over his prime minister, Baji Rao rides south through the plains of Malwa, reaching Satara just before the beginning of the monsoon.

—-------
[1] This does not mean up to 18th century European standards. Indian armies, including the Peshwa’s standing army prior to the modernization efforts that Sadashiv would later carry out during his tenure as Dewan (finance minister), were equipped with heavy, slow-firing and unreliable matchlock muskets. The socket bayonet also had yet to be adopted, and so the matchlock-men had to wear swords into battle. The field artillery, however, was largely imported from the various European companies, as the products of the local top-khanas were considered inferior due to their wrought iron construction (these were still installed at forts). There was a growing trend in local production where manufactories were managed by European deserters and made guns of reasonably good quality beginning in the 1740s, as noted in the Cambridge New History. This process would be taken to its logical conclusion by Mahadji Shinde in the 1780s who hired a Savoyard officer, Benoit de Boigne, to modernize his infantry and artillery battalions completely to the latest European standard.
 

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Chapter 12: The Compromise
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1744 (continued)

Baji Rao arrives at Satara and makes his customary obeisance to Shahu Maharaj. The king invites him to a conference with Raghuji Bhonsle, who is accompanied by his eldest son Janoji as well as his chief commander, a man by the name of Bhaskar Ram Pandit. The Peshwa is surprised to find that Shahu and Raghuji seem to have agreed on a compromise regarding the question of Bengal; his presence appears to be a mere formality. Baji Rao is incensed but the fact that Shahu Maharaj is firmly in favour of the compromise forces him to agrees to the terms set forth by Raghuji. In short, the Nagpur Bhonsles are to have free reign in the eastern portions of the Indian subcontinent. Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa will all fall under their purview and administration, should they prove equal to the task of capturing it from Alivardi Khan, the Nawab of the region and nominal vassal of the Mughal Badshah. Only a small portion of western Bihar and its revenues, adjoining the territory of the Bundelas, will be accorded to the oversight of the Peshwai. Baji Rao, of course, is distressed at having been forced to make this pact, both because it will surely lead to a breakdown of the relatively cordial diplomatic relationship between the Peshwai and the Mughals, and because it has the potential to make his rival Raghuji Bhonsle immensely rich and powerful. He stews silently, vowing to strike back at Raghuji and destroy him as soon as an opportunity presents itself. The compromise outlined in the Satara Pact also acknowledges the Peshwa’s right, confirmed by Shahu Maharaj, to impose chauth on Agra and Allahabad - the western and eastern halves of the Gangetic doab. If he proves equal to the challenge of imposing his rule on the provinces of the Mughal heartland, the Peshwai too will be greatly enriched and empowered. Mulling over the implications of this deal, Baji Rao withdraws to Pune.

This monsoon will prove to be a busy one, as the Deccan regiments of the standing army must be readied for action; Baji Rao intends to march once again into the north, immediately after the rains cease, in order to restore order to eastern Bundelkhand and settle the question of Hriday Shah’s succession. Mastani Bai, who has proved to be an astute political analyst, advises the Peshwa on how best to settle the disputes among her kinsmen and their disloyal former retainers. She suggests that when the region has been pacified through military means and the former retainers punished, that Baji Rao can broker an agreement between Sabha Singh and Aman Singh, Hriday Shah’s two sons. Sabha Singh, the older brother, should be confirmed as the Raja of eastern Bundelkhand - as a tributary vassal of Chhatrapati Shahu, of course, while Aman Singh should be given a generous fief on the condition that he accepts his brother’s rule. Baji Rao agrees with Mastani’s counsel, having come to rely on her deep, instinctual understanding of the courtly politics of north India. Thus resolved, the Peshwa and the faujdars of the Deccan prepare for an expedition into Bundelkhand - apart from a sizable contingent of the Golconda fauj, which is to travel south to Vellore to reinforce Chimnaji’s small force. The brothers have decided that a show of strength will go a long way to smooth the integration of the Tamil region into the Empire. The cadre of veteran bureaucrats who have been recruited from the court of the Thanjavur Bhonsles and now occupy the senior positions in the provincial administration are also doing an admirable job in this regard.

The faujdar of Golconda, however, who is none other than Shahu Maharaj’s adopted son Fatehsinh will ride north with the rest of the army. Fatehsinh has proved himself in multiple military campaigns commanding troops alongside the Peshwa, and his personal deshmukhi of Akkalkot is considered one of the most prosperous and well-managed estates in the entire Empire. He is thus a strong candidate to succeed the aging Chhatrapati - or would be, were it not for the fact that he was adopted from the Lokhande clan of Parad; the blood of Shivaji Maharaj thus does not flow through his veins. Baji Rao is eager, however, to see his close friend and ally take the throne after Shahu’s inevitable demise - rather than allow it to go to the Kolhapur branch of the Bhonsle family - and asks Ram Shastri Prabhune to apply his considerable scriptural and legal knowledge to find a way out of this difficulty.

Another important political development that occurs early in October is the arrival of Joseph Dupleix in Pune. He is the newly appointed governor-general in charge of all French operations in India, and has most recently been in the Carnatic, overseeing the expansion of the French holding of Pondicherry. Invited to visit the Vellore Fortress by Chimnaji in his capacity as the governor of the Carnatic province, Dupleix had requested a personal meeting with Baji Rao. Chimnaji, who shares his brother’s ambitions of expanding the arsenal of modern weapons and techniques available to the Marathas (apart from being an artillery enthusiast in his own right), is happy to accede and arrange a meeting. Baji Rao’s specific desires - a naval architect and gunsmiths capable of setting up a manufactory for muskets and artillery up to the latest European standards - are shrugged off by the governor-general, who claims that granting these requests is outside his remit and he must seek permission from the crown. His other wish, that the French bring warships from Europe to carry out a naval attack on the British settlement at Bombay [1], also remains unfulfilled. The two men part ways with the French having secured some tariff concessions on the eastern coast in exchange for supplying the Marathas with a shipment of field artillery, and vague promises of mutual assistance against the British and Portuguese.

In the distant continent of Europe, the Great Powers have been embroiled in a bloody war over the succession of the Austrian Emperor Charles VI. Britain and France are engaged in the conflict on opposite sides, and the war will come to India before too long. The British and French are in competition not only for influence in the Continent, but are also jockeying for pole position in the India and China trade zones. In Bengal, the two operate trading factories at Calcutta and Chandernagore respectively. And in the Carnatic, the French possess a sizable strip of coastal territory centered on Pondicherry, while the British are based at Fort St. George at Madras [2]. The vague promises of mutual assistance exchanged at Pune, therefore, might translate into reality sooner than either party anticipates.

After Dussehra, the traditional beginning of the Maratha campaigning season, Baji Rao rides north towards the Bundela domains that were once ruled by his father in law, Raja Chhatrasal. Mastani Bai accompanies him up to Jhansi, where she will remain during the subsequent battles and rejoin her husband when it is time to broker a peace settlement with her nephews. With relations between Mastani and Balaji remaining cool at best, he declines his father’s invitation to join him on the campaign, preferring to remain in Pune and work in the Dewani (finance department). Travelling east from Jhansi, Baji Rao successively attacks the vying warlords at Chhatarpur, Panna, Satna and finally Rewa, subduing the small private armies of Sabha Singh, Aman Singh, and the two former retainers handily. Baji Rao has both the disloyal retainers executed for treason, on behalf of the Bundela brothers, who are themselves compelled to travel to Jhansi to meet with Mastani Bai. She explains to them in no uncertain terms that Aman Singh will have to accept his elder brother’s suzerainty and that the Bundelas as a whole will have to accept tributary vassal status, under the overlordship of Shahu Maharaj. Furthermore, the dewan of Bundelkhand, an official to be appointed by the Peshwa, will oversee the kingdom’s administration, reducing the titular ruler to a figurehead. Aman Singh accepts this offer because he is relieved not to be facing his brother’s executioner, Sabha Singh because he has already been deprived of his armed support base and has no means to contest the Peshwa’s imposition.

With the frontier with the Mughal successor states secured at the mighty Yamuna, Baji Rao and Mastani return to Pune, making a short detour to inspect the defences of Gwalior fortress and the battalions stationed there, and arrive well before the start of the summer. He learns that as per the terms of the agreement brokered by Shahu Maharaj, the Nagpur Bhonsles have once again invaded Bengal. This time, however, Raghuji’s chief commander Bhaskar Pandit has been caught in a trap - invited to a meeting place by Alivardi Khan to negotiate the latter’s surrender, he finds himself ambushed and hacked to death along with the rest of his officer corps. The Maratha army, deprived of its leadership, retreats to Nagpur in disarray.

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[1] The existence of a major British base so close to Pune and Satara, which would easily be used as a launchpad for a surprise invasion, had been the cause of much anxiety to the Maratha leaders since the establishment of the kingdom in the 17th century.
[2] French India, i.e. Pondicherry is much larger than OTL. This will allow Dupleix to field as many soldiers as de la Bourdonnais and not be forced to play second fiddle during the Carnatic War.
 
Are we getting some Gurkhas for ze Armee?
If you mean Gurkhas serving in the Maratha army, then no - their sphere of influence won't extend that far. But you just reminded me I need to devote a chapter to the rise of the Gorkhas and the unification of Nepal which is set to happen within a decade, so thanks :coldsweat:
 
The Nagpur Bhonsles and their unchecked ambitions can only lead to one outcome. As is said, pride comes before the fall. OTL sadly our hubris and complacency let the Europeans sink their claws into India, and though here, stronger domestic powers would prevent the pigs from running riot, decline is likely to set in.
 
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